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Pickett’s  Charge  at  Gettysburg.  Page  214. 


. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


A STORY  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC. 


BY 

WARREN  LEE  GOSS, 

Author  of  “The  Soldier’s  Story  of  His  Captivity  at  Andersonville 
and  Other  Prisons”;  “Jed;  A Boy’s  Adventures  in 
the  Army  of  ’6i-’65.” 


NEW  YORK: 

THOMAS  Y.  CROWELL  & CO., 

46  East  Fourteenth  Street. 


Copyright,  1890, 

By  THOMAS  Y.  CROWELL  & CO. 

All  Rights  Reserved. 


Typography  by  J.  S.  Cushing  & Co.,  Boston. 


Pressvvork  by  Berwick  & Smith,  Boston. 


PREFACE. 


HE  first  few  chapters  of  this  book  were  published  under  the 


A title  of  “Recollections  of  a Private”  in  the  Century  Magazine. 
Herein  I have  endeavored  to  speak  for  my  many  comrades  in  the 
ranks.  Could  their  voices  have  been  heard  mine  would  have  been 
silent.  The  general  of  an  army,  in  his  reports,  gives  the  anatomy  of 
army  movements  and  of  battle.  A description  of  the  many  incidents 
of  the  private  soldier’s  experience  shows  its  living  soul. 

The  importance  of  the  views  of  a private  soldier  has  lately  been 
expressed  by  Lord  Wolseley,  adjutant-general  of  the  British  army,  in 
his  “ English  View  of  the  Civil  War,”  published  in  the  North  Ameri- 
can Review}  After  pointing  out  the  dangers  resulting  from  popular 
clamor,  “when  in  the  middle  of  a war,  they  (the  journalists)  take  it 
upon  themselves,  to  drive  or  to  force  those  whom  they  influence,  to 
decide  what  the  naval  or  military  commander  should  do,”  the  distin- 
guished author  says,  “ If  these  Centu,ry  articles  could  be  as  widely 
read  among  us  as  they  have  been  in  America,  we  might  possibly  be 
saved  in  the  future  from  disasters  such  as  were  entailed  on  us  in  the 
Crimea  by  very  similar  action.  In  particular,  I should  like  those 
articles  by  Mr.  Warren  Lee  Goss,  ‘The  Recollections  of  a Private,’ 
duly  studied.  For,  after  all,  questions  of  strategy  and  of  tactics,  and 
of  the  importance  of  organization  of  all  kinds,  turn  upon  the  effect 
which  is  ultimately  produced  on  the  spirit,  and  well-being,  and  fight- 
ing efficiency  of  the  private  soldier.” 


Ill 


1 July,  1889. 


IV 


PREFA  CE. 


The  “ Army  of  the  Potomac  ” was  the  people  in  arms.  It  mirrored 
the  diversified  opinions  and  occupations  of  a free  and  intelligent 
democracy.  The  force  that  called  it  together  was  the  spirit  that 
made  a government  of  the  people  possible.  Its  ranks  were  largely 
filled  with  youth,  who  had  no  love  for  war,  but  who  had  left  their 
pleasant  homes,  and  the  pursuits  of  peace,  that  the  government  they 
loved  might  not  perish.  To  the  large  numbers  of  patriotic  young 
men  in  the  ranks  is  to  be  attributed  much  of  its  hopeful  spirit.  Thus 
it  was  that,  though  baffled  by  bloody  and  disheartening  reverses, 
though  it  changed  its  commanders  often,  it  never  lost  its  discipline, 
its  heroic  spirit,  or  its  confidence  in  final  success.  Its  private 
soldiers  were  often  as  intelligent  critics  of  military  movements  as 
were  their  superiors. 

In  every  other  conquering  army  its  commander  has  been  its  life 
and  soul.  Napoleon,  in  substance,  once  declared,  that  it  was  not  great 
armies  that  won  triumphs,  but  great  commanders.  Again  he  said, 
“It  is  not  men  who  make  armies,  but  a man,”  thus  deifying  great 
generals.  The  reverse  of  this  might  be  said  of  the  “ Army  of  the 
Potomac.”  Its  final  triumph  over  the  army  of  Northern  Virginia, 
commanded  by  the  genius  of  Lee,  was  won  by  constant  hammering 
and  attrition,  during  which  the  blood  of  our  common  soldiers  paid  the 
greater  tribute.  In  our  great  army,  the  private  soldier  who  carried 
forty  rounds  of  cartridges  and  a brave  heart,  who  fought  without 
expectation  of  reward  or  promotion,  was  its  truest  hero  and  the 
fittest  representative  of  its  conquering  spirit.  His  unselfish  sacri- 
fices, and  heroic  confidence  in  final  victory,  saved  the  nation  and 
preserved  the  union  of  states. 

The  title  of  these  papers,  “ Recollections  of  a Private,”  must  not 
be  read  literally.  In  them  the  writer  has  availed  himself  of  the 
reminiscences  of  many  comrades  known  by  him  to  be  trustworthy. 
For  convenience  and  to  give  a greater  sense  of  reality  to  the 
descriptions,  he  has  often  made  use  of  the  first  person  in  chroni- 
cling the  recollections  of  his  comrades. 


PREFA  CE. 


V 


The  author  desires  to  express  obligations  to  Dr.  Thomas  H. 
Mann,  of  Milford,  Mass.,  formerly  a private  in  the  18th  Massa- 
chusetts Volunteers,  for  suggestions.  Several  incidents  in  the 
book  are  also,  by  his  permission,  drawn  from  his  memoranda. 

He  is  also  indebted  to  Josiah  N.  Jones,  of  the  Sixth  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  to  William  J.  Mantanye,  of  the  Seventy-sixth  New  York, 
for  invaluable  material  contained  in  diaries  kept  by  them  during 
the  many  stirring  scenes  of  their  army  service. 

To  Captain  J.  F.  Huntington,  of  Boston,  for  the  use  of  a valuable 
manuscript,  and  to  many  others  of  whom  space  does  not  permit  men- 
tion, thanks  are  due. 


Norwich,  Conn. 


W.  L.  G. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  The  Young  Recruit 

II.  Campaigning  to  no  Purpose  . . . . . . .17 

III.  Up  the  Peninsula  with  McClellan 27 

IV.  To  the  Chickahominy.  — The  Battle  of  Seven  Pines  . . 45 

V.  Battles  and  Movements  preceding  the  Retreat  to  James 

River 53 

VI.  Retiring  from  the  Chickahominy 59 

VII.  Pope's  Military  Maxims  as  illustrated  by  Jackson  . . 75 

VIII.  Two  Days  of  the  Second  Battle  of  Bull  Run  ...  83 

IX.  McClellan  at  the  Head  of  the  Grand  Army  ...  95 

X.  Antietam  ...........  104 

XI.  After  the  Battle,  and  McClellan  deposed  . . . -115 

XII.  Fredericksburg 120 

XIII.  After  the  Battle  ........  132 

XIV.  Chancellorsville 140 

XV.  Chancellorsville  — ( continued ) . 154 

XVI.  The  Army  Mule .166 

XVII.  Between  Battles  . 172 

XVIII.  Washington  Tactics 182 

XIX.  Gettysburg,  July  i 188 

XX.  Gettysburg,  July  2 ........  198 

XXI.  Gettysburg,  July  3 210 

XXII.  Incidental  to  Gettysburg  ........  218 

XXIII.  After  Gettysburg  .........  225 

XXIV.  Virginia  again 233 

vii 


CONTENTS. 


viii 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XXV.  Mine  Run  Campaign  .....»  = ..  242 

XXVI.  Winter  Quarters 251 

XXVII.  Grant  in  Command 261 

XXVIII.  The  Wilderness 266 

XXIX.  The  Wilderness  (Second  Day) 273 

XXX.  To  Spottsylvania 279 

XXXI.  Laurel  Hill 289 

XXXII.  Co-operative  Movements.  — To  Cold  Harbor  . . . 298 

XXXIII.  Cold  Harbor 310 

XXXIV.  Change  of  Base 318 

XXXV.  The  Siege  of  Petersburg 324 

XXXVI.  The  Last  Campaign 337 

XXXVII.  The  Race  for  Life 346 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Drawn  by  J.  R.  "Chapin  and  W.  H.  Shelton.  Engraved  by  George  T.  Andrew. 

page 

Leaving  for  the  Front  „ . 2 

Officers  on  Pennsylvania.  Avenue 9 

“Those  who  could  get  away  didn’t  wait”  .......  13 

Stampede  of  the  Baggage  Wagons 15 

“‘Think?  think?’  he  cried,  ‘what  right  have  you  to  think?  I do  the 

thinking  for  the  regiment  ’ ” . . . . . . . . .17 

The  Runaway  Car  ............  21 

Pulling  Mud  in  Virginia  24 

Mrs.  T leaving  her  Home 33 

General  McClellan  and  Prince  de  Joinville 36 

Bramhall's  Battery 39 

Rescuing  Wounded  Comrades 46 

Bringing  in  a Confederate  Prisoner 49 

“ That  night  we  lay  under  the  stars,  thinking  of  the  events  of  the  day  and 

the  expected  conflict  of  the  morrow”  . . . . . . 51 

The  Bugler  53 

“ Suddenly  there  came  a troop  of  cavalry  wildly  rushing  upon  the  artillery”  57 

Campaigning  through  the  Swamp  60 

“ ‘ Here  by  the  oak,’  our  men  would  say,  in  answer  to  their  calls”  . . 65 

General  Magruder  and  the  Hungry  Texan  70 

Stuart’s  Cavalry  raiding  Catlett’s  Station 78 

Hooker’s  Men  raiding  the  Box  of  Chickens  ......  80 

“ ‘ Pring  up  the  shackasses  ’ ” . . . . . . . . .86 

Death  of  General  Kearney  at  Chantilly 93 

A Straggler  96 

“For  an  instant  they  glared  angrily  at  each  other”  .....  100 

A Zouave 104 

The  Zouaves  holding  the  Stone  Wall  in  Front  of  Sharpsburg  . 105 

Sharpsburg  and  the  Battle  of  Antietam  ...  . . 106 

ix 


X 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 


After  the  Battle  

General  McClellan  taking  Leave  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
Union  and  Rebel  Soldiers  on  Opposite  Ends  of  the  Burned  Rail- 
road Bridge 

Fredericksburg 

The  Provost  Marshal  and  Wounded  Officers 

The  Burnside  Mud  March . 

Major  Keenan’s  Charge  on  the  Plank  Road 

Martin’s  Horse  Battery  at  Hazel  Grove 

Death  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  McVicker  at  Spottsylvania 

General  Matt 

Unionists  and  Rebels  trying  to  save  the  Wounded  . 

The  Troubles  of  a Mule  Driver 

Reveille.  The  Army  Mule 

Army  Mules  on  Duty 

Cooking  under  Difficulties 

Death  of  Little  Day 

Reynolds  and  Buford  in  the  Belfry  of  the  Lutheran  Seminary 

Buford's  Cavalry  at  Willoughby  Run 

Death  of  General  Reynolds  

Fight  in  Devil’s  Den 

Attack  on  Little  Round  Top  . 

Farnsworth  crossing  Plum  Run 

Pickett’s  Charge  at  Gettysburg  ( Frontispiece ) 

Hancock  wounded  

My  Friend  Tom  in  a Fix  

Bigelow’s  Battery  retiring  with  Prolonges 

Custer’s  Charge  at  Gettysburg 

Taming  a Reb 

Welcome  Back  to  Virginia 

Preparing  for  the  Charge 

“Whiz!  went  his  coffee-cup  into  the  air  like  a shot” 

Fishing  for  a Furlough 

My  First  View  of  General  Grant 

Our  Friends  the  Enemy . 

Grant  and  Meade  in  the  Wilderness 

Things  Reversed 

Planting  the  Rebel  Flag  .......... 


1 1 6 

1 19 

122 

123 

133 

138 

150 

151 

153 

155 

164 

166 

167 

169 

us 

1 77 

189 

190 

191 

203 

205 

21 1 

214 

216 

219 

223 

226 

228 

233 

244 

248 

257 

258 

263 

268 

270 

276 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS.  xi 

PAGE 

Breastworks  ox  Fire 277 

COXFEDERATE  SHARPSHOOTER.  DEATH  OF  SEDGWICK  ....  284 

Barlow’s  Division  holding  the  Enemy  . 287 

“Wedged  between  two  trees”  .........  288 

“‘These  soldiers  will  never  go  into  a fight  again’”  .....  294 

The  Sleep  of  Death . 295 

Sketching  the  Homestead 303 

A Philosopher  in  his  Way . 305 

“‘What’s  the  matter,  Johnnie?’”.  . . . . . . . .316 

The  Wounded  Drummer  . . . . 316 

In  the  Trenches  at  Cold  Harbor  . . . . . . • .318 

Behind  the  Apple-Tree  ..........  322 

Building  Abatis 327 

The  Shell  takes  the  Pot 330 

The  Dying  Confederate  340 

Sheridan  at  Five  Forks 343 

The  Flag  of  Truce 350 

Surrender  of  the  Army  of  Virginia 350 

Feeding  the  Rebs 352 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


A STORY  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  YOUNG  RECRUIT. 

BEFORE  the  war  had  really  begun  I enlisted.  I had  read  the 
papers,  and  attended  flag-raisings,  and  heard  orators  declaim 
of  “undying  devotion  to  the  Union.”  One  speaker  to  whom  I 
listened  declared  that  “human  life  must  be  cheapened,”  but  I never 
learned  that  he  helped  on  the  work  experimentally.  When  men  by 
the  hundred  walked  soberly  and  deliberately  to  the  front  and  signed 
the  enlistment  papers,  he  didn’t  show  any  inclination  that  way.  As 
I came  out  of  the  hall  with  conflicting  emotions,  feeling  as  though  I 
should  have  to  go  finally  or  forfeit  my  birthright  as  an  American 
citizen,  one  of  the  orators  who  stood  at  the  door,  glowing  with 
enthusiasm  and  patriotism,  and  shaking  hands  effusively  with  those 
who  enlisted,  said  to  me  : 

“ Did  you  enlist  ? ” 

“ No,”  I said.  “ Did  you  ? ” 

“ No  ; they  wont  take  me.  I have  got  a lame  leg  and  a widowed 
mother  to  take  care  of.” 

Another  enthusiast  I remember,  who  was  eager  to  enlist  — others. 
He  declared  the  family  of  no  man  who  went  to  the  front  should 
suffer.  After  the  war  he  was  prominent  among  those  in  our  town 
who  at  town-meeting  voted  to  refund  the  money  to  such  as  had 
expended  it  to  procure  substitutes  during  the  war.  He  has,  more- 
over, been  fierce  and  uncompromising  toward  the  ex-Confederates 
since  the  war  closed,  and  I have  heard  him  repeatedly  express  the 
wish  that  all  the  civil  and  general  officers  of  the  late  Confederacy 
might  be  court-martialled  and  shot. 


2 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


I was  young,  but  not  unobserving,  and  did  not  believe,  from  the 
first,  in  a sixty  days’  war;  nor  did  I consider  ten  dollars  a month, 
and  the  promised  glory,  large  pay  for  the  services  of  an  able-bodied 

young  man.  Enlistment  scenes  are 
1 usually  pictured  as  entirely  heroic,  but 
1 truth  compels  me  to  acknowledge  that 
I my  feelings  were  mixed.  At  this 


moment  I cannot  repress  a smile  of 
amusement  and  pity  for  that  young 
recruit  — myself. 

It  was  the  news  that  the  Sixth  Massachusetts 
Regiment  had  been  mobbed  by  roughs  on  their  pas- 
sage through  Baltimore  which  gave  me  the  war  fever.  When  I read 
Governor  Andrew's  pathetic  telegram  to  have  the  hero  martyrs  “ pre- 
served in  ice  and  tenderly  sent  forward,”  somehow,  though  I felt 
the  pathos  of  it,  I could  not  reconcile  myself  to  the  ice.  Ice  in 
connection  with  patriotism  did  not  give  me  agreeable  impressions  of 


Leaving  for  the  Front. 


THE  YOUNG  RECRUIT. 


3 


war,  and  when  I came  to  think  of  it,  the  stoning  of  the  heroic 
“ Sixth  ” didn’t  suit  me  ; it  detracted  from  my  desire  to  die  a soldier’s 
death.  I lay  awake  all  night  thinking  it  over,  with  the  “ice”  and 
“ brickbats  ” before  my  mind.  However,  the  fever  culminated  that 
night,  and  I resolved  to  enlist. 

“Cold  chills  ” ran  up  and  down  my  back  as  I got  out  of  bed  after 
the  sleepless  night,  and  shaved,  preparatory  to  other  desperate  deeds 
of  valor.  I was  twenty  years  of  age,  and  when  anything  unusual 
was  to  be  done,  like  fighting  or  courting,  I shaved.  With  a nervous 
tremor  convulsing  my  whole  system,  and  my  heart  thumping  like 
muffled  drum-beats,  I stood  before  the  door  of  the  recruiting-office, 
and,  before  turning  the  knob  to  enter,  read  and  re-read  the  adver- 
tisement for  recruits  posted  thereon,  until  I knew  all  its  peculiarities. 
The  promised  chances  for  “ travel  and  promotion  ” seemed  good,  and 
I thought  I might  have  made  a mistake  in  considering  war  so  serious, 
after  all.  “Chances  for  travel!”  I must  confess  now,  after  four 
years  of  soldiering,  that  the  “chances  for  travel”  were  no  myth. 
But  “promotion”  was  a little  uncertain  and  slow. 

I was  in  no  hurry  to  open  the  door.  Though  determined  to  enlist, 
I was  half  inclined  to  put  it  off  awhile  ; I had  a fluctuation  of  desires  ; 

I was  faint-hearted  and  brave ; I wanted  to  enlist,  and  yet  . 

Here  I turned  the  knob,  and  was  relieved.  I had  been  more  prompt, 
with  all  my  hesitation,  than  the  officer  in  his  duty  ; he  wasn’t  in. 

Finally  he  came,  and  said  : “ What  do  you  want,  my  boy  ? ” 

“ I want  to  enlist,”  I responded,  blushing  deeply  with  upwelling 
patriotism  and  bashfulness.  Then  the  surgeon  came  to  strip  and 
examine  me.  In  justice  to  myself,  it  must  be  stated  that  I signed 
the  rolls  without  a tremor.  It  is  common  to  the  most  of  humanity, 
I believe,  that,  when  confronted  with  actual  danger,  men  have  less 
fear  than  in  its  contemplation.  I will,  however,  make  one  exception 
in  favor  of  the  first  shell  I heard  uttering  its  hoarse  anathema  and  its 
blood-curdling  hisses,  as  though  a steam  locomotive  were  travelling 
the  air.  With  this  exception,  I have  found  danger  always  less  terrible 
face  to  face  than  on  the  night  before  the  battle. 

My  first  uniform  was  a bad  fit : my  trousers  were  too  long  by 
three  or  four  inches  ; the  flannel  shirt  was  coarse  and  unpleasant,  too 
large  at  the  neck  and  too  short  elsewhere.  The  forage  cap  was  an 
ungainly  bag  with  pasteboard  top  and  leather  visor ; the  blouse  was 


4 


RECOLLECTIONS  OE  A PRIVATE. 


the  only  part  which  seemed  decent ; while  the  overcoat  made  me  feel 
like  a little  nib  of  corn  amid  a preponderance  of  husk.  Nothing 
except  “Virginia  mud”  ever  took  down  my  ideas  of  military  pomp 
quite  so  low. 

After  enlisting  I didn’t  seem  of  so  much  consequence  as  I ex- 
pected. There  was  not  so  much  excitement  on  account  of  my 
military  appearance  as  I deemed  justly  my  due.  I was  taught  my 
facings,  and  at  the  time  I thought  the  drill-master  needlessly  fussy 
about  shouldering,  ordering,  and  presenting  arms.  At  this  time  men 
were  often  drilled  in  company  and  regimental  evolutions  long  before 
they  learned  the  manual  of  arms,  because  of  the  difficulty  of  obtaining 
muskets.  These  we  obtained  at  an  early  day,  but  we  would  willingly 
have  resigned  them  after  carrying  them  for  a few  hours.  The  musket, 
after  an  hour’s  drill,  seemed  heavier  and  less  ornamental  than  it  had 
looked  to  be.  The  first  day  I went  out  to  drill,  getting  tired  of  doing 
the  same  things  over  and  over,  I said  to  the  drill-sergeant : “ Let’s 
stop  this  fooling  and  go  over  to  the  grocery.” 

His  only  reply  was  addressed  to  a corporal : “ Corporal,  take  this 
man  out  and  drill  him  like  h — 1 ” ; and  the  corporal  did.  I found  that 
suggestions  were  not  as  well  appreciated  in  the  army  as  in  private 
life,  and  that  no  wisdom  was  equal  to  a drill-master’s  “Right  face,” 
“ Left  wheel,”  and  “ Right,  oblique,  march.” 

It  takes  a raw  recruit  some  time  to  learn  that  he  is  not  to  think 
or  suggest,  but  obey.  Some  never  do  learn.  I acquired  it  at  last,  in 
humility  and  mud,  but  it  was  tough.  Yet  I doubt  if  my  patriotism, 
during  my  first  three  weeks’  drill,  was  quite  knee  high.  Drilling 
looks  easy  to  a spectator,  but  it  isn’t.  Old  soldiers  who  read  this 
will  remember  their  green  recruithood  and  smile  assent.  After  a 
time  I had  cut  down  my  uniform  so  that  I could  see  out  of  it,  and 
had  conquered  the  drill  sufficiently  to  see  through  it.  Then  the  word 
came  : On  to  Washington  ! 

Our  company  was  quartered  at  a large  hotel  near  the  railway  sta- 
tion in  the  town  in  which  it  was  recruited.  Bunks  had  been  fitted  up 
within  a part  of  the  hotel  but  little  used.  We  took  our  meals  at  the 
regular  hotel  table,  and  found  fault  with  the  style.  Six  months  later 
we  should  have  considered  ourselves  aristocratic  to  have  slept  in  the 
hotel  stables  with  the  meal-bin  for  a dining-table. 

There  was  great  excitement  one  morning  at  the  report  that  we 


THE  YOUNG  RECRUIT. 


5 


were  goins;  to  be  sent  to  the  front.  Most  of  us  obtained  a limited 
pass  and  went  to  see  our  friends  for  the  last  time,  returning  the  same 
night.  All  our  schoolmates  and  home  acquaintances  “came  slobber- 
ing around  camp,”  as  one  of  the  boys  ungraciously  expressed  it. 

We  bade  adieu  to  our  friends  with  heavy  hearts,  for  lightly  as  I 
may  here  seem  to  treat  the  subject,  it  was  no  light  thing  for  a boy 
of  twenty  to  start  out  for  three  years  into  the  unknown  dangers 
of  a civil  war.  Our  mothers  — God  bless  them  ! — had  brought  us 
something  good  to  eat, — pies,  cakes,  doughnuts,  and  jellies.  It  was 
one  way  in  which  a mother’s  heart  found  utterance.  Our  young 
ladies,  (sisters,  of  course)  brought  an  invention,  generally  made  of 
leather  or  cloth,  containing  needles,  pins,  thread,  buttons,  and  scissors, 
so  that  nearly  every  recruit  had  an  embryo  tailor's  shop  — with  the 
goose  outside.  One  old  lady,  in  the  innocence  of  her  heart,  brought 
her  son  an  umbrella.  We  did  not  see  anything  particularly  laughable 
about  it  at  the  time,  but  our  old  drill-sergeant  did. 

Finally  we  were  ready  to  move;  our  tears  were  wiped  away,  our 
buttons  were  polished,  and  our  muskets  were  as  bright  as  emery-paper 
could  make  them.  How  our  buttons  and  muskets  did  shine  ! We 
were  brilliant  there,  if  nowhere  else. 

“Wad”  Rider,  a member  of  our  company,  had  come  from  a neigh- 
boring State  to  enlist  with  us.  He  was  about  eighteen  years  of  age, 
red-headed,  freckle-faced,  good-natured,  and  rough,  with  a wonderful 
aptitude  for  crying  or  laughing  from  sympathy.  Another  comrade, 
whom  I will  call  Jack,  was  honored  with  a call  from  his  mother,  a 
little  woman,  hardly  reaching  up  to  Jack’s  shoulder,  with  a sweet, 
motherly,  careworn  face.  At  the  last  moment,  though  she  had  tried 
hard  to  preserve  her  composure,  as  is  the  habit  of  New  England 
people,  she  threw  her  arms  around  her  boy’s  neck,  and  with  an  out- 
burst of  sobbing  and  crying,  said  : “ My  dear  boy,  my  dear  boy,  what 
will  your  poor  old  mother  do  without  you?  You  are  going  to  fight 
for  your  country.  Don’t  forget  your  mother,  Jack;  God  bless  you, 
God  bless  you  ! ” We  felt  as  if  the  mother’s  tears  and  blessing  were 
a benediction  over  us  all.  There  was  a touch  of  nature  in  her  homely 
sorrow  and  solicitude  over  her  big  boy,  which  drew  tears  of  sympathy 
from  my  eyes  as  I thought  of  my  own  sorrowing  mother  at  home. 
The  sympathetic  Wad  Rider  burst  into  tears  and  sobs.  His  eyes 
refused,  as  he  expressed  it,  to  “dry  up,”  until,  as  we  were  moving  off, 


6 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Jack’s  mother,  rushing  toward  him  with  a bundle  tied  like  a wheat- 
sheaf,  called  out,  in  a most  pathetic  voice,  “Jack!  Jack!  you’ve 
forgotten  to  take  your  pennyroyal.” 

We  all  laughed,  and  so  did  Jack,  and  I think  the  laugh  helped 
him  more  than  the  cry  did. 

Everybody  had  said  his  last  word  ; we  were  on  the  cars  and  off. 
Handkerchiefs  were  waved  at  us  from  all  the  houses  we  passed,  and 
we  cheered  till  we  were  hoarse,  and  then  settled  back  and  swung 
our  handkerchiefs.  Handkerchiefs  did  double  duty  that  day. 

Just  here  let  me  name  over  the  contents  of  my  knapsack,  as  its 
contents  were  a fair  sample  of  what  all  the  volunteers  started  with. 
There  were  in  it  a pair  of  trousers,  two  pairs  of  drawers,  a pair  of 
thick  boots,  four  pairs  of  stockings,  four  flannel  shirts,  a blouse,  a 
looking-glass,  a can  of  peaches,  a bottle  of  cough-mixture,  a button- 
stick,  chalk,  razor  and  strop,  the  “tailor’s  shop”  spoken  of  above,  a 
Bible,  a small  volume  of  Shakspere,  and  writing  utensils.  To  its  top 
was  strapped  a double  woollen  blanket  and  a rubber  one.  It  was 
boiling  over,  like  a ripe  cotton-pod.  I remember,  too,  many  other 
things  left  behind  because  of  lack  of  room  in  or  about  the  knapsack. 
We  would  have  packed  in  a portable  cooking-stove  each  had  there 
been  room. 

On  our  arrival  in  Boston  we  were  marched  through  the  streets  — 
the  first  march  of  any  consequence  we  had  taken  with  our  knapsacks 
and  equipments  on.  Our  dress  consisted  of  a belt  about  the  body, 
which  held  a cartridge-box  and  bayonet,  a cross-belt,  also  a haversack 
and  tin  drinking-cup,  a canteen,  and,  last  but  not  least,  the  knapsack 
strapped  to  the  back.  The  straps  ran  over,  around,  and  about  one, 
in  confusion  most  perplexing  to  our  unsophisticated  shoulders ; the 
knapsack  giving  one  constantly  the  feeling  that  he  was  being  pulled 
over  backward.  We  marched  along  the  streets,  my  canteen  banging 
against  my  bayonet,  both  the  tin  cup  and  bayonet  badly  interfering 
with  the  butt  of  my  musket,  while  my  cartridge-box  and  haversack 
were  constantly  flopping  up  and  down  — the  whole  jangling  like 
loose  harness  and  chains  on  a runaway  horse.  I felt  like  old  Atlas, 
with  the  world  on  his  shoulders  and  the  planetary  system  suspended 
around  him. 

We  marched  into  Boston  Common,  and  I involuntarily  cast  my 
eye  about  for  a bench.  But  for  a former  experience  in  offering 


THE  YOUNG  RECRUIT. 


7 


advice,  I should  have  proposed  to  the  captain  to  “ chip  in  ” and  hire 
a team  to  carry  our  equipments.  Such  was  my  first  experience  in 
war  harness.  Afterward,  with  hardened  muscles,  rendered  athletic 
by  long  marches  and  invigorated  by  hardships,  I could  look  back 
upon  those  days  and  smile,  while  carrying  a knapsack  as  lightly  as 
my  heart.  That  morning  my  heart  was  as  heavy  as  my  knapsack. 
At  last  the  welcome  orders  came  : “ Prepare  to  open  ranks  ! Rear, 
open  order,  march ! Right  dress ! Front ! Order  arms  ! Fix 
bayonets  ! Stack  arms  ! Unsling  knapsacks  ! In  place,  rest ! ” 

The  tendency  of  raw  soldiers  is  to  overload  themselves  on  their 
first  march.  Experience  only  can  teach  them  its  disadvantages, 
and  the  picture  I have  attempted  to  draw  is  not  exaggerated.  On 
the  first  long  march  the  reaction  sets  in,  and  the  recruit  goes  to  the 
opposite  extreme,  not  carrying  enough  of  the  absolutely  necessary 
baggage,  and  thereby  becoming  dependent  upon  his  obliging  com- 
rades when  a camp  is  reached.  Old  soldiers  preserve  a happy  medium. 
I have  seen  a new  regiment  start  out  with  all  the  indescribable 
material  carried  by  raw  troops,  sometimes  including  sheet-iron  stoves, 
and  come  back  after  a long  march  covered  with  more  mud  than  bag- 
gage, stripped  of  everything  except  their  blankets,  haversacks,  can- 
teens, muskets,  and  cartridge-boxes.  These  were  the  times  when  the 
baggage  of  the  new  recruits  was  often  worth  more  than  their  services. 

During  that  afternoon  in  Boston,  after  marching  and  counter- 
marching, or,  as  one  of  our  farmer-boy  recruits  expressed  it,  after 
“hawing  and  geeing”  around  the  streets,  we  were  sent  to  Fort  Inde- 
pendence for  the  night  for  safe-keeping.  A company  of  regulars 
held  the  fort  ; guards  walked  their  post  with  a stiffness  and  upright- 
ness that  was  astonishing.  They  acted  more  like  pieces  of  mechanism 
than  men.  Our  first  impression  of  these  old  regulars  was  that  there 
was  a needless  amount  of  “wheel  about  and  turn  about,  and  walk  just 
so,”  and  of  saluting,  and  presenting  arms. 

We  were  all  marched  to  our  quarters  within  the  fort,  where  we 
unslung  our  knapsacks.  The  first  day’s  struggle  with  a knapsack 
over,  the  general  verdict  was  “got  too  much  of  it.”  At  supper-time 
we  were  marched  to  the  dining-barracks,  where  our  bill  of  fare  was 
beefsteak,  coffee,  wheat  bread,  and  potatoes,  but  not  a sign  of  milk 
or  butter.  It  struck  me  as  queer  when  I heard  that  the  army  was 
never  provided  with  butter  and  milk. 


8 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


The  next  day  we  were  started  for  Washington,  by  rail  and  boat. 
We  marched  through  New  York’s  crowded  streets  without  awakening 
the  enthusiasm  we  thought  our  due ; for  we  had  read  of  the  exciting 
scenes  attending  the  departure  of  the  New  York  Seventh  for  Wash- 
ington on  the  day  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  was  mobbed  in  Baltimore, 
and  also  of  the  march  of  the  Twelfth  Massachusetts  down  Broadway 
on  the  24th  of  July,  when  the  regiment  sang  the  new  and  thrilling 
lyric  “John  Brown’s  Body.” 

The  following  morning  we  took  breakfast  in  Philadelphia,  where 
we  were  attended  by  matrons  and  maidens,  who  waited  upon  us  with 
thoughtful  tenderness,  as  if  they  had  been  our  own  mothers  and 
sweethearts  instead  of  strangers.  They  feasted  us  and  then  filled 
our  haversacks.  God  bless  them  ! If  we  did  not  quite  appreciate 
them  then,  we  did  afterward.  After  embarking  on  the  cars  at  Phila- 
delphia, the  waving  of  handkerchiefs  was  less  and  less  noticeable 
along  the  route.  We  arrived  in  Baltimore  late  at  night  and  marched 
through  its  deserted  streets  silently,  as  though  we  were  criminals 
instead  of  patriots. 

On  our  arrival  in  Washington  the  next  morning,  we  were  marched 
to  barracks,  dignified  by  the  name  of  “ Soldiers’  Retreat,”  where  a 
half  loaf  of  “soft-tack,”  as  we  had  already  begun  to  call  wheat  bread, 
was  issued,  together  with  a piece  of  “salt  junk,”  about  as  big  and 
tough  as  the  heel  of  my  government  shoe,  and  a quart  of  coffee,  — 
which  constituted  our  breakfast.  Our  first  day  in  Washington  was 
spent  in  shaving,  washing,  polishing  our  brasses  and  buttons,  and 
cleaning-up  for  inspection.  A day  or  two  later  we  moved  to  quarters 
not  far  from  the  armory,  looking  out  on  the  broad  Potomac,  within 
sight  of  Long  Bridge  and  the  city  of  Alexandria.  We  were  at  the 
front,  or  near  enough  to  satisfy  our  immediate  martial  desires. 

The  weather  was  so  mild  in  that  February,  1862,  that  many  of  us 
used  the  river  for  bathing,  and  found  its  temperature  not  uncomfort- 
able. Here  and  there  the  sound  of  a gun  broke  the  serenity,  but 
otherwise  the  quiet  seemed  inconsistent  with  the  war  preparations 
going  on  around  us.  In  the  distance,  across  the  wide  bay,  we  could 
see  the  steeples  and  towers  of  the  city  of  Alexandria,  while  up  stream, 
on  the  right,  was  the  Long  Bridge.  Here  and  there  was  to  be  seen 
the  moving  panorama  of  armed  men,  as  a regiment  crossed  the 
bridge  ; a flash  of  sunlight  on  the  polished  muskets  revealed  them 


Officers  on  Pennsylvania  Avenue. 


THE  YOUNG  RECRUIT. 


9 


to  the  eye  ; while  the  white-topped  army  baggage-wagons  filed  over 
in  constant  procession,  looking  like  sections  of  a whitewashed  fence 
in  motion. 

The  overgrown  country  village  of  that  period,  called  Washington, 
can  be  described  in  a few  words.  There  were  wide  streets  stretching 
out  from  a common  centre  like  a spider’s  web.  The  Capitol,  with 
its  unfinished  dome  ; the  Patent  Office,  the  Treasury,  and  the  other 
public  buildings,  were  in  marked  and  classic  contrast  with  the 
dilapidated,  tumble-down,  shabby  look  of  the  average  homes,  stores, 
groceries,  and  groggeries,  which  increased  in  shabbiness  and  dirty 
dilapidation  as  they  receded  from  the  centre.  Around  the  muddy 
streets  wandered  the  long-faced,  solemn-visaged  hog,  uttering  sage 
grunts.  The  climate  of  Washington  was  genial,  but  the  mud  was 
fearful.  I have  drilled  in  it,  marched  in  it,  and  run  from  the  provost- 
guard  in  it,  and  I think  I appreciate  it  from  actual  and  familiar 
knowledge.  In  the  lower  quarter  of  the  city  there  was  not  a piece 
of  sidewalk.  Even  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  with  its  sidewalks,  was 
extremely  dirty  ; the  cavalcade  of  teams,  artillery  caissons,  and  bag- 
gage-wagons, with  their  heavy  wheels,  stirred  the  mud  into  a stiff 
batter  for  the  pedestrian. 

Officers  in  tinsel  and  gold  lace  were  so  thick  on  Pennsylvania 
Avenue  that  it  was  a severe  trial  for  a private  to  walk  there.  The 
salute  exacted  by  officers,  of  bringing  the  hand  to  the  visor  of  the 
cap,  extending  the  arm  to  its  full  length,  then  letting  it  drop  by 
the  side,  was  tiresome  when  followed  up  with  the  industry  required 
by  this  horde.  Perhaps  I exaggerate,  but  in  a half-hour’s  walk  on 
the  avenue  I think  I have  saluted  two  hundred  officers.  Brigadier- 
generals  were  more  numerous  there  than  I ever  knew  them  to  be  at 
the  front.  These  officers,  many  of  whom  won  their  positions  by 
political  wire-pulling  at  Washington,  we  privates  thought  the  great 
bane  of  the  war ; they  ought  to  have  been  sent  to  the  front  rank  of 
battle,  to  pursue  the  enemy  instead  of  Old  Abe  and  the  members  of 
Congress  from  their  district,  until  they  had  learned  the  duties  of  a 
soldier.  Mingled  with  these  gaudy,  useless  officers  were  citizens  in 
search  of  fat  contracts,  privates,  “non-com's,”  and  officers  whose  uni- 
forms were  well  worn  and  faded,  showing  that  they  were  from  the 
encampments  and  active  service.  Occasionally  a regiment  passed 
through  the  streets,  on  the  way  to  camp ; all  surged  up  and  down 
wide  Pennsylvania  Avenue. 


IO 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


This  was  shortly  before  the  battle  of  Fort  Donelson  ; and  the  first 
Bull  Run,  being  the  only  considerable  pitched  battle  up  to  that  time, 
was  still  a never-failing  topic  of  discussion  and  reminiscence  among 
the  men.  When  we  fell  in  with  soldiers  who  had  been  in  the  fight, 
we  were  inquisitive. 

Before  enlisting,  and  while  on  a visit  to  a neighboring  town,  I 
was  one  evening  at  the  village  store,  when  the  talk  turned  upon  the 
duration  of  the  war.  Jim  Tinkham.  the  clerk  of  the  grocery  store, 
announced  his  belief  in  a sixty  days'  war.  I modestly  asked  for  more 
time.  The  older  ones  agreed  with  Jim  and  argued,  as  was  common 
at  that  time,  that  the  Government  would  soon  blockade  all  the  Rebel 
ports  and  starve  them  out.  Tinkham  proposed  to  wager  a supper  for 
those  present  if  the  Rebels  did  not  surrender  before  snow  came  that 
year.  I accepted.  Neither  of  us  put  up  any  money,  and  in  the 
excitement  of  the  weeks  which  followed  I had  forgotten  the  wager. 
During  my  first  week  in  Washington,  whom  should  I meet  but  Jim 
Tinkham,  the  apostle  of  the  sixtv-day  theory.  He  was  brown  with 
sunburn,  and  clad  in  a rusty  uniform  which  showed  service  in  the 
field.  He  was  a veteran,  for  he  had  been  at  the  battle  of  Bull  Run. 
He  confidentially  declared  that  after  getting  the  order  to  retreat  at 
that  battle,  he  should  not  have  stopped  short  of  Boston  if  he  had  not 
been  halted  by  a soldier  with  a musket,  after  crossing  Long  Bridge. 

“They  were  enlisting  a regiment  for  three  months  in  our  town,” 
he  said,  “and  I thought  I'd  come  out  with  the  rest  of  the  boys  and 
settle  the  war.  Our  regiment  was  camped  near  Alexandria,  and  the 
whole  of  us,  the  recruits,  grew  impatient  to  end  the  war  and  get 
home  to  see  the  folks.  I tell  you,  we  were  glad  when  we  were  told 
to  get  ready  for  a march.  We  left  our  knapsacks  and  heavy  luggage 
in  camp  with  a few  old  fellows  and  sick  ones,  who  grieved  because 
thev  couldn’t  go  on  the  excursion  and  help  the  Secesh  out  of  Virginia. 

“They  gave  us  rations  of  salt  junk,  hardtack,  sugar,  and  coffee. 
Each  man  carried  his  rubber  and  woollen  blanket,  forty  rounds  of 
cartridges,  a canteen,  his  gun  and  equipments,  and  most  of  us  a 
patent  drinking-tube.  I threw  away  the  salt  junk  and  hardtack,  and 
filled  my  haversack  with  peach-pie,  cakes,  and  goodies.  I hadn't 
been  on  the  march  an  hour  before  I realized  that  it  might  not  be 
such  fun,  after  all.  There  was  a thirty-two-pound  gun  mooring  on 
the  road,  with  sixteen  or  eighteen  horses  to  pull  it.  Finally,  two  or 


THE  YOUNG  RECRUIT. 


1 1 

three  companies  were  detailed  to  help  the  horses.  The  weather 
was  scorching  hot,  but  the  most  trying  thing  was  the  jerky  way  they 
marched  us.  Sometimes  they’d  double-quick  us,  and  again  they’d 
keep  us  standing  in  the  road  waiting  in  the  hot  sun  for  half  an  hour, 
then  start  us  ahead  again  a little  way,  then  halt  us  again,  and  so  on. 
The  first  day  we  marched  until  after  sundown,  and  when  we  halted 
for  the  night  we  were  the  tiredest  crowd  of  men  I ever  saw. 

“The  next  day  was  the  17th  of  July.  I had  eaten  up  all  my  pies 
and  cakes  and  was  hungry,  so  I stopped  at  a house  and  asked  if  they 
would  sell  me  something  to  eat.  There  were  three  negro  girls,  a 
white  woman,  and  her  daughter,  in  the  house.  The  white  folks  were 
proud  and  unaccommodating.  They  said  the  Yankees  had  stolen 
everything  — all  their  ‘truck,’  as  they  called  it  ; but  when  I took  out 
a handful  of  silver  change,  they  brought  me  a cold  Johnny-cake  and 
some  chicken.  As  I was  leaving  the  house,  the  daughter  said : 
‘ You’n  Yanks  are  right  peart  just  now,  but  you’ns’ll  come  back  soon 
a right  smart  quicker  than  yer’r  going,  I recken  ! ’ — a prophecy  we 
fulfilled  to  the  letter. 

“We  marched  helter-skelter  nearly  all  night  without  orders  to 
stop,  until,  just  before  daylight,  we  halted  near  a little  building  they 
called  a church  (Pohick  Churchy  I kept  on  the  march  with  my  com- 
pany, though  my  feet  were  blistered  and  my  bones  ached  badly. 

“The  first  gun  of  the  fight  I heard,"  added  Tinkham,  “was  when 
we  were  eight  or  ten  miles  from  Centreville,  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
1 8th  of  July,  the  engagement  at  Blackburn’s  ford.  We  were  hurried 
up  at  double-quick  and  marched  in  the  direction  of  the  firing  until 
we  reached  Centreville,  about  eleven  o’clock  that  night.  It  looked 
like  war,  and  no  mistake,  in  the  morning.  Batteries  and  stacked 
arms  lined  the  roads  ; officers  on  horseback  were  everywhere ; regi- 
ments were  marching  on  to  the  field,  and  excitement  and  enthusiasm 
prevailed.  On  the  20th  more  Virginians  came  into  camp,  looking,  as 
they  said,  for  negroes,  and  complaining  of  our  soldiers.  We  got  new 
rations  of  beef  and  pork,  and,  very'  early  on  the  morning  of  the  21st, 
we  marched  through  Centreville  up  the  turnpike  road.  Near  Cub 
Run  we  saw  carriages  and  barouches  which  contained  civilians  who 
had  driven  out  from  Washington  to  witness  the  operations.  A Con- 
necticut boy  said:  ‘There’s  our  Senator!’  and  some  of  our  men 
recognized  Senator  Wilson  and  other  members  of  Congress.  Every 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


I 2 

one  of  us  expected  to  have  our  names  in  the  papers  when  we  got 
home.  We  thought  it  wasn’t  a bad  idea  to  have  the  great  men  from 
Washington  come  out  to  see  us  thrash  the  Rebs. 

“That  day  was  the  hottest  one  I ever  experienced.  We  marched 
and  marched  and  double-quicked,  and  didn’t  appear  to  get  ahead  at 
all.  Every  one  of  whom  we  inquired  the  distance  to  Manassas  Junc- 
tion said  five  miles,  and  after  a while  they  would  say  ten  miles  instead 
of  five,  and  we  know  now  that  that  was  under  the  truth.  Then  we 
began  to  throw  away  our  blankets.  After  a while  we  turned  off  from 
the  main  road  into  a cart  path  which  led  through  the  woods  and  dry, 
dusty,  wornout  fields.  At  last  we  arrived  at  Sudley’s  ford  and 
rested,  while  several  regiments,  under  General  Hunter,  waded  Bull 
Run.  While  here  we  could  see  shells  bursting  in  little  round  clouds 
in  the  air  far  to  the  left  of  us  down  the  Run.  The  dust  rising  on 
the  roads  ahead  was  said  to  be  the  Rebel  army  advancing  to  fight  us. 
We  were  going  to  have  a fight ; there  was  but  little  doubt  about 
it  now  ! 

“ We  soon  followed  the  others  across  Bull  Run  and  came  to  a 
field  on  a hill  (near  the  Matthews  house),  where  we  saw  dead  and 
wounded  men.  It  made  me  feel  faint  to  look  at  them.  A battery  of 
the  enemy  had  just  left  a position  in  front  of  us.  An  officer  here 
rode  up,  pointed  toward  the  enemy,  and  said  something  which  was 
not  distinguishable  to  me,  but  the  boys  began  exclaiming:  ‘Hurrah, 
they  are  running  ! ’ — ‘ The  Rebels  are  running  ! ’ — - * It’s  General 
McDowell ! He  says  they  are  running  ! ’ On  the  right  of  us  was  a 
battery,  in  the  field,  the  guns  of  which  were  fired  as  fast  as  the  men 
could  load.  One  of  the  men  on  the  battery  told  me  afterward  that 
they  made  the  Rebel  battery  change  position  every  fifteen  minutes. 
We  advanced  to  the  crest,  fired  a volley,  and  saw  the  Rebels  running 
toward  the  road  below  (the  Warrenton  turnpike).  Then  we  were 
ordered  to  lie  down  and  load.  We  aimed  at  the  puffs  of  smoke  we 
saw  rising  in  front  and  on  the  left  of  us.  The  men  were  all  a good 
deal  excited.  Our  rear  rank  had  singed  the  hair  of  the  front  rank, 
who  were  more  afraid  of  them  than  of  the  Rebels. 

“ The  next  thine:  I remember  was  the  order  to  advance,  which  we 
did  under  a scattering  fire  ; we  crossed  the  turnpike,  and  ascending 
a little  way,  were  halted  in  a depression  or  cut  in  the  road  which  runs 
from  Sudley’s  ford.  The  boys  were  saying  constantly,  in  great  glee  : 


THE  YOUNG  RECRUIT. 


13 


‘We’ve  whipped  them.’  ‘ We’ll  hang  Jeff  Davis  to  a sour  apple-tree.’ 
‘ They  are  running.’  ‘ The  war  is  over.’  About  noon  there  wasn’t 
much  firing,  and  we  were  of  the  opinion  that  the  enemy  had  all  run 
away.  There  was  a small  wooden  house  on  the  hill,  rising  from  the 
left-hand  side  of  the  road  as  we  were  going,  where,  we  afterward 
heard,  a Mrs.  Henry,  an  invalid,  had  been  killed  in  the  engagement. 


" Those  who  could  get  away  didn't 
wait." 

“ About  one  o’clock  the 
fence  skirting  the  road  at  the 
foot  of  the  hill  was  pulled  down  to 
let  our  batteries  (Griffin’s  and  Rick- 
etts’s) pass  up  to  the  plateau.  The 
batteries  were  in  the  open  field  near 
us.  We  were  watching  to  see  what  they’d  do 
next,  when  a terrible  volley  was  poured  into  them. 
It  was  like  a pack  of  Fourth-of-July  fire-crackers 
under  a barrel,  magnified  a thousand  times.  The 
Rebels  had  crept  upon  them  unawares,  and  the  men  at  the  batteries 
were  about  all  killed  or  wounded.” 

Here  let  me  interrupt  Tinkham’s  narrative  to  say  that  one  of  the 
artillery-men  there  engaged  has  since  told  me  that,  though  he  had 
been  in  several  battles  since,  he  had  seldom  seen  worse  destruction 
in  so  short  a time.  He  said  they  saw  a regiment  advancing,  and  the 
natural  inference  was  that  they  were  Rebels.  But  an  officer  insisted 
it  was  a New  York  regiment  which  was  expected  for  support,  and  so 


14 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


no  order  was  given  to  fire  on  them.  “Then  came  a tremendous 
explosion  of  musketry,”  said  the  artillery-man,  “and  all  was  confu- 
sion. Wounded  men  with  dripping  wounds  were  clinging  to  cais- 
sons, to  which  were  attached  frightened  and  wounded  horses. 
Horses  attached  to  caissons  rushed  through  the  infantry  ranks.  I 
saw  three  horses  galloping  off,  dragging  a fourth,  which  was  dead. 

“ The  dead  cannoneers  lay  with  the  rammers  of  the  guns  and 
sponges  and  lanyards  still  in  their  hands.  The  battery  was  annihi- 
lated by  those  volleys  in  a moment.  Those  who  could  get  away 
didn’t  wait.  We  had  no  supports  near  enough  to  protect  us  prop- 
erly, and  the  enemy  were  within  seventy  yards  of  us  when  that 
volley  was  fired.  Our  battery  being  demolished  in  that  way  was  the 
beginning  of  our  defeat  at  Bull  Run,”  said  this  old  regular. 

“ Did  the  volunteers  fight  well  ? ” I inquired. 

“Yes,  the  men  fought  well  and  showed  pluck.  I’ve  seen  a good 
deal  worse  fighting  and  I’ve  seen  better  since.  I saw  the  Rebels 
advance  and  try  to  drag  away  those  eleven  guns  three  times,  but  they 
were  driven  back  by  steady  volleys  from  our  infantry.  Then  some  of 
our  men  tried  to  drag  the  guns  away,  but  were  ordered  to  take  their 
places  in  the  ranks  to  fight.  They  couldn’t  be  spared  ! ” 

But  to  return  to  Tinkham’s  recollections  of  the  fight : 

“ It  must  have  been  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,”  he  said,  “at  a 
time  when  our  fire  had  become  scattered  and  feeble,  that  the  rumor 
passed  from  one  to  another  that  the  Rebels  had  got  reenforcements. 
Where  are  ours  ? we  asked.  There  was  no  confusion  or  panic  then, 
but  discouragement.  And  at  this  juncture,  from  the  woods  ahead, 
on  each  side  of  the  Sudley  ford  road,  there  came  terrible  volleys. 
The  Confederates  were  in  earnest.  A wounded  Southerner  lying 
near  me  said  earnestly  and  repeatedly : ‘ Thank  God,  I die  for  my 
country  ! ’ Our  men  began  to  feel  it  was  no  use  to  fight  without  reen- 
forcements. They  fell  back  steadily,  cursing  their  generals  because 
no  reenforcements  were  sent  to  them.  The  men  had  now  in  most 
cases  been  marching  and  fighting  thirteen  hours.  The  absence  of 
general  officers  convinced  us  more  than  anything  else  that  it  was  no 
use  to  fight  longer.  The  enemy  were  pressing  us,  and  we  fell  back. 
We  didn’t  run  ! ” Complaint  against  the  officers,  like  this  by  Tink- 
ham,  was  common  among  the  privates  with  whom  I talked.  Said 
another  man  to  me  : 


THE  YOUNG  RECRUIT. 


15 


“The  fault  was,  we  were 
not  well  disciplined  or 
officered.  I noticed  in 
the  reports  that  sev- 
eral Rebel  generals 
and  commissioned 
officers  were  killed 
a n d wounde  d. 

You’ll  notice,  on 
the  other  hand, 
that  but  very  few 
of  ours  were.1 
Companies,  and  in 
some  instances  reg- 
iments, were  com- 
manded by  non- 
commissioned offi- 
cers, on  account  of 
the  absence  of 
those  of  higher 
rank.” 

. , . , Stampede  of  the  Baggage-Wagons. 

An  old  regular 


said  to  me  regarding  the  stampede  : 

“That  was  the  fault  of  the  officers  who  allowed  the  baggage- 
wagons  to  come  to  the  front,  instead  of  being  parked  at  Centreville. 
The  stampede  and  confusion  began  among  them  first.  Why,  the 
men  were  so  little  frightened  when  they  began  to  fall  back  in  groups 
scattered  through  the  fields  that  I saw  them  stop  frequently  to  pick 
blackberries.  Frightened  men  don’t  act  in  that  way.  At  Cub  Run, 
between  the  Stone  Bridge  and  Centreville,  the  irresponsible  teamsters, 
with  the  baggage-wagons,  were  all  crowded  together  near  the  bridge, 
and  were  in  a desperate  hurry  to  cross.  A rebel  battery  began  drop- 
ping shell  in  among  them,  and  thus  demolished  some  of  the  wagons 
and  blocked  the  way.  The  confusion  and  hurry  and  excitement  then 


1 The  official  reports  show  the  losses  of  officers  to  be  — Federal : killed,  19 ; wounded,  64 ; 
missing,  40  ; total,  123.  Confederate:  killed,  25;  wounded,  63;  missing,  1;  total,  89.  Of 
losses  of  enlisted  men  — Federal:  killed,  462;  wounded,  947;  missing,  1176;  total,  2585. 
Confederate:  killed,  362;  wounded,  1519;  missing,  12;  total,  1S93. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


16 

began.  The  drivers  on  the  south  side,  finding  they  couldn’t  cross 
with  their  wagons,  now  began  to  cut  their  traces  and  mount  their 
horses  and  hurry  away.  Those  who  drove  baggage-wagons  on  the 
safe  side  of  Cub  Run  then  began  to  desert  them  and  cut  the 
traces  and  shout  and  gallop  off.  The  infantry,  seeing  this  confusion 
and  not  understanding  the  cause  of  it,  quickened  their  pace.  Soon 
the  narrow  road  became  filled  with  flying  troops,  horses,  baggage- 
wagons,  and  carriages.  Then  the  volunteers  began  to  throw  away 
their  muskets  and  equipments,  so  as  to  stand  an  even  chance  in  the 
race.  Here  and  there,  all  along  the  route,  abandoned  wagons  had 
been  overturned  and  were  blocking  the  way.  One  white-headed 
citizen,  an  old  man,  looking  very  sorrowful,  stood  directing  the 
soldiers  on  their  way  to  Washington,  saying:  ‘You’d  better  hurry 
on,  or  the  cavalry  will  cut  off  your  retreat ! ’ The  houses  all  along 
the  route  were  filled  with  wounded  men,  while  the  ambulances  were 
filled  with  officers  hastening  to  Washington.  Soldiers  here  and  there 
marched  in  groups,  and  sorrowfully  discussed  the  situation  and  its 
causes.  The  expression  heard  on  every  side  among  them  was  : ‘Why 
were  not  the  reserves  brought  up  from  Centreville  to  help  us?’ 
‘Why  didn’t  they  bring  up  the  troops  from  Fairfax  Court  House  ? ’ ” 
— questions,  it  seems  to  me,  hard  to  answer,  even  if  they  did  come 
from  private  soldiers  running  away  from  the  field  of  Bull  Run ! 


“ ‘ Think ? think ? ’ he  cried,  ‘ what  right  have  you  to  think ? /do  the 
thinking  for  this  regiment ! ’ ” Page  17. 


CHAPTER  II. 


CAMPAIGNING  TO  NO  PURPOSE. 


HILE  we  were  in  camp  at  Washington  in  February,  1862,  we 


V V were  drilled  to  an  extent  which  to  the  raw  “ thinking  soldier  ” 
seemed  unnecessary.  Our  colonel  was  a strict  disciplinarian.  His 
efforts  to  drill  out  of  us  the  methods  of  action  and  thought  common 
to  citizens,  and  to  substitute  in  place  thereof  blind,  unquestioning 
obedience  to  military  rules,  were  not  always  appreciated  at  their  true 
value.  In  my  company  there  was  an  old  drill-sergeant  (let  us  call 
him  Sergeant  Hackett)  who  was  in  sympathetic  accord  with  the 
colonel.  He  had  occasion  to  reprove  me  often,  and  finally  to  inflict  a 
blast  of  profanity  at  which  my  self-respect  rebelled.  Knowing  that 
swearing  was  a breach  of  discipline,  I waited  confidently  upon  the 
colonel,  with  the  manner  of  one  gentleman  calling  upon  another. 
After  the  usual  salute,  I opened  complaint  by  saying  : 

“Colonel,  Mr.  Hacket  has ” 

The  colonel  interrupted  me  angrily,  and  with  fire  in  his  eye, 
exclaimed  : 

“ '■Mister'  ? There  are  no  misters  in  the  army.” 

“I  thought,  sir ” I began  apologetically. 

“Think?  think?”  he  cried,  “What  right  have  you  to  think?  / do 
the  thinking  for  this  regiment  ! Go  to  your  quarters  ! ” 

I did  not  tarry.  There  seemed  to  be  no  common  ground  on 
which  he  and  I could  argue  questions  of  personal  etiquette.  But  I 
should  do  injustice  to  his  character  as  a commander  if  I failed  to 
illustrate  another  manner  of  reproof  which  he  sometimes  applied. 

One  day,  noticing  a corporal  in  soiled  gloves,  he  said  : “ Corporal, 
you  set  a bad  example  to  the  men  with  your  soiled  gloves.  Why  do 
you  ? ” 

“ I’ve  had  no  pay,  sir,  since  entering  the  service,  and  can’t  afford 
to  hire  washing.” 


r7 


i8 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


The  colonel  drew  from  his  pocket  a pair  of  gloves  spotlessly 
white,  and  handing  them  to  the  corporal  said  : “ Put  on  those ; I 
washed  them  myself  ! ” 

This  was  an  unforgotten  lesson  to  the  whole  regiment  that  it  was 
a soldier’s  duty  to  attend  himself  to  his  personal  neatness. 

In  a camp  of  soldiers,  rumor,  with  her  thousand  tongues,  is 
always  speaking.  The  rank  and  file  and  under-officers  of  the  line 
are  not  taken  into  the  confidence  of  their  superiors.  Hence  the  pri- 
vate soldier  is  usually  in  ignorance  as  to  his  destination.  What  he 
lacks  in  information  is  usually  made  up  in  surmise  and  conjecture; 
every  hint  is  caught  at  and  worked  out  in  possible  and  impossible 
combinations.  He  plans  and  fights  imaginary  battles.  He  manoeu- 
vres for  position,  with  pencil  and  chalk,  on  fanciful  fields,  at  the  same 
time  knowing  no  more  of  the  part  he  is  actually  performing  in  some 
great  or  little  plan  than  the  knapsack  he  bears.  He  makes  some 
shrewd  guesses  (the  Yankee’s  birthright),  but  he  knows  absolutely 
nothing.  It  is  this  which  makes  the  good-will  and  confidence  of  the 
rank  and  file  in  the  commander  so  important  a factor  in  the  morale  of 
an  army. 

How  we  received  the  report  or  whence  it  came  I know  not,  but  it 
was  rumored  one  morning  that  we  were  about  to  move.  The  order 
in  reality  came  at  last,  to  the  stress  and  dismay  of  the  sutlers  and 
the  little  German  woman  who  kept  the  grocery  round  the  corner. 
We  left  her  disconsolate  over  the  cakes,  pies,  and  goodies  liberally 
purchased,  but  which  were  yet  unpaid  for  when  we  fell  into  two 
ranks,  were  counted  off,  and  marched  to  conquer  the  prejudices  of 
other  sutlers. 

We  took  the  cars  (early  in  March,  I think),  and  were  hurried 
through  Hagerstown  and  other  little  sleepy-looking  villages  of  Mary- 
land. The  next  morning  found  us  at  Sandy  Hook,  about  half  a mile 
from  Harper’s  Ferry;  thence,  after  about  three  hours’  delay,  we 
marched  to  a place  opposite  the  promontory  on  and  around  which  is 
situated  the  picturesque  village  of  Harper’s  Ferry,  at  the  confluence 
of  the  Potomac  and  Shenandoah  rivers.  It  was  cold  at  our  camping- 
place,  between  the  canal  and  the  river.  There  were  no  rations  await- 
ing our  arrival,  and  we  were  suffering  from  the  hunger  so  common  to 
soldiers.  Who  ever  saw  one  off  duty  who  was  not  in  pursuit  of 


CAMPAIGNING  TO  NO  PURPOSE. 


19 


something  to  eat  ? We  couldn't  get  anything  for  love  or  money.  We 
had  at  last  reached  a place  where  the  people  showed  some  of  the  dis- 
tress incidental  to  war,  and  a strong  disinclination  to  feed  or  believe 
in  us.  We  were  grieved,  but  it  couldn’t  be  helped.  Their  reception 
was  as  frosty  as  the  weather.  Our  genial  and  winning  address  made 
no  impression  on  these  Yankee-hating  Marylanders,  and  their  refusal 
to  feed  us  threw  a shadow  over  us  as  uncomfortable  as  the  shadow  of 
their  hills.  No  wonder  John  Brown  failed  in  such  a place  as  this. 

The  bridge  from  the  Maryland  to  the  Virginia  or  Harper’s  Ferry 
shore  had  been  destroyed  by  fire,  leaving  only  the  granite  abutments 
(which  were  afterward  built  upon  again),  and  we  were  soon  set  at 
work  conveying  some  flat-bottomed  scows  from  Sandy  Hook  to 
Harper's  Ferry.  As  early  as  nine  o’clock  about  one  hundred  men 
came  down  opposite  the  ferry,  just  above  the  old  bridge,  and  broke 
into  little  groups,  in  military  precision.  Four  or  five  with  spades  and 
other  implements  improvised  a wooden  abutment  on  the  shore ; 
another  party  rowed  against  the  stream,  moored  a scow,  and  let  it 
drift  down  until  it  was  opposite  the  wooden  abutment ; then  a party 
of  ten  advanced,  each  two  men  carrying  a claw-balk,  or  timbers  fitted 
with  a claw,  one  of  which  held  the  gunwale  of  the  boat,  the  other  the 
shore  abutment.  Twenty  men  now  came  down  on  the  left  with 
planks,  one  inch  thick,  six  inches  wide,  and  fifteen  feet  long,  nar- 
rowed at  each  end;  these  they  laid  across  the  five  joists  or  balks,  and 
returned  on  the  right. 

Another  party  meanwhile  moored  another  boat,  which  dropped 
down-stream  opposite  the  one  already  bridged ; five  joists,  each 
twenty  feet  long,  were  laid  upon  the  gunwale  by  five  men  ; these 
were  fastened  by  those  in  the  boat,  by  means  of  ropes,  to  cleats  or 
hooks  provided  for  the  purpose  on  the  side  of  the  scows,  which  were 
shoved  off  from  the  shore  until  the  shore  end  of  the  balk  rested  upon 
the  shore  boat.  These  were  covered  with  planks  in  the  same  manner 
as  before ; side-rails  of  joists  were  lashed  down  with  ropes  to  secure 
the  whole.  So  one  after  another  of  the  boats  was  dropped  into  posi- 
tion until  a bridge  several  hundred  feet  long  reached  from  the  Mary- 
land to  the  Virginia  shore,  for  the  passage  of  artillery  and  every 
description  of  munitions  for  an  army. 

Owing  to  the  force  of  the  current,  a large  rope  cable  was  stretched 
from  shore  to  shore  fifty  feet  above  the  bridge,  and  the  upper  end  of 


20 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


each  boat  was  stayed  to  the  cable  by  a smaller  rope.  The  clock-like 
precision  with  which  these  men  worked  showed  them  to  be  the  drilled 
engineers  and  pontoniers  of  the  regular  army.  After  the  bridge  was 
built,  a slight,  short  man,  with  sandy  hair,  in  military  dress,  came  out 
upon  it  and  congratulated  the  engineers  on  their  success.  This 
unassuming  man  was  George  B.  McClellan,  commander  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac. 

It  was  the  first  boat-bridge  thrown  out  in  active  service  of  the 
army  of  the  United  States,  and  it  was  on  this  that  the  army  of 
General  Banks  crossed  to  the  Virginia  shore  in  1862.  Hour  after 
hour  this  frail-looking  bridge,  which  by  force  of  the  current  swung 
almost  in  a semicircle  between  the  two  shores,  was  crowded  with 
men  and  the  material  of  an  army.  Officers  were  not  allowed  to  trot 
their  horses  ; troops  in  crossing  were  given  the  order,  “Route  step,” 
as  the  oscillation  of  the  cadence  step  or  trotting  horse  is  dangerous 
to  the  stability  of  a bridge  of  any  kind,  much  more  of  the  seemingly 
frail  structure  of  boats  and  timbers,  put  together  with  ropes,  here 
described. 

I crossed  the  bridge  soon  after  it  was  laid  ; visited  Jefferson  Rock, 
the  ruins  of  the  burned  armory,  and  the  town  in  general.  The  occa- 
sional crack  of  a musket  among  the  hills  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Shenandoah  told  that  the  rebel  scouts  were  still  there.  Colonel 
Geary’s  men  were  engaged  in  driving  them  from  the  hills,  preparatory 
to  the  advance  of  General  Banks.  During  the  day  fifteen  or  twenty 
were  captured  and  marched  through  the  town,  presenting  a generally 
shabby  and  unmilitary  appearance.  They  did  not  impress  me  as  they 
did  afterward  when  charging  on  our  lines,  with  their  unmusical  yell 
and  dauntless  front. 

The  craggy  heights  about  Harper’s  Ferry  are  exceedingly  pic- 
turesque. Here,  around  this  promontory,  the  waters  of  the  Shenan- 
doah and  Potomac  meet  with  murmurs  of  congratulation,  and  go 
dancing  on  joyfully,  hand  in  hand,  to  the  ocean.  The  headland, 
around  which  the  village  of  Harper’s  Ferry  is  built,  is  noticeable  for 
its  ruggedness,  but  its  bold  outlines  are  subdued  into  something  like 
pastoral  beauty  by  contrast  with  the  huge,  irregular  heights  which 
rise  grandly  above  on  either  side,  and  look  down  upon  it.  Maryland 
Heights,  precipitous,  rock-ribbed,  and  angular,  frown,  as  it  were, 
at  their  rougher  rival,  Loudon  Heights,  on  the  opposite  Virginia 


CAMPAIGNING  TO  NO  PURPOSE. 


2 I 


side  below,  while  Harper’s  Ferry  lies  demure  and  modest  between 
them. 

The  ruins  of  the  burned  armory  of  the  United  States  were  notice- 
able from  the  Maryland  shore  ; also  the  masses  of 
men  moving  in  ceaseless  tramp  over  the  long  and 
almost  crescent-like  bridge.  The  murmur  of  many 
voices,  the  mellow,  abrupt  call  of  the  negro  drivers 
to  their  mules,  the  glistening  arms  of  the  infantry 
reflected  in  the  sunlight,  the  dull  rumble 
of  artillery-wheels  and  baggage-wagons, 
live  in  memory  to-day,  after  a lapse  of 


years,  as  one  of  the  pic- 
tures of  “ war’s  wrinkled 
Runaway  front,”  framed  in  the 
Car.  routine  of  more  ordi- 
nary scenes  of  army  life. 
One  of  my  early  army  passions  was 
collecting  mementos  of  historic  interest. 
For  weeks  I carried  in  my  knapsack  a brick  taken 
from  the  old  engine-house  where  John  Brown  so 
coolly  fought,  while  his  sons  lay  dying  by  his  side. 
Near  the  ruins  of  the  armory  was  a rough,  extem- 
porized barricade  across  the  railroad  which  ran  around  the  northern 
shore,  upon  a foundation  built  on  solid  masonry,  rising  from  the 
river’s  edge.  The  barricade  was  made  of  broken  and  fire -bruised 


RECOLLECTIONS  OE  A ERL  FATE. 


machinery,  twisted  muskets  and  bayonets,  the  debris  of  the  armory. 
I had  obtained  a pass,  and,  prospecting  around  the  village,  had 
wandered  along  the  shore  to  the  barricade  described.  Among  its 
material  was  "a  hand-car  without  driving  machinery  or  brake  — 
simply  a platform  on  wheels.  I succeeded,  after  laboring  a long 
time,  in  getting  the  car  upon  the  railroad,  and  pushed  it  forward 
up  the  incline  of  the  track  about  a mile.  Blocking  the  wheels,  I 
visited  a cave  near  there,  obtaining  specimens  of  minerals  and  stalag- 
mites, and  loading  them  upon  my  chariot,  started  on  the  down-grade, 
with  a strong  wind  as  assistant  motive-power.  My  car  soon  began 
to  obtain  a rapidity  of  motion  that  astonished  me.  The  farther  I 
went  the  greater  the  speed.  I had  no  idea  so  much  momentum  could 
be  obtained  on  a slight  down-grade.  I rushed  on  like  the  wind. 
Blue-coated  comrades  shouted  in  derision  as  I passed  them.  I re- 
member saluting  two  or  three  officers,  who  gazed  at  me  with  dazed 
and  amused  countenances,  as  I rushed  at  break-neck  speed  along  the 
track  toward  the  barricade  from  which  I had  started.  I was  rather 
confused,  but  could  see  distinctly  enough  that  there  was  soon  to  be 
a smash-up.  I saw  discord  ahead  unless  I could  avoid  the  collision  ; 
and  as  that  seemed  impracticable,  I jumped  and  struck  on  the  softest 
spot  I could  find  in  my  hasty  survey.  The  knees  of  my  trousers 
were  badly  torn,  and  I was  bruised  in  more  spots  than  one  would 
deem  possible,  but  got  to  my  feet  in  season  to  see  the  climax.  My 
carriage  struck  the  barricade  with  such  force  as  to  send  it  over,  with 
a dull  crash,  into  the  river  below  ! It  cured  me  forever  of  any  desire 
to  ride  where  no  provision  has  been  made  for  stopping  the  vehicle. 
I tell  this  incident  as  a specimen  of  the  scrapes  an  idle  soldier  may 
fall  into. 

The  next  day  we  were  sent  by  rail  back  to  Washington,  and  into 
camp  upon  our  old  grounds.  A few  mornings  afterward  an  inspec- 
tion was  ordered.  It  came  with  the  usual  hurry  and  parade.  Knap- 
sacks and  equipments  were  in  shining  order ; every  musket,  bayonet, 
and  button,  boot  and  belt,  as  bright  as  rubbing  and  fear  of  censure 
or  police  duty  could  make  them.  Inspection  over,  the  last  jingle  of 
ramrod  in  resounding  musket  was  heard,  and  we  were  dismissed,  with 
an  intimation  that  on  the  morrow  we  were  to  go  on  a march. 

The  sun  rose  through  the  mists  of  the  morning,  — one  of  those 
quiet  mornings  when  every  sound  is  heard  with  distinctness.  The 


CAMPAIGNING  TO  NO  PURPOSE. 


23 


waters  of  the  Potomac  were  like  a sheet  of  glass  as  we  took  up  our 
line  of  march  across  the  Long  Bridge,  making  the  old  structure  shake 
with  our  cadence  step.  Our  moods  varied  ; some  laughed  and  joked  ; 
some,  in  suppressed  tones,  talked  with  their  comrades  as  to  their 
destination.  Not  much  was  said  about  fighting,  but  I,  for  one,  did  a 
great  deal  of  thinking  on  that  tender  subject. 

After  we  passed  the  fort,  which  commanded  the  bridge  on  the 
Virginia  side,  we  encountered  one  of  the  most  powerful  allies  of  the 
Rebel  hosts,  particularly  during  the  winter  and  spring  campaigns  in 
Virginia,  — mud.  No  country  can  beat  a Virginia  road  for  mud.  We 
struck  it  thick.  It  was  knee-deep.  It  was  verily  “heavy  marching.” 
The  foot  sank  very  insidiously  into  the  mud,  and  reluctantly  came  out 
again ; it  had  to  be  coaxed,  and  while  you  were  persuading  your 
reluctant  left,  the  willing  right  was  sinking  into  unknown  depths  ; 
it  came  out  of  the  mud  like  the  noise  of  a suction-pump  when  the 
water  is  exhausted. 

The  order  was  given,  “ Route  step  ” ; we  climbed  the  banks  of  the 
road  in  search  of  firm  earth,  but  it  couldn't  be  found,  so  we  went  on 
pumping  away,  making  about  one  foot  in  depth  to  two  in  advance. 
Our  feet  seemingly  weighed  twenty  pounds  each.  We  carried  a num- 
ber six  into  the  unknown  depths  of  mud,  but  it  came  out  a number 
twelve,  elongated,  yellow,  and  nasty  ; it  had  lost  its  fair  proportions, 
and  would  be  mistaken  for  anything  but  a foot,  if  not  attached  to  a 
leg.  It  seemed  impossible  that  we  should  ever  be  able  to  find  our 
feet  in  their  primitive  condition  again.  Occasionally  a boot  or  shoe 
would  be  left  in  the  mud,  and  it  would  take  an  exploring  expedition 
to  find  it.  Oh,  that  disgusting,  sticking  mud  ! Wad  Rider  declared 
that  if  Virginia  was  once  in  the  Union,  she  was  now  in  the 
mud.  A big  Irish  comrade,  Jim  O’Brien,  facetiously  took  up  the 
declension  of  mud,  — mud,  mudder,  murder,  pulling  a foot  out  at 
each  variation  for  emphasis.  Jack  E.  declared  it  would  be  impossible 
to  dislodge  an  enemy  stuck  in  the  mud  as  we  were. 

The  army  resembled,  more  than  anything  else,  a congregation  of 
flies,  making  a pilgrimage  through  molasses.  The  boys  called  their 
feet  “pontoons,”  “mud-hooks,”  “soil-excavators,”  and  other  names 
not  quite  so  polite.  When  we  halted  to  rest  by  the  wayside,  our  feet 
were  in  the  way  of  ourselves  and  everybody  else.  “ Keep  your  mud- 
hooks  out  of  my  way,”  “Save  your  pontoons  for  another  bridge,” 


24 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


* 


were  heard  on  all  sides,  mingled  with  all  the  reckless, 
profane,  and  quaint  jokes  common  to  the  army,  and 
which  are  not  for  print. 

The  mud  was  in  constant  league  with  the  enemy  ; an 
efficient  ally  in  defensive  warfare ; equivalent  to 
reenforcements  of  twenty  thousand  infantry.  To 
realize  the  situation,  spread  tar  a foot  deep  all 


V 


Pulling  Mud  in  Virginia. 


CAMPAIGNING  TO  NO  PURPOSE. 


25 


over  your  back-yard,  and  then  try  to  walk  through  it ; particularly  is 
this  experiment  recommended  to  those  citizens  who  were  constantly 
crying,  “Why  doesn’t  the  army  move?”  It  took  the  military  valor 
all  out  of  a man.  Any  one  would  think,  from  reading  the  Northern 
newspapers,  that  we  soldiers  had  macadamized  roads  to  charge  over 
at  the  enemy.  It  would  have  pleased  us  much  to  have  seen  those 
“ On  to  Richmond  ” fellows  put  over  a five-mile  course  in  the  Virginia 
mud,  loaded  with  a forty -pound  knapsack,  sixty  rounds  of  cartridges, 
and  haversacks  filled  with  four  days’  rations. 

Without  exaggeration,  the  mud  has  never  got  full  credit  for  the 
immense  help  it  afforded  the  enemy,  as  it  prevented  us  from  advanc- 
ing upon  them.  The  ever-present  foe,  winter  and  spring,  in  Old 
Virginia  was  Mud.  Summer  and  fall  it  was  Dust,  which  was  pref- 
able ; though  marching  without  water,  with  dust  filling  one’s  nostrils 
and  throat,  was  not  a pleasant  accompaniment  with  our  “ salt  horse  ” 
and  “hard-tack.” 

The  first  night  out  we  went  into  camp  near  a small  brook,  where 
we  washed  off  enough  of  the  mud  to  recognize  our  feet.  We  had 
hard-tack  and  coffee  for  supper.  And  didn’t  it  “go  good”  ! What 
sauce  ever  equalled  that  of  hunger?  Truly  the  feast  is  in  the  palate. 
How  we  slept ! Feet  wet,  boots  for  a pillow,  the  mud  oozing  up 
around  our  rubber  blankets,  but  making  a soft  bed  withal,  and  we 
sleeping  the  dreamless  sleep  of  tired  men.  I would  be  willing,  occa- 
sionally, to  make  another  such  march,  through  the  same  mud,  for 
such  a sleep. 

At  early  daylight  we  fell  in  for  rations  of  hot  coffee  and  hard-tack. 
Immediately  after  we  took  up  our  line  of  march,  or,  as  Wad  Rider 
expressed  it,  “began  to  pull  mud.”  With  intervals  of  rest,  we  “pulled 
mud,”  until  about  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  we  halted  near 
Manassas  Junction.  It  was  strange  that  the  enemy  could  not  have 
been  chivalrous  enough  to  meet  us  half-way,  and  save  us  the  trials 
and  troubles  of  wallowing  through  all  that  mud.  Then  the  Quaker 
guns!  Who  has  not  heard  of  the  “Quaker  guns”  at  Manassas? 
We  met  the  logs,  mounted  on  wheels,  around  the  fortifications  of 
Manassas,  and  can  assure  you  they  were  not  so  formidable  as  the  mud. 

After  thoroughly  inspecting  our  enemies,  — the  logs,  — we  re- 
formed our  ranks  and  took  the  back  track  for  Washington.  The  rain 
soon  began  to  fall,  coming  down  literally  in  sheets  ; it  ran  down  our 


26 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


backs  in  rivulets,  and  we  should  have  run  had  we  met  the  enemy 
about  that  time  — that  is,  if  the  mud  had  permitted  ; for  there  is 
nothing  which  will  so  take  the  courage  out  of  a soldier  as  to  wet  the 
seat  of  his  trousers.  On  we  went,  pumping  and  churning  up  and 
down  in  the  mud,  till  about  ten  o'clock,  when  we  pitched  camp  near 
the  road-side,  as  wet  and  bedraggled  a set  of  men  as  ever  panted  for 
military  glory,  or  pursued  the  bubble  reputation  at  the  wooden  can- 
non’s mouth.  We  arrived  at  our  old  camp  near  Washington  the 
following  evening. 

Virginia  mud  has  never  been  fully  comprehended  ; but  I hope 
those  who  read  these  pages  will  catch  a faint  glimmering  of  the 
reality.  To  be  fully  understood,  one  must  march  in  it,  sleep  in  it,  be 
encompassed  round  about  by  it.  Great  is  mud  — Virginia  mud! 


CHAPTER  III. 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN. 


HE  manner  in  which  orders  are  transmitted  to  the  individual 


1 groups  of  an  army  might  be  compared  to  the  motion  that  a boy 
gives  to  a row  of  bricks  which  he  has  set  up  on  end  within  striking 
distance  of  each  other.  He  pushes  the  first  brick,  and  the  impetus 
thus  given  is  conveyed  down  the  line  in  rapid  succession,  until  each 
brick  has  responded  to  the  movement.  If  the  machine  is  well 
adjusted  in  all  its  parts,  and  the  master  mechanic,  known  as  the  com- 
manding general,  understands  his  business,  he  is  able  to  run  it  so 
perfectly  as  to  control  the  movements  of  brigades,  divisions,  and 
corps.  In  the  early  spring  of  1862,  when  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
was  getting  ready  to  move  from  Washington,  the  constant  drill  and 
discipline,  the  brightening  of  arms  and  polishing  of  buttons,  and 
the  exasperating  fussiness  on  the  part  of  company  and  regimental 
officers  during  inspections,  conveyed  to  us  a hint,  as  one  of  our  com- 
rades expressed  it,  that  “ some  one  higher  in  command  was  punching 
them  to  punch  us.”  There  was  unusual  activity  upon  the  Potomac 
in  front  of  our  camp.  Numerous  steamtugs  were  pulling  huge  sail- 
ing vessels  here  and  there,  and  large  transports,  loaded  with  soldiers, 
horses,  bales  of  hay,  and  munitions  for  an  army,  swept  majestically 
down  the  broad  river.  Every  description  of  water  conveyance,  from 
a canal-boat  to  a huge  three-decked  steamboat,  seemed  to  have  been 
pressed  into  the  service  of  the  army. 

The  troops  south  of  the  city  broke  camp,  and  came  marching,  in 
well-disciplined  regiments,  through  the  town.  I remember  that  the 
Seventh  Massachusetts  seemed  to  be  finely  disciplined,  as  it  halted 
on  the  river-banks  before  our  camp.  I imagined  the  men  looked 
serious  over  leaving  their  comfortable  winter-quarters  at  Brightwood 
for  the  uncertainties  of  the  coming  campaign.  At  last,  when  drills 
and  inspections  had  made  us  almost  frantic  with  neatness  and  clean- 


27 


28 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


liness,  we  got  marching  orders.  I shall  not  forget  that  last  inspec- 
tion. Our  adjutant  was  a short  old  fellow,  who  had  seen  much 
service  in  the  regular  army.  He  gave  his  orders  in  an  explosive 
manner,  and  previous  to  giving  them  his  under  lip  would  work  in 
curious  muscular  contractions,  so  that  the  long  imperial  which  deco- 
rated it  would  be  worked  up,  under  and  over  his  nose,  like  the  rammer 
of  a musket  in  the  act  of  loading.  At  that  last  inspection,  previous 
to  the  opening  campaign,  he  gave  the  order  with  a long  roll  to  the  r’s : 
“ Preparrrre  to  open  rrrranks.”  The  ranks  were  open,  and  he  was 
twisting  his  mouth  and  elevating  his  imperial  for  another  order,  when 
an  unlucky  citizen,  who  was  not  conversant  with  military  rules,  passed 
between  the  ranks.  The  adjutant,  pale  with  anger,  hastily  followed 
the  citizen,  who  was  very  tall.  The  distance  from  the  toe  of  our 
adjutant’s  boot  to  the  citizen’s  flank  was  too  great  for  the  adjutant, 
who  yet  kept  up  a vigorous  kicking  into  air,  until  at  last,  with  a pro- 
digious outlay  of  muscular  force,  his  foot  reached  the  enemy,  but 
with  such  recoil  as  to  land  him  on  his  back  in  the  mud. 

We  formed  in  two  ranks  and  marched  on  board  a little  steamer 
lying  at  the  wharf  near  our  quarters.  “Anything  for  a change,”  said 
Wad  Rider,  really  delighted  to  move.  All  heavy  baggage  was  left 
behind.  I had  clung  to  the  contents  of  my  knapsack  with  dogged 
tenacity  ; but,  notwithstanding  my  most  earnest  protest,  I was  re- 
quired to  disgorge  about  one-half  of  them,  including  a pair  of  heavy 
boots  and  my  choice  brick  from  the  Harper’s  Ferry  engine-house. 
To  my  mind  I was  now  entirely  destitute  of  comforts. 

The  general  opinion  among  us  was  that  at  last  we  were  on  our 
way  to  made  an  end  of  the  Confederacy.  We  gathered  in  little  knots 
on  the  deck,  here  and  there  a party  playing  “ penny  ante  ” ; others 
slept  or  dozed,  but  the  majority  smoked  and  discussed  the  probabili- 
ties of  our  destination,  about  which  we  really  knew  as  little  as  the 
babes  in  the  wood.  That  we  were  sailing  down  the  Potomac  was 
apparent. 

The  next  day  we  arrived  at  Old  Point  Comfort,  and  looked  with 
open-eyed  wonder  at  Fortress  Monroe,  huge  and  frowning.  Negroes 
were  plentier  than  blackberries,  and  went  about  their  work  with  an 
air  of  importance  born  of  their  new-found  freedom.  These  were  the 
“contrabands  ” for  whom  General  Butler  had  recently  invented  that 
sobriquet.  We  pitched  our  tents  amid  the  charred  and  blackened 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN. 


29 


ruins  of  what  had  been  the  beautiful  and  aristocratic  village  of 
Hampton.  The  first  thing  I noticed  about  the  ruins,  unaccustomed 
as  I was  to  Southern  architecture,  was  the  absence  of  cellars.  The 
only  building  left  standing  of  all  the  village  was  the  massive  old 
Episcopal  church.  Here  Washington  had  worshipped,  and  its  broad 
aisles  had  echoed  to  the  footsteps  of  armed  men  during  the  Revolu- 
tion. In  the  church-yard  the  tombs  had  been  broken  open.  Many 
tombstones  were  broken  and  overthrown,  and  at  the  corner  of  the 
church  a big  hole  showed  that  some  one  with  a greater  desire  for 
possessing  curiosities  than  reverence  for  ancient  landmarks  had  been 
digging  for  the  corner-stone  and  its  buried  mementos. 

Along  the  shore  which  looks  towards  Fortress  Monroe  were 
landed  artillery,  baggage-wagons,  pontoon  trains  and  boats,  and  the 
level  land  back  of  this  was  crowded  with  the  tents  of  the  soldiers. 
Here  and  there  were  groups  frying  hard-tack  and  bacon.  Near  at  hand 
was  the  irrepressible  army  mule,  hitched  to  and  eating  out  of  pontoon 
boats  ; those  who  had  eaten  their  ration  of  grain  and  hay  were  trying 
their  teeth,  with  promise  of  success,  in  eating  the  boats.  An  army 
mule  was  hungrier  than  a soldier,  and  would  eat  anything,  especially 
a pontoon  boat  or  rubber  blanket.  The  scene  was  a busy  one.  The 
red  cap,  white  leggings,  and  baggy  trousers  of  the  Zouaves  mingled 
with  the  blue  uniforms  and  dark  trimmings  of  the  regular  infantry- 
men, the  short  jackets  and  yellow  trimmings  of  the  cavalry,  the  red 
stripes  of  the  artillery,  and  the  dark  blue  with  orange  trimmings  of 
the  engineers ; together  with  the  ragged,  many-colored  costumes  of 
the  black  laborers  and  teamsters,  all  busy  at  something. 

During  our  short  stay  here  I made  several  excursions,  extending 
two  or  three  miles  from  the  place,  partly  out  of  curiosity,  and  partly 
from  the  constant  impression  on  a soldier’s  mind  that  his  merits 
deserve  something  better  to  eat  than  the  commissary  furnishes.  It 
seemed  to  me  in  all  my  army  experience  that  nature  delighted  in 
creating  wants  and  withholding  supplies,  and  that  rations  were  want- 
ing in  an  inverse  proportion  to  my  capacity  to  consume  them. 

In  one  of  my  rambles  I came  to  a small  dwelling  such  as  unpre- 
tentious people,  of  very  modest  means,  would  occupy  at  the  North. 
I knocked  at  the  door  and  a middle-aged  woman  responded,  with,  as 
I imagined,  contemptuous  glance  at  my  uniform,  and  inquired  my 
errand.  I asked  her  if  she  could  give  me  something  to  eat  if  I would 

• 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


30 

pay  her  for  it.  She  replied,  “ Come  in  yer  and  I recon  I can  give  ye 
somethin  ter  eat.” 

The  room  into  which  1 was  invited  was  a neat,  but  poorly  fur- 
nished kitchen-like  place,  in  which,  besides  the  matron,  were  two 
girls,  one  black  and  the  other  white,  each  about  ten  years  of  age. 
On  the  broad  hearth  of  an  open  fireplace  a fire  was  burning,  and 
before  this  a johnny-cake  of  white  corn  meal  was  soon  set  to  cook  in 
a spider,  elevated  at  an  angle  so  as  to  face  the  fire.  The  little 
colored  girl  was  set  the  task  of  tending  it,  superintended  by  the  little 
white  girl,  who  stamped,  frowned,  and  scolded  the  little  black  imperi- 
ously at  every  fancied  neglect  of  duty.  The  matron  offered  a word 
of  suggestion  at  times  as  if  she  was  training  her  little  daughter  as  a 
housekeeper,  and  at  the  same  time,  in  the  art  and  duties  of  govern- 
ment. It  was  a new  and  suggestive  scene  to  me.  The  cowed 
patience  of  the  black  and  the  exacting  temper  of  the  white  were 
in  marked  contrast. 

I entered  into  conversation  with  the  mistress  upon  the  all-absorb- 
ing topic  — the  war  — and  incidentally,  slavery  came  in  as  a part  of 
the  topic. 

“Are  you’n  Yanks  goin  to  interfer  with  our  servants?”  asked 
she  imperiously.  I answered  that  I didn’t  know,  but  if  so,  there 
would,  doubtless,  be  compensation  given  to  Union  people  whose 
negroes  were  liberated. 

I thought,  from  the  expression  of  her  face,  that  the  idea  of  com- 
pensation was  not  an  unfamiliar  one  to  her. 

“What  is  your  black  girl  worth?”  I inquired,  curious  to  get  an 
idea  of  the  valuation  of  such  property. 

“ Thet  yer?”  looking  the  girl  over  from  head  to  foot,  with  the 
cool,  calculating  look  which  a Yankee  farmer  would  give  an  ox  or  cow, 
“I  recon  IT  is  worth  five  hundred  dollars.” 

It  is  needless  for  me  to  say,  the  word  “ IT  ” in  this  connection 
struck  a Northern  boy  as  having  a business  and  property  basis  which 
he  had  not  been  accustomed  to  hearing  applied  to  human  souls  and 
bodies. 

One  morning  we  broke  camp  and  went  marching  up  the  Penin- 
sula. The  roads  were  very  poor,  and  muddy  with  recent  rains,  and 
were  crowded  with  the  indescribable  material  of  the  vast  army  which 
was  slowly  creeping  through  the  mud  over  the  flat,  wooded  country. 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN 


It  was  a bright  day  in  April  — a perfect  Virginia  day  ; the  grass  was 
green  beneath  our  feet,  the  buds  of  the  trees  were  just  unrolling  into 
leaves  under  the  warming  sun  of  spring,  and  in  the  woods  the  birds 
were  singing.  The  march  was  at  first  orderly,  but  under  the  unac- 
customed burden  of  heavy  equipments  and  knapsacks,  and  the  warmth 
of  the  weather,  the  men  straggled  along  the  roads,  mingling  with 
the  baggage-wagons,  ambulances,  and  pontoon  trains,  in  seeming 
confusion. 

During  our  second  day's  march  it  rained,  and  the  muddy  roads, 
cut  up  and  kneaded,  as  it  were,  by  the  teams  preceding  us,  left  them 
in  a state  of  semi-liquid  filth  hardly  possible  to  describe  or  imagine. 
When  we  arrived  at  Big  Bethel  the  rain  was  coming  down  in  sheets. 
A dozen  houses  of  very  ordinary  character,  scattered  over  an  area  of 
a third  of  a mile,  constituted  what  was  called  the  village.  Just  out- 
side and  west  of  the  town  was  an  insignificant  building  from  which 
the  hamlet  takes  its  name.  It  did  not  seem  large  enough  or  of 
sufficient  consequence  to  give  name  to  a place  as  small  as  Big 
Bethel.  Before  our  arrival  it  had  evidently  been  occupied  as  officers’ 
barracks  for  the  enemy,  and  it  looked  very  little  like  a church. 

There  was  a rude  but  very  significant  drawing  on  the  plaster  of 
the  walls,  which  if  not  complimentary  was  amusing. 

A hotel  was  depicted,  and  on  its  sign  was  inscribed  “ Richmond.” 
Jeff  Davis  was  standing  in  the  doorway,  and  with  an  immense  pair  of 
cowhides  was  booting  McClellan  from  the  door,  and  underneath  the 
sketch  was  the  inscription,  “ Merry  Mack  ! ” 

It  was  significant  only  so  far  as  it  proved  a prophecy. 

I visited  one  of  the  dwelling-houses  just  outside  of  the  fortifica- 
tions (if  the  insignificant  rifle-pits  could  be  called  such)  for  the  pur- 
pose of  obtaining  something  more  palatable  than  hard-tack,  salt  beef, 
or  pork,  which,  with  coffee,  were  the  marching  rations.  The  woman 
of  the  house  was  communicative,  and  expressed  her  surprise  at  the 
great  number  of  Yanks  who  had  “ come  down  to  invade  our  soil.” 
She  said  she  had  a son  in  the  Confederate  army,  or,  as  she  expressed 
it,  “in  our  army,”  and  then  tearfully  said  she  should  tremble  for  her 
boy  every  time  she  heard  of  a battle.  I expressed  the  opinion  that 
we  should  go  into  Richmond  without  much  fighting.  “No!”  said 
she,  with  the  emphasis  of  conviction,  “you  all’s  will  drink  hot  blood 
before  you  all’s  get  thar  ! ” I inquired  if  she  knew  anything  about  the 


RECOLLECTIONS  OE  A ERL  FATE. 


skirmish  which  took  place  at  Big  Bethel.  She  replied  by  saying, 
“Why,  Major  Winthrop  died  right  in  yer  ! ” pointing  to  a small  sleep- 
ing-room which  opened  from  the  main  room  in  which  we  were.  She 
added,  “When  you  all  were  fighting,  Major  Winthrop  was  way 
ahead  and  was  shot ; he  was  a brave  man,  but  we  have  brave  men 
too.”  I asked  her  if  she  knew  who  shot  him,  and  she  replied  that  a 
colored  boy  belonging  to  one  of  the  officers  shot  him.  During  the 
engagement,  the  colored  boy,  standing  by  his  master,  saw  Winthrop 
in  advance,  and  said,  “ See  that  officer  ! Can  I take  your  rifle  and 
shoot  him?”  The  master  assented,  and  the  boy  shot  Major  Win- 
throp. He  was  then  brought  to  this  house.  One  or  two  days  after  the 
fight,  she  said,  the  boy  was  “ playing  over  yon,  in  that  yer  yard,”  — 
pointing  to  the  yard  of  a neighboring  house,  — with  his  mate,  when 
the  rifle  they  were  playing  with  was  accidentally  discharged,  and  the 
colored  boy  who  shot  Winthrop  was  killed.  “ How  old  was  the  boy  ? ” 
I asked.  “About  forty,”  she  replied.  At  the  right  of  the  road  was 
an  open,  marshy  piece  of  land,  and  it  was  over  this  Major  Winthrop 
was  leading  his  men  when  shot.  The  woody  intervale  just  beyond 
the  marshy  land  was  occupied  by  the  enemy’s  works,  which  consisted 
of  five  rifle-pits,  each  a few  rods  in  length,  and  one  of  them  com- 
manding the  marshy  opening  mentioned.  This  is  but  one  of  several 
different  accounts  as  to  the  manner  of  Winthrop’s  death. 

While  wandering  about,  I came  to  the  house  of  a Mrs.  T , 

whose  husband  was  said  to  be  a captain  in  the  Confederate  service 
and  a “ fire-eating  ” secessionist.  Here  some  of  our  men  were  put  on 
guard  for  a short  time,  until  relieved  by  guards  from  other  parts  of 
the  army  as  they  came  up,  whereupon  we  went  on.  A large,  good- 

looking  woman,  about  forty  years  old,  who,  I learned,  was  Mrs.  T , 

was  crying  profusely,  and  I could  not  induce  her  to  tell  me  what 
about.  One  of  the  soldiers  said  her  grief  was  caused  by  the  fact  that 
some  of  our  men  had  helped  themselves  to  the  contents  of  cupboard 
and  cellar.  She  was  superintending  the  loading  of  an  old  farm  wagon, 
into  which  she  was  putting  a large  family  of  colored  people,  with 
numerous  bundles.  The  only  white  person  on  the  load  as  it  started 
away  was  the  mistress,  who  sat  amid  her  dark  chattels  in  desolation 
and  tears.  Returning  to  the  house  after  this  exodus,  I found  letters, 
papers,  and  odds  and  ends  of  various  kinds  littering  the  floor,  whether 
overturned  in  the  haste  of  the  mistress  or  by  the  visiting  soldiers  I 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN 


33 


could  only  guess.  As  I passed  into  what  had  evidently  been  the  best 
room,  or  parlor,  I found  a fellow-soldier  intently  poring  over  the  illus- 
trations of  a large  book,  which  proved  to  be  an  elegantly  bound  and 
illustrated  family  Bible.  Upon  my  approach  he  began  tearing  out  the 
illustrations,  but  I arrested  his  hand  and  rebuked  him.  He  resented 
my  interference,  saying,  “ Some  one  is  going  for  these  things  before  the 
army  gets  through  here  if  I don’t.”  It  was  impossible  to  keep  out 
the  vandal  “Yanks”;  they  flowed  through  the  house,  a constant 


Mrs.  T leaving  her  Home. 


stream,  from  cellar  to  garret,  until  there  was  no  more  any  need  of  a 
guard,  as  there  was  no  longer  anything  to  guard.  I felt  so  hopeless 
of  protecting  the  family  Bible,  that  at  last  it  occurred  to  me  that  the 
only  way  to  save  it  was  to  carry  it  off  myself.  I gave  it  to  one  of  our 
colored  teamsters  to  carry  into  camp  for  me.  After  our  arrival  at 
Yorktown  I hunted  him  up,  but  he  informed  me  that  he  had  “ drapped 
it.”  No  other  building  at  Big  Bethel  was  so  devastated,  and  I did 
not  see  another  building  so  treated  on  our  whole  route.  The  men 
detailed  to  guard  it  declined  to  protect  the  property  of  one  who  was 
in  arms  fighting  against  us. 


34 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


After  leaving  Big  Bethel  we  began  to  feel  the  weight  of  our  knap- 
sacks. Castaway  overcoats,  blankets,  parade-coats,  and  shoes  were 
scattered  along  the  route  in  reckless  profusion,  being  dropped  by  the 
overloaded  soldiers,  as  if  after  ploughing  the  roads  with  heavy  teams 
they  were  sowing  them  for  a harvest.  I lightened  my  knapsack  with- 
out much  regret,  for  I could  not  see  the  sense  of  carrying  a blanket 
or  overcoat  when  I could  pick  one  up  almost  anywhere  along  the 
march.  Very  likely  the  same  philosophy  actuated  those  who  pre- 
ceded me  or  came  after.  The  colored  people  along  our  route  occu- 
pied themselves  in  picking  up  this  scattered  property.  They  had  on 
their  faces  a distrustful  look,  as  if  uncertain  of  the  tenure  of  their 
harvest. 

The  march  up  the  Peninsula  seemed  very  slow,  yet  it  was  impos- 
sible to  increase  our  speed,  owing  to  the  bad  condition  of  the  roads. 
I learned  in  time  that  marching  on  paper  and  the  actual  march  made 
twro  very  different  impressions.  I can  easily  understand  and  excuse 
our  fireside  heroes,  who  fought  their  or  our  battles  at  home  over  com- 
fortable breakfast-tables,  without  impediments  of  any  kind  to  circum- 
scribe their  fancied  operations  ; it  is  so  much  easier  to  manoeuvre 
and  fight  large  armies  around  the  corner  grocery,  where  the  destinies 
of  the  human  race  have  been  so  often  discussed  and  settled,  than  to 
fight,  march,  and  manoeuvre  in  mud  and  rain,  in  the  face  of  a brave 
and  vigilant  enemy. 

To  each  baggage-wagon  were  attached  four  or  six  mules,  driven 
usually  by  a colored  man,  with  only  one  rein,  or  line,  and  that  line 
attached  to  the  bit  of  the  near  leading  mule,  while  the  driver  rode  in 
a saddle  upon  the  near  wheel  mule.  Each  train  was  accompanied  by 
a guard,  and  while  the  guard  urged  the  drivers  the  drivers  urged  the 
mules.  The  drivers  were  usually  expert  and  understood  well  the 
wayward,  sportive  natures  of  the  creatures  over  whose  destinies  they 
presided.  On  our  way  to  Yorktown  our  pontoon  and  baggage-trains 
were  sometimes  blocked  for  miles,  and  the  heaviest  trains  were  often 
unloaded  by  the  guard  to  facilitate  their  removal  from  the  mud. 
Those  wagons  which  were  loaded  with  whiskey  were  most  lovingly 
guarded,  and  when  unloaded  the  barrels  were  often  lightened  before 
they  were  returned  to  the  wagons.  It  did  seem  at  times  as  if  there 
were  needless  delays  with  the  trains,  partly  due,  no  doubt,  to  fear  of 
danger  ahead.  While  I was  guarding  our  pontoon  trains  after  leav- 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN. 


35 

ing  Big  Bethel,  the  teams  stopped  all  along  the  line.  Hurrying  to 
the  front,  I found  one  of  the  leading  teams  badly  mired,  but  not 
enough  to  justify  the  stopping  of  the  whole  train.  The  lazy  colored 
driver  was  comfortably  asleep  in  the  saddle. 

“ Get  that  team  out  of  the  mud!”  I yelled,  bringing  him  to  his 
senses. 

He  flourished  his  long  whip,  shouted  his  mule  lingo  at  the  team, 
and  the  mules  pulled  frantically,  but  not  together. 

“ Can't  you  make  your  mules  pull  together?  " I inquired. 

“ Dem  mules  pull  right  smart  ! ” said  the  driver. 

Cocking  and  capping  my  unloaded  musket,  I brought  it  to  the 
shoulder,  and  again  commanded  the  driver,  “ Get  that  team  out  of 
the  mud  ! ” 

The  negro  rolled  his  eyes  wildly  and  woke  up  all  over.  He  first 
patted  his  saddle  mule,  spoke  to  each  one,  and  then,  flourishing  his 
long  whip  with  a crack  like  a pistol,  shouted,  “ Go  'long  dar ! what  I 
feed  yo’  fo’  ! ” and  the  mule  team  left  the  slough  in  a very  expeditious 
manner.  Thereafter  I had  an  unfailing  argument,  which,  if  but  sel- 
dom used,  was  all  the  more  potent.  The  teamsters  of  our  army 
would  have  been  much  more  efficient  if  they  had  been  organized  and 
uniformed  as  soldiers.  Our  light  artillery  was  seldom  seen  stuck  in 
the  mud. 

When  procuring  luxuries  of  eggs  or  milk  we  paid  the  people  at 
first  in  silver,  and  they  gave  us  local  scrip  in  change  ; but  we  found 
on  attempting  to  pay  it  out  again  that  they  were  rather  reluctant  to 
receive  it,  even  at  that  early  stage  in  Confederate  finance,  and  much 
preferred  Yankee  silver  or  notes. 

On  the  afternoon  of  April  5,  1862,  the  advance  of  our  column 
was  brought  to  a standstill,  with  the  right  in  front  of  Yorktown  and 
the  left  by  the  enemy's  works  at  Lee’s  mills.  We  pitched  our  camp 
on  Wormly  Creek,  near  the  Moore  house  on  the  York  River,  in  sight 
of  the  enemy’s  water  battery  and  their  defensive  works  at  Gloucester 
Point.  The  day  after  our  arrival  I was  detailed  to  go  to  Shipping 
Point,  some  eight  miles  distant,  on  the  York  River,  and  we  made  the 
march,  with  pack  mules,  over  the  very  worst  mud  roads  I had  ever 
seen  in  all  my  experience.  A depot  of  supplies  had  been  established 
here,  and  speedily  the  roads  leading  to  this  place  were  corduroyed 
and  thus  rendered  decently  passable.  We  found  the  place  had  been 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


36 

strongly  fortified  by  the  Confederates,  and  contained  about  two  hun- 
dred log  huts  built  for  their  accommodation.  They  were,  however, 
rendered  useless  to  them  by  being  flanked  or  cut  off  by  our  advance. 
I11  one  of  the  huts,  evidently  belonging  to  one  of  their  officers,  I 
picked  up  a paper,  which  proved  to  contain  a detail  of  negro  servants 
from  different  plantations  to  work  upon  the  fortifications,  which 
showed  that  the  Confederates  were  even  then  using  their  slaves  for 
military  purposes,  thus  leaving  their  soldiers  fresh  for  other  military 
duties.  The  camp  and  fortifications  were  almost  on  a level  with  the 
water  of  the  river,  very  muddy  and  dirty,  and  we  were  not  sorry  to 
be  recalled  to  our  camp  at  Yorktown. 

One  of  the  impediments  to  an  immediate  attack  on  Yorktown  was 
the  difficulty  of  using  light-  artillery  in  the  muddy  fields  in  our 
front,  and  at  that  time  the  topography  of  the  country  ahead  was  but 
little  understood,  and  had  to  be  learned  by  reconnoisance  in  force. 
We  had  settled  down  to  the  siege  of  Yorktown  ; began  bridging  the 
streams  between  us  and  the  enemy,  constructing  and  improving  the 
roads  for  the  rapid  transit  of  supplies,  and  for  the  advance.  The  first 
parallel  was  opened  about  a mile  from  the  enemy’s  fortifications,  ex- 
tending along  the  entire  front  of  their  works,  which  reached  from 
the  York  River  on  the  left  to  Warwick  Creek  on  the  right,  along  a 
line  about  four  miles  in  length.  Fourteen  batteries  and  three  redoubts 
were  planted,  heavily  armed  with  ordnance. 

We  were  near  Battery  No.  1,  not  far  from  the  York  River.  On  it 
were  mounted  several  two-hundred-pound  guns,  which  commanded  the 
enemy’s  water  batteries.  One  day  I was  in  a redoubt  on  the  left,  and 
saw  General  McClellan  with  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  examining  the 
enemy’s  works  through  their  field-glasses.  They  very  soon  drew  the 
fire  of  the  observant  enemy,  who  opened  with  one  of  their  heavy  guns 
on  the  group,  sending  the  first  shot  howling  and  hissing  over  and  very 
close  to  their  heads  ; another,  quickly  following  it,  struck  in  the  para- 
pet of  the  redoubt.  The  French  prince,  seemingly  quite  startled, 
jumped  and  glanced  nervously  around,  while  McClellan  quietly 
knocked  the  ashes  from  his  cigar.  When  I afterwards  heard  Mc- 
Clellan accused  of  cowardice,  I knew  the  accusation  was  false. 

Several  of  our  war-vessels  made  their  appearance  in  the  York 
River,  and  occasionally  threw  a shot  at  the  enemy’s  works  ; but  most 
of  them  were  kept  busy  at  Hampton  Roads,  watching  for  the  ironclad 


General  McClellan  and  Prince  de  Joinvillis  before  Yorktown. 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN. 


37 


Merrimac,  which  was  still  afloat.  The  firing  from  the  enemy’s  lines 
was  of  little  consequence,  not  amounting  to  over  ten  or  twelve  shots 
each  day,  a number  of  these  being  directed  at  the  huge  balloon  which 
went  up  daily  on  a tour  of  inspection,  from  near  General  Fitz  John 
Porter’s  headquarters.  One  day  the  balloon  broke  from  its  mooring 
of  ropes,  and  sailed  majestically  over  the  enemy’s  works  ; but  for- 
tunately for  its  occupants,  it  soon  met  a counter-current  of  air  which 
returned  it  safe  to  our  lines.  The  month  of  April  was  a dreary  one, 
much  of  the  time  rainy  and  uncomfortable.  It  was  a common  expecta- 
tion among  us  that  we  were  about  to  end  the  rebellion.  One  of  my 
comrades  wrote  home  to  his  father  that  we  should  probably  finish  up 
the  war  in  season  for  him  to  be  at  home  to  teach  the  village  school 
the  following  winter  ; in  fact,  I believe  he  partly  engaged  to  teach  it. 

Another  wrote  to  his  mother  : “ We  have  got  them  hemmed  in  on 
every  side,  and  the  only  reason  they  don’t  run  is  because  they  can’t.” 
We  had  at  last  corduroyed  every  road  and  bridged  every  creek  ; our 
guns  and  mortars  were  in  position  ; Battery  No.  I had  actually  opened 
on  the  enemy’s  works,  Saturday,  May  3d,  1862,  and  it  was  expected 
that  our  whole  line  would  open  on  them  in  the  morning.  About  two 
o’clock  of  Saturday  night,  or  rather  Sunday  morning,  while  on  guard 
duty,  I observed  a bright  illumination,  as  if  a fire  had  broken  out 
within  the  enemy’s  lines.  Several  guns  were  fired  from  their  works 
during  the  early  morning  hours,  but  soon  after  daylight  of  May  4th  it 
was  reported  that  they  had  abandoned  their  works  in  our  front,  and 
we  very  quickly  found  the  report  to  be  true.  As  soon  as  I was  re- 
lieved from  guard  duty,  I went  over  on  “ French  leave”  to  view  our 
enemy’s  fortifications.  They  were  prodigiously  strong.  A few 
tumble-down  tents  and  houses  and  seventy  pieces  of  heavy  ordnance 
had  been  abandoned  as  the  price  of  the  enemy’s  safe  retreat. 

Upon  returning  to  camp  I found  rations  were  being  issued  and 
preparations  for  pursuit  being  made,  and  that  very  afternoon  we 
struck  our  tents  and  took  up  our  lines  of  march,  with  our  faces  turned 
hopefully  towards  Richmond.  A sergeant  belonging  to  a neighboring 
regiment,  whose  acquaintance  I had  formed  before  Yorktown,  jocosely 
remarked,  as  he  passed  me  on  the  march,  “ I shall  meet  you  on  the 
road  to  glory!”  Later,  in  looking  over  the  rude  head-boards  which 
were  used  to  mark  the  soldiers’  graves  near  Williamsburg,  I found  his 


name. 


38 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


There  was  much  talk  of  buried  torpedoes  in  front  of  the  enemy’s 
works,  and  it  was  rumored  that  one  officer  and  several  men  had  been 
blown  to  atoms  by  them  ; also  that  the  officer  in  command  had  a force 
of  Confederate  prisoners  at  work  removing  them.  We  saw  a number 
of  sticks  stuck  in  the  ground  both  inside  and  outside  the  earthworks, 
with  white  rags  attached,  which  were  said  to  indicate  the  location  of 
the  buried  torpedoes  already  discovered. 

Williamsburg  is  twelve  miles  from  Yorktown,  but  the  women  and 
children,  of  whom  we  were  continually  inquiring  the  distance,  gave  us 
very  indefinite  but  characteristic  replies. 

“How  far  is  it  to  Williamsburg  ? ” I inquired  of  an  old  darkey. 
“Right  smart  distance,  massa,’’  was  the  reply.  I asked  the  same 
question  of  a white  man,  and  got  the  same  reply. 

“ How  many  miles  ? ” I repeated,  not  feeling  satisfied  with  so  much 
indefiniteness.  “Right  smart  of  them,  I recon,  stranger,”  came  the 
vague  reply. 

I concluded  they  either  did  not  use  miles  in  that  country  or  didn’t 
care  to  give  us  information. 

A comrade  in  Hooker’s  division  gave  me  an  account  of  his  experi- 
ences about  as  follows  : “ Marching  over  the  muddy  road  late  in  the 
afternoon,  we  found  our  farther  advance  prevented  by  a force  which 
had  preceded  us,  and  we  halted  in  the  mud  by  the  roadside  just  as  it 
began  to  rain.  About  five  o’clock  we  resumed  our  march  by  crossing 
over  to  the  Hampton  road,  and  did  not  halt  till  eleven  in  the  evening, 
when  we  lay  down  in  our  blankets,  bedraggled,  wet,  and  tired,  chew- 
ing hard-tack  and  the  cud  of  reflection,  the  tenor  of  which  was,  ‘ Why 
did  we  come  for  a soldier  ? ’ Before  daylight  we  were  on  the  march, 
plodding  in  the  rain  through  the  mire.  By  daybreak  we  came  out  on 
the  edge  of  the  dense  woods  in  front  of  Fort  Magruder  and  its  cordon 
of  redoubts  stretching  across  the  Peninsula,  which  is  here  narrowed 
by  the  head-waters  of  two  streams  which  empty  into  the  York  on  the 
one  hand  and  the  James  River  on  the  other.  Here  we  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  viewing  the  situation  while  waiting  for  orders  to  attack. 
The  main  fort,  called  Magruder,  was  a strong  earthwork  with  a 
bastioned  front  and  a wide  ditch.  In  front  of  this  muddy-looking 
heap  of  dirt  was  a level  plain,  sprinkled  plentifully  with  smaller  earth- 
works ; while  between  us  and  the  level  plain  the  dense  forest,  for  a 
distance  of  a quarter  of  a mile,  had  been  felled,  thus  forming  a laby- 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN. 


39 


rinth  of  tangled  abatis  difficult  to  penetrate.  A mile  away  lay  the 
village  of  Williamsburg. 

“ We  were  soon  sent  out  as  skirmishers,  with  orders  to  advance  as 
near  the  enemy’s  rifle-pits  as  possible.  They  immediately  opened 
fire  upon  us  with  heavy  guns  from  the  fort,  while  from  their  rifle  pits 
came  a hum  of  bullets  and  crackle  of  musketry.  Their  heavy  shot 
came  crushing  among  the  tangled  abatis  of  falling  timber,  and  ploughed 
up  the  dirt  in  our  front,  rebounding  and  tearing 
through  the  branches  of  the  woods  in  our  rear. 

The  constant  hissing  of  the  bullets,  with  their 
sharp  ping  or  bizz  whispering  around  and  some- 


_ . times  into  us,  gave 

Batter y.  ^SIP  me  a sickening  feel- 

ing and  a cold  per- 
spiration. I felt 
weak  around  my  knees  — a sort  of  faintness  and  lack  of  strength  in 
the  joints  of  my  legs,  as  if  they  would  sink  from  under  me.  These 
symptoms  did  not  decrease  when  several  of  my  comrades  were  hit. 
The  little  rifle-pits  in  our  front  fairly  blazed  with  musketry,  and  the 
continuous  sjiap,  snap,  crack,  crack  was  murderous.  Seeing  I was 
not  killed  at  once,  in  spite  of  all  the  noise,  my  knees  recovered 
from  their  unpleasant  limpness,  and  my  mind  gradually  regained  its 
balance  and  composure.  I never  afterwards  felt  these  disturbing 
influences  to  the  same  degree. 


40 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


'“We  slowly  retired  from  stump  to  stump  and  from  log  to  log, 
finally  regaining  the  edge  of  the  wood,  and  took  our  position  near 
Webber’s  and  Bramhall’s  batteries,  which  had  just  got  into  position 
on  the  right  of  the  road,  not  over  seven  hundred  yards  from  the 
hostile  fort.  While  getting  into  position,  several  of  the  battery  men 
were  killed,  as  they  immediately  drew  the  artillery  fire  of  the  enemy, 
which  opened  with  a noise  and  violence  that  astonished  me. 

“ Our  two  batteries  were  admirably  handled,  throwing  a number  of 
shot  and  shell  into  the  enemy’s  works,  speedily  silencing  them,  and 
by  nine  o’clock  the  field  in  our  front,  including  the  rifle-pits,  was 
completely  ‘ cleaned  out  ’ of  artillery  and  infantry.  Shortly  after- 
wards we  advanced  along  the  edge  of  the  wood  to  the  left  of  Fort 
Magruder,  and  about  eleven  o’clock  we  saw  emerging  from  the  little 
ravine  to  the  left  of  the  fort  a swarm  of  Confederates,  who  opened 
on  us  with  a terrible  and  deadly  fire.  Then  they  charged  upon  us 
with  their  peculiar  yell.  We  took  all  the  advantage  possible  of  the 
stumps  and  trees  as  we  were  pushed  back,  until  we  reached  the  edge 
of  the  wood  again,  where  we  halted  and  fired  upon  the  enemy  from 
behind  all  the  cover  the  situation  afforded.  We  were  none  of  us  too 
proud,  not  even  those  who  had  the  dignity  of  shoulder-straps  to 
support,  to  dodge  behind  a tree  or  stump.  I called  out  to  a comrade, 
‘Why  don’t  you  get  behind  a tree?’  ‘Confound  it,’  said  he,  ‘there 
ain’t  enough  for  the  officers.’ 

“ I don’t  mean  to  accuse  officers  of  cowardice,  but  we  had  sud- 
denly found  out  that  they  showed  the  same  general  inclination  not  to 
get  shot  as  privates  did,  and  were  anxious  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
privilege  of  their  rank  by  getting  in  our  rear.  I have  always  thought 
that  pride  was  a good  substitute  for  courage,  if  well  backed  by  a con- 
scientious sense  of  duty  ; and  most  of  our  men,  officers  as  well  as 
privates,  were  too  proud  to  show  the  fear  which  I have  no  doubt  they 
felt  in  common  with  myself.  Occasionally  a soldier  would  show 
symptoms  which  pride  could  not  overcome.  One  of  our  men,  Spin- 
ney, ran  into  the  woods  and  was  not  seen  until  after  the  engagement. 
Some  time  afterwards,  when  he  had  proved  a good  soldier,  I asked 
him  why  he  ran,  and  he  replied  that  every  bullet  which  went  by  his 
head  said  ‘ Spinney,’  and  he  thought  they  were  calling  for  him.  In 
all  the  pictures  of  battles  I had  seen  before  I ever  saw  a battle,  the 
officers  were  at  the  front  on  prancing  steeds,  or  with  uplifted  swords 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN. 


41 


were  leading  their  followers  to  the  .charge.  Of  course,  I was  sur- 
prised to  find  that  in  a real  battle  the  officer  gets  in  the  rear  of  his 
men,  as  is  his  right  and  duty,  — that  is,  if  his  ideas  of  duty  do  not 
carry  him  so  far  to  the  rear  as  to  make  his  sword  useless. 

“ The  ‘ Rebs  ’ forced  us  back  by  their  charge,  and  our  central 
lines  were  almost  broken.  The  forces  withdrawn  from  our  right  had 
taken  the  infantry  support  from  our  batteries,  one  of  which,  consist- 
ing of  four  guns,  was  captured.  We  were  tired,  wet,  and  exhausted 
when  supports  came  up,  and  we  were  allowed  to  fall  back  from  under 
the  enemy’s  fire,  but  still  in  easy  reach  of  the  battle.  I asked  one 
of  my  comrades  how  he  felt,  and  his  reply  was  characteristic  of  the 
prevailing  sentiment  : ‘ I should  feel  like  a hero  if  I wasn’t  so  blank 
wet.’  The  bullets  had  cut  queer  antics  among  our  men.  A private 
who  had  a canteen  of  whiskey  when  he  went  into  the  engagement, 
on  endeavoring  to  take  a drink  found  the  canteen  quite  empty,  as  a 
bullet  had  tapped  it  for  him.  Another  had  a part  of  his  thumb-nail 
taken  off.  Another  had  a bullet  pass  into  the  toe  of  his  boot,  down 
between  two  toes,  and  out  along  the  sole  of  his  foot,  without  much 
injury.  Another  had  a scalp  wound  from  a bullet,  which  took  off  a 
strip  of  hair  about  three  inches  in  length  from  the  top  of  his  head. 
Two  of  my  regiment  were  killed  outright  and  fourteen  badly  wounded, 
besides  quite  a number  slightly  injured.  Thus  I have  chronicled  my 
first  day’s  fight,  and  I don't  believe  any  of  my  regiment  were  ambi- 
tious to  ‘chase  the  enemy  any  farther’  just  at  present.  Refreshed 
with  hot  coffee  and  hard-tack,  we  rested  from  the  fight,  well  satisfied 
that  we  had  done  our  duty.  When  morning  dawned,  with  it  came 
the  intelligence  that  the  enemy  had  abandoned  their  works  in  our 
front,  and  were  again  in  full  retreat,  leaving  their  wounded  in  our 
hands.” 

A theory  generally  entertained  is,  that  Hancock’s  brilliant  action 
on  our  right  caused  the  retreat  of  the  rebels.  The  facts,  I imagine, 
are  that  the  rebels  only  intended  to  fight  till  night,  and  under  cover 
of  the  darkness,  continue  their  retreat,  and  thus  save  their  trains  and 
rear-guard  from  capture. 

On  the  morning  following  the  fight  Couch’s  men  took  possession 
of  Fort  Magruder  and  the  abandoned  redoubts,  and  a force  was  sent 
out  to  bury  the  dead. 

In  this  first  battle  of  the  Peninsula,  whose  only  redeeming  feature 


4? 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRLVATE. 


was  the  bravery  of  those  who  fought  it,  our  loss  was  shown  by  official 
report  to  have  been  : in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  2228  ; of 
these  1700  were  of  Hooker’s  force.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was 
1560;  the  protection  their  position  afforded  accounting  for  their 
small  loss  as  compared  with  ours. 

After  the  engagement  I went  over  the  field  in  front  of  the 
enemy’s  fort.  Advancing  through  the  tangled  mass  of  logs  and 
stumps,  I saw  one  of  our  men  aiming  over  the  branch  of  a fallen 
tree,  which  lay  among  the  tangled  abatis.  I called  to  him,  but  he 
did  not  turn  or  move.  Advancing  nearer,  I put  my  hand  on  his 
shoulder,  looked  in  his  face,  and  started  back.  He  was  dead  ! — shot 
through  the  brain  ; and  so  suddenly  had  the  end  come  that  his  rigid 
hand  grasped  his  musket,  and  he  still  preserved  the  attitude  of  watch- 
fulness — literally  occupying  his  post  after  death.  At  another  place 
we  came  upon  one  of  our  men  who  had  evidently  died  from  wounds. 
Near  one  of  his  hands  was  a Testament,  and  on  his  breast  lay  an 
ambrotype  picture  of  a group  of  children  and  another  of  a young 
woman.  We  searched  in  vain  for  his  name.  It  was  neither  in  his 
book  nor  upon  his  clothing ; and,  unknown,  this  private  hero  was 
buried  on  what  was  doubtless  his  first  battle-field.  The  pictures 
were  afterwards  put  on  exhibition  for  identification. 

The  6th  of  May  was  a beautiful  morning,  with  birds  singing 
among  the  thickets  in  which  lay  the  dead.  The  next  morning  we 
marched  through  quaint,  old-fashioned  Williamsburg.  The  most 
substantial  buildings  of  the  town  were  those  of  William  and  Mary 
College,  which  were  of  brick.  In  most  of  the  houses  there  were  no 
signs  of  life  ; blinds  and  shutters  were  closed,  but  a white  hand  was 
occasionally  seen  through  the  blinds,  showing  that  a woman  was 
gazing  stealthily  at  us.  Occasionally  a family  of  black  people  stood 
in  the  doorway,  the  women  and  children  greeting  us  with  senseless 
giggles,  and  in  one  instance  waving  their  red  handkerchiefs.  I asked 
one  of  the  black  women  where  the  white  people  were,  and  she  replied, 
“ Dey’s  done  gone  and  run  away.”  We  kindled  fires  from  that 
almost  inexhaustible  source  of  supply,  the  Virginia  fences,  cooked 
our  coffee,  sang  our  songs,  and  smoked  our  pipes,  thoughtless  of  the 
morrow.  We  quarrelled  with  nothing,  except  the  pigs  that  wan- 
dered at  will  in  field  and  wood,  and  which  we  occasionally  converted 
into  pork. 


UP  THE  PENINSULA  WITH  McCLELLAN. 


43 


On  our  tramp  to  White  House  Landing,  on  the  Pam  unkey  River, 
we  began  to  realize  some  of  the  more  substantial  discomforts  of  a 
march  ; the  dust,  rising  in  clouds,  filled  our  nostrils  and  throats,  and 
thoroughly  impregnated  our  clothing,  hair,  and  skin,  producing  in- 
tolerable choking  and  smothering  sensations  ; our  usual  thirst  was 
intensified,  and  made  us  ready  to  break  ranks  at  sight  of  a brook,  and 
swarm  like  bees  around  every  well  on  the  route.  No  one  can  imagine 
the  intolerable  thirst  of  a dusty  march  who  has  not  had  a live  experi- 
ence of  it ; canteens  often  replenished  were  speedily  emptied,  and, 
unless  water  was  readily  attainable,  there  was  great  suffering.  During 
the  frequent  showers,  which  came  down  with  the  liberality  common 
to  the  climate,  it  was  not  unusual  to  see  men  drinking  from  a puddle 
in  the  road ; and  at  one  place  where  water  was  scarce  I saw  men 
crowding  round  a mud-puddle  drinking  heartily,  while  in  one  edge  of 
it  lay  a dead  mule.  There  was  little  to  choose  between  the  mud  and 
the  dust,  and  we  usually  had  one  or  the  other  in  profusion. 

Near  New  Kent  Court-House,  a little  settlement  of  two  or  three 
houses,  we  came  upon  several  Confederate  sick.  One  of  them  was 
full  of  fighting  talk.  I asked  him  what  he  was  fighting  for.  He 
said  he  didn’t  know,  except  it  be  “not  to  get  licked!”  “I  reckon 
you  uns  have  got  a powerful  spite  against  we  uns,  and  that’s  what 
you  uns  all  come  down  to  fight  we  uns  for,  and  invade  our  soil ! ” 
I could  not  argue  with  a prisoner,  and  a sick  man  at  that,  on  equal 
terms  ; so  I replenished  his  canteen,  and  induced  one  of  my  comrades 
to  give  him  some  of  his  rations.  From  the  number  of  interviews 
held  at  different  times  with  our  Confederate  prisoners,  I gathered  the 
general  impression  that  their  private  soldiers  knew  but  very  little  about 
the  causes  of  the  war,  but  were  fighting  “ not  to  get  licked,”  which 
is  so  strong  a feeling  in  human  nature  that  I may  say  it  will  account 
for  much  hard  fighting  on  both  sides.  In  one  of  the  little  cabins 
surrounding  the  principal  residence  were  a mulatto  woman  and  her 
children.  She  was  quite  comely,  and,  with  her  children,  was  pretty 
well  dressed.  She  was  a bitter  Yankee-hater,  and,  we  inferred,  the 
domestic  manager  of  the  household.  She  declared  that  “the  colored 
people  didn’  want  to  be  niggers  for  the  Yanks  ! ” 

Our  corps  arrived  at  White  House  Landing,  May  22,  1862,  and 
here  we  found  a large  portion  of  our  army,  which  was  encamped  on 
the  wide,  level  plain  between  the  wood-skirted  road  and  the  Pam  unkey 


44 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


River,  occupying  tents  of  all  descriptions.  Another  camp  was  located 
at  Cumberland  Landing,  a few  miles  below  White  House.  The  first 
night  after  our  arrival  was  a stormy  and  tempestuous  one,  and  it  was 
evident  that  an  attack  from  the  enemy  was  expected,  as  we  received 
orders  to  lie  upon  our  arms.  The  Pamunkey  is  navigable  to  this 
point,  having  sufficient  depth,  but  is  very  narrow,  — in  fact,  so  narrow 
that  some  of  the  larger  steamers  could  not  turn,  for  their  stem  and 
stern  would  reach  either  bank,  except  at  selected  places.  The  broad 
plain  was  crowded  with  tents,  baggage-wagons,  pontoon  trains,  and 
artillery, — all  the  accompaniments  of  a vast  army. 

Our  drummer  boy,  always  getting  into  scrapes,  was  here  rewarded 
for  some  of  his  mischief.  He  had  gathered  together  large  numbers 
of  rejected  cartridges,  and  having  arranged  an  explosion  was  “hoist 
by  his  own  petard.”  Our  surgeon  was  a talkative  man,  and  while 
dressing  our  drummer’s  wounds  (which  were  in  that  portion  of  his 
anatomy  covered  by  his  coat-tail),  proceeded  to  tell  his  squirming, 
petulant  patient  about  a good  little  Kansas  boy,  whose  wounds  he 
dressed  at  one  time.  The  little  fellow,  naturally  ill  humored  and 
rendered  doubly  so  by  his  smarts,  interrupted  and  astounded  the 
surgeon  by  exclaiming ; “ What  do  you  suppose  I care  for  a little 
Kansas  boy  ; I guess  he  wasn’t  blowed  up  so  he  couldn’t  sit  down  ! ” 

Here  some  of  the  regiments  who  came  out  from  home  in  a Zouave 
uniform  changed  their  bright  clothes  for  the  regular  army  blue,  and, 
as  marching  orders  came  with  the  sunrise,  moved  off  the  field,  leaving 
windrows  of  old  clothes  on  the  plain. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


TO  THE  CHICKAHOMINY.  — THE  BATTLE  OF  SEVEN  PINES. 

HE  roads  were  narrow  and  very  muddy  between  the  White  House 


1 and  the  Chickahominy,  and  it  was  with  great  trouble  that  our 
trains  were  moved  over  them.  A few  miles  west  of  the  Pamunkey 
we  found  the  country  beautiful  and  undulating,  with  graceful  round- 
topped  hills,  here  and  there  crowned  with  trees  and  clothed  in  the 
varied  tints  of  early  summer.  The  picture  is  present  with  me  as  I 
write  ; the  beautiful,  undulating  country,  dotted  with  tents,  and  the 
picturesque  groups  of  men  around  their  camp-fires  at  the  hush  of 


evening. 


On  our  entire  march  up  the  Peninsula,  we  did  not  see  a dozen 
white  men  left  upon  the  soil.  At  last,  on  the  twenty-third  of  May, 
we  arrived  upon  the  banks  of  the  sluggish  Chickahominy, — a small 
mill-stream,  forty  or  fifty  feet  wide,  with  swampy  lowland  bordering 
on  either  side  ; the  tops  of  the  trees  growing  in  the  swamp  being 
about  on  a level  with  the  crests  of  the  bluffs  just  beyond,  on  the 
Richmond  side.  Our  first  camp  was  pitched  on  the  hills  in  the 
vicinity  of  Gaines’s  Farm. 

The  engineers  soon  began  the  construction  of  bridges  for  the 
passage  of  the  troops,  as  it  was  very  important  to  gain  a foothold  on 
the  west  bank,  preparatory  to  our  advance.  While  Duane’s  bridge 
was  being  constructed,  we  were  ordered  on  duty  along  the  banks  : 
and  upon  approaching  the  river  we  found,  in  the  thickets  near  it,  one 
of  our  dead  cavalrymen  lying  in  the  water,  evidently  having  been 
killed  while  watering  his  horse.  The  bridges  were  thrown  out  with 
marvellous  quickness,  and  the  corduroy  approaches  were  soon  con- 
structed. A small  force  was  ordered  to  cross,  to  reconnoitre  and 
to  observe  the  condition  of  the  roads  with  respect  to  the  passage  of 
artillery.  I happened  to  be  one  of  that  squad.  With  orders  not  to 
return  the  fire  if  assailed,  we  advanced  across  the  bridge  and  through 


45 


46 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


the  woods,  a quarter  of  a mile  ; and,  seeing  the  sloughy  condition  of 
the  roads,  were  returning,  when  the  crack  of  a rifle  told  us  the  enemy 
were  upon  us.  At  the  first  fire  one  of  our  men  fell.  He  entreated 


Rescuing  Wounded  Comrades. 

us  to  leave  him  and  save  ourselves ; while  we  were  carrying  him,  the 
enemy  wounded  two  more  of  our  men,  but  not  seriously.  On  each  side 
of  the  narrow  defile  were  woods  with  but  little  screening  underbrush, 


TO  THE  CHICK  AH  OMINY. 


47 


and  it  was  through  this  we  were  advancing  when  attacked.  We  could 
not  see  the  enemy,  who  were  secreted  in  the  tree  tops  around  us,  but 
the  zip,  zip  of  their  bullets  pursued  us  as  we  retreated. 

The  comrade  who  had  been  shot,  apparently  through  the  lungs, 
was  examined  by  our  surgeon,  who  at  first  thought  the  case  fatal,  as 
the  bullet  came  out  of  the  chest  on  the  side  opposite  to  which  it 
entered  ; but  it  was  found  that  the  bullet  had  been  deflected  by  a rib, 
and  glanced  round,  beneath  the  skin,  only  causing  a painful  flesh- 
wound.  In  three  weeks  our  comrade  was  on  light  duty  about  camp. 
Before  seeing  very  much  service  we  discovered  that  a man  may  be  hit 
with  bullets  in  a great  many  places  without  killing  him.  Later  I saw 
a man  who  had  both  his  eyes  destroyed  by  a bullet  without  injuring 
the  bridge  of  his  nose,  or  otherwise  marking  his  face. 

In  the  barn  at  Gaines’s  Farm  there  were  a number  of  Confederate 
sick  and  wounded, — men  captured  in  some  skirmish  during  our 
advance  ; and  while  taking  a peep  at  them  through  a crack,  I saw  a 
North  Carolina  lieutenant  whom  I recognized  as  a former  school 
acquaintance.  I obtained  permission  to  speak  to  him,  but  they  told 
me  he  was  violent  and  bitter  in  his  language.  On  approaching  him, 
and  inquiring  if  he  knew  me,  something  like  a smile  of  recognition 
lighted  up  his  face  ; hesitating  a moment,  he  finally  extended  his 
hand.  We  talked  for  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  about  our  school- 
fellows and  early  days,  but  not  one  word  about  the  war.  In  two  days 
I visited  the  barn  again,  and  upon  inquiring  for  him  was  told  by  one 
of  the  men  in  charge,  “ That  cock  is  done  crowing.”  I asked  where 
he  was  buried.  “ He  isn’t  buried  ; they  have  carried  him  out ! ” I 
stepped  into  the  barn-yard  and  found  him  thrown  upon  a heap  of  dirt. 
It  was  impossible  to  express  all  the  indignation  I felt  ; I emphatically 
said  that  none  but  cowards  would  have  been  guilty  of  such  an  act.  I 
was  ordered  off  for  thus  expressing  my  mind.  Undoubtedly  he  had 
been  very  bitter,  but  that  was  no  excuse.  I mention  this  as  the  only 
instance  I ever  knew  where  a dead  enemy,  or  even  a prisoner,  was 
insulted  by  our  soldiers.  No  soldier  would  have  committed  such  a 
foul  act.  It  was  reserved  for  some  miserable  “ skulker”  who,  to  avoid 
the  active  duties  of  a soldier,  had  taken  refuge  in  a hospital. 

Considerable  foraging  was  done,  on  the  sly,  about  the  neighboring 
plantations,  but  as  a rule  foraging  was  severely  condemned  by  our 
commanders.  There  was  much  tobacco  raised  in  this  section  of 


48 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


country,  and  we  found  the  barns  filled  with  the  best  quality  of  tobacco 
in  leaf ; this  we  appropriated  without  objection  on  the  part  of  our 
officers.  As  all  trades  were  represented  in  our  ranks,  that  of  cigar- 
maker  was  included,  and  the  army  rioted  in  cigars  without  enriching 
the  sutlers. 

By  the  lower  bridges  two  of  the  army  corps  were  sent  across  to 
take  position  near  Seven  Pines.  Some  of  the  bridges  were  of  boats, 
with  corduroy  approaches.  While  they  were  in  process  of  finishing, 
on  the  night  of  May  30,  a terrible  storm  occurred ; the  rain-fall  was 
immense,  and  the  thunder  the  most  terrific  I ever  heard,  its  sharp, 
crackling  rattle  at  times  sounding  like  the  cannonading  of  an  engage- 
ment. When  morning  dawned,  our  boat  bridges  were  found  dangling 
midway  in  a stream  which  covered  the  whole  swampy  and  bottom 
land  on  both  sides  the  original  channel,  and  the  water  was  waist- 
deep  throughout  the  greater  part  of  the  swamp. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  SEVEN  PINES  (FAIR  OAKS). 

We  were  ordered  on  duty  with  Sumner’s  corps,  which  was  sta- 
tioned at  Tyler’s  house,  and  held  the  centre  of  the  general  line  of 
the  army.  Not  long  after  noon  of  the  31st,  we  heard  the  dull  rever- 
beration of  cannonading  in  the  direction  of  Seven  Pines,  and  the 
companies  and  regiments  fell  into  line,  ready  to  march  at  a moment’s 
notice.  About  two  in  the  afternoon  the  march  was  begun  to  the 
approaches  of  Sumner’s  upper  bridge,  also  called  the  “ Grapevine  ” 
bridge,  which  had  been  built  of  logs  over  the  swampy  bottom,  and 
which  was  sustained  in  place  by  ropes  tied  to  stumps  on  the  up- 
stream side.  At  first  it  seemed  impossible  to  cross,  so  swollen  was 
the  stream  by  the  overflow  ; but  when  the  troops  were  well  on  the 
bridge,  it  was  held  in  place  by  the  moving  weight  and  rendered 
passable,  although  covered  with  water  and  swaying  in  the  rushing 
torrent,  which  every  moment  threatened  to  float  it  away  piecemeal. 
The  men  grumbled  some,  after  the  manner  of  soldiers.  “ If  this 
bridge  goes  down  I can’t  swim  a stroke,”  said  one.  “Well,”  said 
“ Little”  Day,  always  making  the  best  of  everything,  “ there  will  be,  in 
that  case, plenty  of  logs  for  you  to  float  on.”  If  we  had  gone  down  with 
all  our  marching  equipments,  there  would  have  been  but  little  chance 
even  for  a good  swimmer.  Kirby’s  battery  of  Napoleon  guns  pre- 


THE  BATTLE  OE  SEVEN  FINES. 


49 


ceded  us  ; we  found  them  mired  on  the  west  shore.  They  were 
unlimbered,  and  the  men  of  different  regiments  tugged  and  lifted  at 
them,  knee-deep  in  the  mire,  until  they  were  extricated,  and  finally 
almost  carried  them  to  dry  land,  or  rather  firm  land,  as  by  no  stretch 
of  courtesy  could  anything  in  the  vicinity  be  called  dry. 

Sedgwick’s  division,  being  nearer  the  Grapevine  bridge,  took  the 
lead  at  that  crossing,  while  Richardson’s  division  moved  toward  Sum- 
ner’s lower  bridge.  There  French’s 
brigade  crossed  by  wading  to  the  \ 

waist,  the  other  brigades  being  ordered 
to  turn  back  and  follow 


Sedg- 


wick. It  was  this  delay  which 
kept  Richardson  out  of  the  first 
day’s  fight. 

A private  of  the  Fifteenth 
Massachusetts  (Gorman’s  bri- 
gade) afterward  gave  me 
his  recollections  of  that 
forced  march  through 
water  and  mud.  “ Most 
of  our  artillery,”  he  said, 

“ became  so  badly 
mired  that  we  were 
obliged  to  proceed 
without  it,  but  the 
little  battery  of 
twelve-pound  Napo- 
leon guns,  com- 
manded by  an  ener- 
getic regular  officer 
(Lieutenant  Kirby), 
notwithstanding  it 
was  continually 
mired  to  its  axles,  ' 

was  pluckily  dragged  along  by  horses  and  men.  Despite  the  mire, 
we  cracked  jokes  at  each  other,  shouted  and  sang  in  high  spirits,  and 
toiled  through  the  morass  in  the  direction  of  the  heavy  firing.” 

About  3.30  p.m.  we  began  to  meet  stragglers  from  the  front. 


Bringing  in  a Confederate 
Prisoner. 


50 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


They  all  tolcl  in  substance  the  same  story  : “ Our  companies  and 
regiments  are  all  cut  to  pieces  ! ” One  straggler  had  a strapping 
Confederate  prisoner  in  charge.  He  inquired  for  a Pennsylvania 
regiment,  saying  that  during  the  fight  in  the  woods  he  lost  his  com- 
pany, and  while  trying  to  find  his  way  out  came  across  the  “ reb,” 
and  was  trying  to  “take  him  in.”  “Stranger,”  said  the  prisoner, 
“yer  wouldn’t  have  taken  me  in  if  I’d  known  yer  war  lost.” 

“ Meanwhile  the  thunder  of  the  conflict  grew  louder  and  louder, 
and  about  five  o’clock  we  came  upon  fragments  of  regiments  of  that 
part  of  Couch’s  command  which  had  become  isolated  at  Fair  Oaks 
Station  ; they  had  fallen  back  half  a mile  or  so,  and  when  we  joined 
them  beyond  the  Courtney  house  they  were  hotly  engaged  with  the 
enemy,  who  were  in  overwhelming  numbers. 

“ As  we  came  up  through  a stumpy  field  we  were  greeted  with 
the  quick  crack,  crack  of  the  infantry  in  our  front.  The  smoke  of 
battle  hung  in  clouds  over  the  field,  and  through  it  could  be  seen  the 
flashes  of  the  artillery.  The  ping,  zip,  zip  of  bullets,  and  the  wounded 
men  limping  from  the  front  or  carried  by  comrades,  were  a prelude 
to  the  storm  to  come.  We  formed  on  the  left  of  Abercrombie’s  shat- 
tered brigade,  near  the  Adams  house,  and  were  welcomed  with  hearty 
cheers.  Presently  there  was  a terrible  explosion  of  musketry,  and 
the  bullets  pattered  around  us,  causing  many  to  drop  ; a line  of  smoke 
ahead  showed  where  this  destructive  fire  came  from.  Kirby’s  five 
Napoleon  guns  came  up,  and  in  the  angle  of  the  woods  opened  with 
splendid  precision  upon  the  Confederate  columns.  The  recoil  of  the 
pieces  was  often  so  great  as  to  bury  the  wheels  nearly  to  the  hub  in 
mud.  Soon  the  ‘ rebel  yell  ’ was  heard  as  they  charged  on  the  right 
of  Kirby’s  battery,  which  changed  front  to  the  right,  and  delivered  a 
destructive  fire  of  canister.  This  caused  the  enemy  to  break  in  con- 
fusion, and  retreat  to  the  cover  of  the  woods.  Shortly  afterward  the 
enemy  developed  in  greater  force  in  our  front,  and  the  hum  of  shot 
and  shell  was  almost  incessant ; but  in  a few  minutes  the  fire  slack- 
ened, and  the  Confederate  lines  came  dashing  upon  us  with  their 
shrill  yells.  We  received  them  with  a volley  from  our  rifles,  and  the 
battery  gave  them  its  compliments.  The  gray  masses  of  the  enemy 
were  seen  dimly  through  the  smoke,  scattering  to  cover.  Presently 
the  order  ran  down  the  line,  ‘ Fix  bayonets  ! ’ While  waiting  the 
moment  for  the  final  order,  John  Milan  said:  ‘It’s  light  infantry  we 


“ That  night  we  lay  under  the  stars,  thinking  of  the  events  of  the  day  and  the  expected  conflict 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SEVEN  PINES. 


51 


are,  boys,  and  they  expect  us  to  fly  over  them  criss-cross  fences.’ 
Then  the  final  order  came:  ‘ Guide  right  — Double-quick  — Charge  ! ’ 
Our  whole  line  went  off  at  double-quick,  shouting  as  we  ran.  Some 
scattering  shots  were  fired  by  the  enemy  as  we  struggled  over  the 
fences,  and  then  their  line  broke  and  dissolved  from  view. 

“That  night  we  lay  under  the  stars,  thinking  of  the  events  of  the 
day  and  the  expected  conflict  of  the  morrow.  Until  dawn  of  Sunday 
(June  1)  our  officers  were  busy  gathering  together  the  scattered  and 
separated  forces.  About  five  o’clock  next  morning  we  heard  firing 
on  our  left  flank,  which  was  covered  by  Richardson’s  division  of  Sum- 
ner's corps.  It  was  a line  of  Confederate  pickets  deploying  in  an 
open  field  on  the  south  side  of  Fair  Oaks  Station.  Shortly  after  six 
o’clock  there  was  a furious  fire  of  musketry  on  our  left,  which  con- 
tinued for  an  hour. 

“ During  the  day  I went  over  a portion  of  the  battle-field  in  the 
road  through  the  woods,  where  the  Confederates  had  made  the  unsuc- 
cessful charge  upon  Kirby’s  battery.  Here  the  dead  lay  very  thick, 
and  a number  of  their  wounded  were  hidden  in  the  thickets.  They 
had  fallen  in  many  instances  on  their  faces  in  the  headlong  charge  ; 
some  with  their  legs  torn  off,  some  with  shattered  arms,  and  others 
with  ghastly  wounds  in  the  head. 

“On  the  2d  of  June  the  whole  line  moved  forward,  and  from  Fair 
Oaks  to  the  Williamsburg  road  occupied  the  positions  which  had  been 
held  previous  to  the  battle.  About  that  time  I went  over  the  battle- 
ground in  front  of  Casey’s  position  where  the  battle  began.  Many 
of  the  dead  remained  unburied.  Some  of  the  men  who  first  took 
possession  of  the  works  informed  me  that  they  found  large  quantities 
of  Confederate  arms  ; also  a number  of  the  enemy  who  had  become 
intoxicated  on  Yankee  whiskey.  The  camp  had  been  well  plundered, 
and  the  enemy  had  adopted  a system  of  exchange  in  dress,  throwing 
aside  their  ragged  uniforms,  and  clothing  themselves  in  the  more 
comfortable  and  cleanly  garments  of  the  Federal  soldiers.  I saw  a 
Sibley  tent  in  which  I counted  over  two  hundred  bullet-holes.” 

A comrade  who  visited  the  scene  of  the  charge  made  by  Sedg- 
wick’s men  said  that  in  the  woods  beyond,  where  the  Confederate 
lines  had  been  formed,  a number  had  been  killed  while  in  the  act  of 
getting  over  the  fence,  and  were  suspended  in  the  positions  in  which 
they  had  been  shot.  In  the  woods  just  beyond  this  fence  were  some 


52 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


swampy  pools,  to  which  a number  of  the  enemy’s  wounded  had  crept 
for  water  and  died  during  the  night.  There  were  two  or  three  of 
these  pools  of  stagnant  water,  around  which  were  clusters  of  wounded 
and  dead  men. 

When  my  company  reached  the  vicinity  of  Fair  Oaks,  about  a 
week  after  the  battle,  I was  surprised  to  find  how  many  limbs  of  trees 
had  been  cut  away  by  bullets  and  shot.  At  one  place  a cannon-ball 
had  apparently  passed  entirely  through  the  stem  of  a large  tree,  split- 
ting it  for  some  distance ; but  the  springy  wood  had  closed  together 
again  so  closely  that  the  point  of  a bayonet  could  not  be  inserted  in 
its  track.  The  forests  in  the  rear  were  marked  in  such  a manner  by 
bullets  as  to  indicate  that  the  enemy  must  have  shot  at  times  a long 
way  over  their  intended  mark. 

In  the  advance,  where  Naglee’s  brigade  made  its  struggle  until 
overwhelmed  by  the  enemy,  graves  were  plenty  in  every  direction, 
and  some  of  the  enemy’s  dead  were  found  standing,  in  the  swamp 
near  by,  in  the  position  in  which  they  were  shot.  They  had  decom- 
posed so  rapidly  that  the  flesh  had  partly  dropped  from  the  bones. 

Many  of  Casey’s  men  had  lost  their  knapsacks,  blankets,  and  cloth- 
ing, as  well  as  their  tents,  and  were  in  a sad  plight  for  soldiering. 

Thereafter  our  lines  were  constantly  engaged  in  skirmishing,  and 
we  were  kept  in  position  for  battle  day  after  day,  expecting  an  attack. 
Often  the  bugler  at  brigade  headquarters  sounded  the  alarm  to  “ fall 
in,”  on  one  day  sounding  it  ten  times.  During  one  of  the  frequent 
thunder-storms  the  Confederates  made  reconnoissance,  and  fired  vol- 
leys so  timed  that  they  might  be  mistaken  for  thunder  ; but  our  men 
were  not  deceived  and  stood  to  their  arms,  expecting  an  attack.  At 
one  time  the  men  in  our  rear  were  practising  the  drill  with  blank  car- 
tridges, and  were  mistaken  for  the  enemy.  Thus  the  alarms  of  war 
kept  our  attention  occupied. 


CHAPTER  V. 


BATTLES  AND  MOVEMENTS  PRECEDING  THE  RETREAT  TO 
JAMES  RIVER. 


FROM  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Penin- 
sular campaign,  it  had 
been  the  expectation 
of  McClellan,  and  un- 
doubtedly the  inten- 
tion of  the  adminis- 
tration, to  reinforce 
the  army  before  Rich- 
mond, by  marching 
McDowell’s  force 
overland  to  its  sup- 
port. 

McClellan,  with 
this  in  view,  had  made 
his  base  of  supplies 
at  White  House,  and 
early  in  his  opera- 
tions before  the 
rebel  capital,  had 
thrown  forward  his 
right  wing,  at  Han- 
over Court-House,  to 
clear  away  all  opposition  to  McDowell’s  advance.  The  Union  army 
was  pressing  upon  Richmond,  arousing  the  fears  of  the  Confederate 
leaders,  and  inspiring  confidence  and  hope  in  the  Union  cause. 

The  disturbing  factor,  which  prevented  the  desired  junction  of 
forces,  was  the  fear  of  Stonewall  Jackson  working  upon  the  appre- 
hensions of  the  war-council  at  Washington. 


S3 


54 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Lee  had  entrusted  this  able  soldier  with  the  execution  of  a bold 
and  ingenious  plan  to  prevent  any  combination  of  our  forces.  After 
engaging  and  threatening  Fremont’s  army  at  Franklin,  Jackson 
turned  and  attacked  the  portion  of  Banks’s  force  at  Front  Royal, 
hurling  him  in  retreat  down  the  valley,  and  following  him  to  within 
two  miles  of  Harper’s  Ferry. 

The  sudden  appearance  of  Jackson  at  Winchester,  shattered,  as  if 
by  the  crash  of  a cannonade,  the  combinations  which  had  been 
formed  for  the  defeat  of  the  rebel  army,  and  undoubtedly  saved  that 
army  from  present  defeat,  and  the  Confederate  capital  from  capture. 

McDowell’s  order  to  advance  and  reinforce  McClellan  was 
countermanded,  and  he  was  instead  sent  to  head  off  and  catch 
Jackson,  who  had  thus  upset  the  plans  of  McClellan,  confounded 
the  war-council  at  Washington,  and  paralyzed  and  rendered  non- 
effective  the  force  of  sixty  thousand  men,  under  McDowell,  Banks, 
and  Fremont.  Then,  by  secret  movements  which  baffled  detec- 
tion, Stonewall  Jackson  united  his  force  with  that  of  Lee,  in  time 
to  take  part  in  the  final  and  decisive  attack  on  the  Union  army 
before  Richmond. 

Lee,  keen-eyed  and  astute,  had  written  to  Jackson,  under  date  of 
June  1 6,  1862  : “The  present  seems  favorable  for  a junction  of  your 
army  with  this.  . . . Unless  McClellan  can  be  driven  out  of  his 
intrenchments  he  will  move,  by  positions  under  cover  of  his  heavy 
guns,  within  shelling  distance  of  Richmond.” 

Thus  Lee  reinforced  his  own  army  with  the  army  that  had 
already  disrupted  the  Union  plans. 

The  fundamental  weakness  of  McClellan’s  position  before  Rich- 
mond was  that  his  communications  with  his  base  at  White  House 
was  nearly  a prolongation  of  his  line  of  operations  before  the  Con- 
federate capital.  This  situation  required  that  a large  force  should  be 
posted  on  the  east  side  of  the  Chickahominy,  to  cover  and  protect 
his  communications. 

To  this  disadvantage  in  position  was  added  a moral  one,  which 
had  great  influence  in  all  calculations  made  by  the  eminently  cautious 
and  able  Union  commander.  This  was  the  inefficiency  of  his  secret 
service  bureau,  which  persistently  magnified  the  numbers  in  the 
rebel  army.  When  Lee  had  eighty  thousand,  this  bureau  reported 
a force  of  two  hundred  thousand  ; thus  by  its  blunders  playing  an 


BATTLES  AND  MOVEMENTS. 


55 


effective  part  for  the  Confederate  leaders.  It  hampered  the  action 
of  the  Union  commander  in  every  battle,  and  exaggerated  into 
timidity  and  fatal  indecision  his  bias  for  hesitation.  It  was  a 
common  conceit  among  the  soldiers  that  the  spy  system  of  our 
army  was  run  in  the  interests  of  the  Confederacy. 

Lee,  having  produced  as  it  were,  by  one  blow,  the  concentration 
of  his  own  army,  and  the  division  of  his  enemy,  determined  to  attack, 
defeat,  and  destroy  in  detail,  the  separated  wings  of  the  army  before 
him. 

McClellan,  meantime,  comprehending  the  difficulties  of  his  situa- 
tion, and  the  impossibility  of  receiving  reinforcement  from  McDowell, 
debated  the  advisability  of  changing  his  base  to  James  River,  which 
would  give  him  a shorter  line  of  operations  against  Richmond,  and 
one  free  from  the  inherent  difficulties  presented  by  that  at  White 
House.  Had  he  been  able  to  change  his  base  at  once,  it  would  have 
given  him  the  prestige  of  doing  from  choice  that  which  was  afterward 
forced  upon  him. 

When,  on  the  morning  of  June  25th,  1862,  he  found  Jackson 
within  striking  distance  of  his  right  wing,  McClellan  immediately 
penetrated  Lee’s  real  purpose,  and  decided  to  withdraw  Porter’s  corps 
to  the  south  side  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  with  his  united  army 
effect  the  change  of  base  to  James  River. 

As  a necessary  preliminary  he  engaged  the  threatening  rebel 
force  with  Porter’s  corps,  for,  as  he  states  in  his  report,  an  immediate 
withdrawal  without  fighting  would  have  exposed  the  rear  of  his  army, 
and  enabled  Jackson  to  intercept  the  movement  to  the  James. 

McClellan  supposed  the  attack  on  his  right  wing  was  being  made 
by  Jackson’s  force  alone,  while  the  stubborn  resistance  met  led  the 
rebel  commander  to  suppose  that  the  entire  Union  army  was  in  his 
front.  Both  assumptions  were  an  illustration  of  the  mistakes  which 
are  the  inseparable  incidents  of  war. 

The  position  of  Porter  had  almost  the  aspect  of  a forlorn  hope, 
attacked  as  he  was  by  nearly  sixty  thousand  men. 

The  plan  of  the  Confederate  commander  was  for  Jackson  to  so 
manoeuvre  as  to  uncover  the  passages  of  the  stream  at  Meadow  and 
Mechanicsville  bridges,  then  crossing  his  whole  force,  sweep  down 
the  north  bank  of  the  Chickahominy  and  break  McClellan's  commu- 
nications with  White  House.  But  by  various  devices,  put  in  opera- 


56 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


tion  by  the  Union  commander,  Jackson  was  delayed,  and  did  not 
arrive  until  a day  after  the  time  expected. 

The  principal  device  used  to  delay  Jackson  was  the  sending  out, 
with  light  marching  orders,  of  a force,  consisting  of  the  Eighteenth 
Massachusetts  and  Seventeenth  Pennsylvania  regiments,  a battery 
of  flying  artillery,  and  a squad  of  light  cavalry,  under  command 
of  General  Stoneman. 

gaines’s  mill. 

On  the  afternoon  of  June  25th  General  A.  P.  Hill,  after  crossing 
the  Chickahominy,  drove  away  the  small  force  of  observation  stationed 
at  Mechanicsville,  — thus  enabling  him  to  unite  the  division  of  Long- 
street  and  D.  H.  Hill  with  his  own.  He  then  began  a movement 
down  the  north  bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  where  he  encountered 
McCall’s  division  intrenched  on  the  almost  perpendicular  bank  of 
Beaver  Dam  Creek.  The  Confederate  army  was  advancing  by  the 
Mechanicsville  road,  which  runs  nearly  parallel  at  this  point  with  the 
commanding  intrenchments  of  the  Union  line,  and  thus  unconsciously 
exposed  his  flank  to  the  artillery  and  musketry  fire. 

The  Union  guns  withheld  their  fire  until  the  head  of  the  rebel 
column  was  nearly  across  the  creek,  when  they  suddenly  poured  in  a 
destructive  artillery  and  infantry  fire,  causing  the  enemy  to  break  and 
fly  in  confusion.  Although  constant  firing  continued  until  nine  o’clock 
in  the  afternoon,  no  further  attempt  to  force  the  passage  was  made. 
The  Confederate  loss,  as  estimated  by  Longstreet,  was  four  thousand 
men,  while  that  of  the  Union  army  loss  was  not  over  three  hundred. 

The  next  morning  Jackson  came  up  and  turned  the  Union  posi- 
tion, when  Porter  prudently  fell  back  to  Gaines’s  Mill. 

The  battle  of  Gaines’s  Mill  was  fought  by  Porter  against  over- 
whelming odds,  June  27th.  Porter’s  force,  numbering  only  20,335 
men,  described  the  arc  of  a circle  on  the  hills  between  Cold  Harbor 
and  the  Chickahominy,  and  covered  the  approaches  to  the  bridges 
which  connected  this  wing  with  the  south  banks  of  the  river. 
Sykes’s  division  on  the  right  was  in  the  woods  and  clearings  extend- 
ing to  the  rear  of  Cold  Harbor,  while  Morell’s  on  our  extreme  left, 
occupied  a wooded  crest  rising  abruptly  from  a deep  ravine.  The 
ground  in  front  was  open,  but  on  that  side  from  which  the  Con- 
federates made  their  approach  was  a thick  and  tangled  wood,  through 


“ Suddenly  there  came  a troop  of  cavalry,  wildly  rushing  upon  the  artillery.”  Page  57. 


GAINES'S  MILL. 


57 


which  ran  a sluggish  stream.  McCall’s  division,  which  bore  the  brunt 
of  the  previous  day’s  encounter,  was  posted  in  the  rear,  forming  a 
second  line. 

The  Confederate  force,  numbering  nearly  sixty  thousand  men, 
began  the  attack  at  about  2.30  in  the  afternoon.  General  A.  P.  Hill 
led  the  attack,  and  from  the  stubborn  resistance  met  was  soon  of  the 
opinion  that  the  entire  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  in  his  front. 

The  deadly  fire  of  our  infantry  and  artillery  hurled  back  and 
disorganized  the  attacking  forces.  For  two  hours  the  incessant  roar 
of  the  conflict  was  heard.  About  four  o’clock  Jackson’s  and  Long- 
street’s  divisions  came  into  the  fight,  and  a general  concerted 
attack  was  made  on  the  compact  lines  of  the  Union  position.  Our 
men  answered  the  rebel  yell  with  defiant  cheers,  and  drove  back  their 
hosts  which  came  swarming  out  of  the  woods  and  across  the  ravine. 

The  conflict  was  incessant  up  to  seven  o’clock,  yet  the  Union 
lines  were  not  broken,  and  it  seemed  that  night  only  would  end  the 
contest. 

Such  was  the  situation  when  Whiting’s  troops,  en  masse , came 
across  the  ravine  and  up  the  hill,  through  the  smoke,  with  wild 
yells.  The  Union  lines,  struggling  with  this  overwhelming  force, 
were  broken  about  sundown,  near  the  centre  of  Morell’s  division. 
Our  forces  at  this  point  were  falling  back,  under  cover  of  the  heavy 
guns,  to  a new  position  (not  in  confusion,  but  coolly  and  in  order), 
when  an  unlooked-for  event  occurred.  Suddenly  there  came  a troop 
of  cavalry,  wildly  rushing  upon  the  artillery,  whose  gunners  had,  up 
to  this  time,  stood  firmly  to  their  work.  Thinking  that  they  were 
being  charged  by  the  enemy,  they  were  thrown  into  confusion  and 
deserted  their  guns.  It  proved  to  be  the  Union  cavalry,  com- 
manded by  St.  George  Cook,  who  had  received  orders  to  keep  below 
the  hill,  but  had  charged  the  enemy  in  the  face  of  a terrible  fire,  and 
been  thrown  back  upon  the  Union  line  and  batteries,  with  horses 
frantic  and  uncontrollable. 

Jackson,  seizing  this  pivotal  moment,  with  an  impetuous  charge, 
took  possession  of  the  crest,  and  the  Union  force,  stubbornly  fight- 
ing, fell  back  to  the  woods  on  the  Chickahominy.  Here  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  bridge  were  crowded,  in  dire  confusion,  with  skulkers, 
stragglers,  and  the  wounded  ; but  at  this  critical  moment  French’s 
and  Meagher’s  brigades,  opportunely  sent  by  Sumner,  arrived  on  the 


58 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


field,  and  under  cover  of  their  steady  columns,  the  worn-out  and 
shattered  battalions  were  re-formed. 

Our  left  wing  was  still  unbroken,  but  the  key  to  the  Union  posi- 
tion having  been  carried,  they  were  forced  to  fall  back  also.  Wel- 
come night  dropped  her  sable  mantle  over  the  terrible  scenes  of  the 
conflict,  and  silently  the  heroic  men,  who  had  withstood  the  enemy 
against  a superior  force,  retreated  to  the  south  of  the  Chickahominy, 
destroying  the  bridges  to  prevent  pursuit. 

The  curious  part  of  this  battle  was,  that  while  60,000  men  at- 
tacked 20,000  under  Porter,  and  supposed,  as  shown  by  their  report, 
that  they  had  the  entire  Union  army  in  their  front,  the  main  body 
of  the  Union  army,  numbering  over  70,000  men,  was  confronted  by 
25,000  Confederates,  behind  the  defences  of  Richmond.  So  much 
it  is  necessary  to  say  that  the  chapter  which  follows  may  be  clearly 
understood. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


RETIRING  FROM  THE  CHICKA HOMINY. 


N the  25th  of  June  preparations  were  made  for  a general  ad- 


\^J  vance  from  our  position  at  Fair  Oaks.  Our  pickets  on  the 
left  were  moved  forward  to  an  open  field  crossed  by  the  Williams- 
burg road,  and  our  lines  then  pushed  forward  beyond  a swampy  belt 
of  timber,  which  for  several  days  had  been  contested  ground.  Our 
troops,  going  in  with  a dash,  met  little  serious  resistance.  The 
ground  was  so  marshy  in  places  that  our  men  were  obliged  to  cluster 
round  the  roots  of  trees  or  stand  knee-deep  in  water.  On  the  27th 
(the  day  of  the  battle  of  Gaines’s  Mill)  and  the  28th  the  enemy  in  our 
front  were  unusually  demonstrative,  if  not  active.  Our  pickets  were 
often  so  near  the  enemy’s  outposts  as  to  hear  them  talk.  One  of 
my  comrades  told  me  of  a conversation  he  overheard  one  night 
between  two  of  the  “Johnnies.” 

“Uncle  Robert,”  said  one,  “is  goin’  to  gobble  up  the  Yankee 
army  and  bring  ’em  to  Richmond.” 

“Well,”  said  his  comrade,  with  a touch  of  incredulity  in  his 
tones,  “we  uns’ll  have  a right  smart  of  ’em  to  feed  ; and  what  are 
we  uns  goin’  to  do  with  ’em  when  we  uns  catch  ’em  ? ” 

“ Oh,”  said  the  other,  with  a touch  of  contempt,  “ every  one  of 
we  uns  will  have  a Yank  to  tote  our  traps  ! ” 

On  the  27th  one  of  my  comrades,  while  on  picket,  heard  orders 
given  as  if  to  a large  body  of  men  — “From  right  of  companies  to 
rear  in  a column  — right  face.  Don't  get  into  a dozen  ranks  there. 
Why  don’t  they  move  forward  up  the  path?”  These  commands 
excited  our  vigilance.  What  puzzled  us  was  that  we  could  not  hear 
the  tramp  of  men,  which  is  usual  in  moving  large  bodies  of  troops, 
when  near  enough  to  hear  their  voices.  Later  we  knew  that  the 
Confederates  in  our  front  were  keeping  up  a big  show  with  a small 
number  of  troops.  We  heard  the  heavy  booming  of  cannon,  which 


59 


6o 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


told  of  Porter’s  battle  on  the  north  side  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  on 
that  day  a balloon  was  seen  over  the  Confederate 
capital.  Every  sign  pointed  to  unusual  activity  in 
our  front.  Then  Porter  followed  us  to  the  south 
side  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  the  whole  aspect  of 
affairs  was  changed. 

Details  were  made  to  destroy  such  stores 


Campaigning  through  the 
Swamp. 


as  could  not  easily  be  removed  in  wagons,  and  some 
of  our  officers,  high  in  rank,  set  an  unselfish  example 


RETIRING  FROM  THE  CIIICKAHOMINY. 


6l 

by  destroying  their  personal  baggage.  Fires  were  not  allowed  in 
the  work  of  destruction.  Tents  were  cut  and  slashed  with  knives  ; 
canteens  punched  with  bayonets  ; clothing  cut  into  shreds  ; sugar  and 
whiskey  overturned  on  the  ground,  which  absorbed  them.  Some  of 
our  men  stealthily  imitated  mother  earth  as  regards  the  whiskey. 
Most  of  our  officers  appreciated  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  and  were 
considerate  enough  to  keep  sober,  in  more  senses  than  one.  Early 
on  the  morning  of  the  29th  the  work  of  destruction  was  complete, 
our  picket-line  was  relieved,  and  with  faces  that  reflected  the  gloom 
of  our  hearts,  we  turned  our  backs  upon  Richmond,  and  started 
upon  the  retreat.  The  gloom  was  rather  that  of  surprise  than  of 
knowledge,  as  the  movement  was  but  slightly  understood  by  the 
mass  of  the  army,  or  for  that  matter  by  most  of  the  officers. 

The  weather  was  suffocatingly  hot  : dust  rose  in  clouds,  com- 
pletely enveloping  the  marching  army ; it  filled  our  nostrils  and 
throats,  and  covered  every  part  of  our  clothing  as  if  ashes  had 
been  sifted  upon  us.  About  nine  o’clock  line  of  battle  was 
formed  near  Allen’s  farm.  Occasionally  the  report  of  a sharp- 
shooter’s rifle  was  heard  in  the  woods.  Some  of  the  men  took 
advantage  of  such  shade  as  was  afforded  by  scattering  trees  and 
went  to  sleep.  All  were  suddenly  brought  to  their  feet  by  a tre- 
mendous explosion  of  artillery.  The  enemy  had  opened  from  the 
woods  south  of  the  railroad,  with  great  vigor  and  precision.  This 
attack  was,  after  some  sharp  fighting,  repelled,  and,  slinging  knap- 
sacks, the  march  was  again  resumed  over  the  dusty  roads.  It  was 
scorching  hot  when  we  arrived  at  Savage’s  Station,  and  there  again 
we  formed  line  of  battle. 

Franklin’s  corps,  which  had  fallen  back  from  Golding’s  farm, 
joined  us  here,  and  a detail  was  made  as  at  other  places  to  destroy 
supplies  ; immense  piles  of  flour,  hard  bread  in  boxes,  clothing,  arms, 
and  ammunition  were  burned,  smashed,  and  scattered.  Two  trains 
of  railroad  cars,  loaded  with  ammunition  and  other  supplies,  were 
here  fired,  set  in  motion  toward  each  other,  and  under  a full  head  of 
steam  came  thundering  down  the  track  like  flaming  meteors.  When 
they  met  in  collision  there  was  a terrible  explosion.  Other  trains 
and  locomotives  were  precipitated  from  the  demolished  Bottom’s 
bridge.  Clouds  of  smoke  rose  at  various  points  north  of  us,  showing 
that  the  work  of  destruction  was  going  on  in  other  places. 


62 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Here,  awaiting  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  we  halted,  while 
wagons  of  every  description  passed  over  the  road  on  the  retreat. 
It  was  now  five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  (though  official  reports  put  it 
as  early  as  four),  when  dense  clouds  of  dust,  rising  in  long  lines  from 
the  roads  beyond,  warned  us  of  the  approach  of  our  antagonists. 
Soon  they  advanced  from  the  edge  of  the  woods  and  opened  fire 
from  the  whole  mass  of  their  artillery.  Our  guns  responded.  For 
nearly  an  hour  not  a musket  was  heard,  but  the  air  vibrated  with  the 
artillery  explosions.  Then  the  infantry  became  engaged  in  the 
woods.  Even  after  the  shadows  of  night  covered  the  scene  with 
their  uncertain  light,  the  conflict  went  on,  until  nine  o’clock,  when 
to  the  deep-toned  Union  cheers  there  were  no  answering  high- 
pitched  rebel  yells. 

Our  regiment  occupied  till  after  sundown  a position  opposite  the 
hospital  camp  near  the  station.  It  was  then  ordered  to  charge  the 
enemy,  which  was  done  under  cover  of  the  heavy  smoke  that  hung 
over  the  field.  At  nine  o’clock  they  began  to  care  for  the  wounded, 
and  to  carry  them  to  the  amputating-table.  Our  “Little  Day”  was 
wounded  through  the  arm,  but  bandaged  it  himself.  Wad  Rider  got 
another  slight  scalp-wound,  which  led  him  to  remark,  “ Them  cusses 
always  aim  for  my  head.”  Pendleton  got  what  he  called  a ventilator 
through  the  side  of  his  hat,  the  bullet  grazing  his  head.  One  of  the 
chaplains  was  indefatigable  in  his  care  of  the  wounded,  and  finally 
preferred  to  be  taken  prisoner  rather  than  desert  them. 

Turning  their  backs  upon  the  battle-field  and  the  hospital  camp  of 
twenty-five  hundred  sick  and  wounded,  who  were  abandoned  to  the 
enemy,  the  troops  resumed  their  march.  The  long  trains,  of  five 
thousand  wagons  and  two  thousand  five  hundred  head  of  beef,  had 
by  this  time  crossed  White  Oak  Swamp.  The  defile  over  which  the 
army  passed  was  narrow,  but  it  possessed  the  compensating  advan- 
tage that  no  attack  could  be  made  on  the  flank,  because  of  the 
morass  on  either  side.  As  fast  as  the  rear-guard  passed,  trees  were 
felled  across  the  road  to  obstruct  pursuit.  Before  daylight  the 
Grand  Army  was  across  the  swamp,  with  the  bridge  destroyed  in 
the  rear. 


GLENDALE. 


63 


GLENDALE. 

During  the  early  morning  hours  of  Monday,  June  30th,  our  regi- 
ment was  halted  near  a barn  used  as  a temporary  hospital.  The 
boys  lay  down,  weary  and  footsore  with  fighting  and  marching. 
They  were  aroused  about  eight  o’clock  and  resumed  their  march. 
At  eleven  they  were  halted  near  Nelson’s  farm.  The  country  here 
began  to  change  from  swamp  and  wood  to  cultivated  fields. 

McCall's  division,  now  numbering  only  about  six  thousand  men, 
was  formed  nearly  parallel  to  the  New  Market  road,  with  his  bat- 
teries in  rear  of  the  infantry.  Kearney  was  within  supporting  dis- 
tance on  his  right,  guarding  the  space  between  the  New  Market  and 
Charles  City  roads,  while  Sumner’s  corps,  with  Hooker’s  division, 
were  formed  in  the  rear  of  McCall’s  advance  line.  To  force  the 
Union  army  from  this  key  position  and  divide  it,  Longstreet  gave 
battle.  At  2.30  p.m.,  advancing  with  A.  P.  Hill  by  the  Charles  City 
road,  he  attacked  with  fury  McCall’s  division.  A heavy  force  of  the 
enemy,  passing  through  the  woods,  was  hurled  upon  General  Sey- 
mour’s brigade,  holding  the  left,  who  maintained  a stubborn  fight  for 
two  hours,  finally  causing  him  to  fall  back.  Knieriem’s  and  Dieder- 
ichs’s  batteries  were  badly  demoralized  at  this  point.  One  of  their 
officers  blubbered  outright.  “ Are  you  wounded  ? Are  you  killed  ? ” 
asked  Hooker’s  ironical  jokers.  “ No  ; mine  battery  disgraces  me 
vorse  dan  det,”  was  his  reply. 

Six  companies  of  a Pennsylvania  regiment  were  stationed  in  two 
log  shanties  and  some  rude  breastworks,  as  support  to  the  two  pieces 
of  artillery  posted  on  the  hill  in  the  rear,  and  in  advance  of  the  third 
brigade.  The  enemy  opened  on  them  with  artillery,  and  also  advanced 
an  infantry  force  behind  them  by  a ravine,  upon  which  the  Pennsyl- 
vanians broke  and  fled  in  confusion.  Streaming  to  the  rear  they 
broke  through  Hooker’s  lines,  and  even  fired  upon  his  men,  but  took 
no  further  part  in  the  conflict  of  the  day.  A colonel  of  one  of  these 
demoralized  regiments  came  in  advance  of  his  men,  dashing  to  the 
rear,  and  as  Hooker’s  men  were  moving  to  the  fight  exclaimed,  “ My 
men  are  all  cut  to  pieces  ; hurry  up  and  save  my  poor  men,”  all  the 
time  showing  signs  of  fear,  and  a very  picture  of  distress.  Plooker’s 
men  “double  quicked”  by  him,  derisively  exclaiming,  “Dry  up,  you  old 
fool ! No  wonder  your  men  broke  with  such  a coward  in  command  ! 


64 


RECOLLECTIONS  OE  A PRIVATE. 


You  are  a nice  son  of  a gun  for  an  officer ! Pull  your  eagles  off  and 
don’t  disgrace  them  ! Go  home  to  your  mother,  you  ain’t  worth  the 
powder  and  lead  it  would  require  to  shoot  you  ! ” All  this  may  seem 
tame  in  the  recital,  but  every  sally  was  followed  by  a roar  of  laughter 
which  mingled  with  the  roar  of  battle  at  the  front,  to  which  they 
were  hurrying,  and  was  funny  to  them. 

The  crowning  attack  of  the  day  was  on  Randall’s  battery,  on 
McCall’s  right.  It  was  of  a peculiar  and  desperate  character  unusual 
in  the  history  of  war.  McCall,  in  his  report  of  the  battle,  describes 
it  as  “advancing  in  wedge  shape,  without  order,  with  trailing  arms, 
in  perfect  recklessness.”  Feeling  over-confident  in  his  ability  to 
repel  the  attack  with  artillery,  orders  were  given  by  the  officer  in 
command  for  the  infantry  to  withhold  their  fire  until  the  artillery 
were  done  with  them. 

In  one  dense  mass,  without  order,  a perfect  mob  of  desperate 
men,  with  trailing  arms,  shouting,  screaming,  on  they  came,  with  an 
impetuosity  and  fury  impossible  to  describe. 

Vainly  the  artillery  of  the  Federals  tore  great  gaps  and  paths 
through  this  torrent  of  men  pouring  in  upon  them  ; closing  up  their 
shattered  ranks,  on  they  came  with  a fury  which  defied  ordinary 
artillery  calculations,  until  they  were  among  the  guns  and  gunners 
and  infantry  supports.  Here  occurred  a hand-to-hand  struggle  over 
the  guns  seldom  witnessed  in  battle. 

The  rebels  cut  the  traces,  bayoneted  and  shot  the  horses,  and 
overturned  the  guns,  intent  upon  preventing  their  removal. 

With  clubbed  muskets  and  bayonets  our  men  resisted.  Bayonets 
were  locked,  oaths,  bayonet-thrusts,  and  pistol-shots  were  given  and 
exchanged,  and  in  some  instances  men  fell  mutually  pierced  in  the 
struggle.  An  acquaintance,  who  was  in  this  hand-to-hand  conflict, 
and  took  part  as  an  artillerist,  told  me  afterwards  that  the  enemy  had 
advanced  so  near  when  the  last  order  was  given  to  fire  that  he  was 
obliged  to  discharge  the  rammer  from  his  gun  as  well  as  the  shot  at 
the  enemy.  Said  he,  “ Our  sergeant  shouted  to  the  boys,  as  the  rebs 
came  yelling  like  mad  upon  us,  ‘Don’t  run  from  them.’  I thought  to 
myself,  ‘ I ain’t  going  to  git  from  no  such  ragged  fellows  as  they  be.’ 
One  of  them  shot  my  hoss  and  I punched  him  with  a bayonet.  An- 
other reb  came  up  yelling,  ‘Surrender,  you  durned  Yanks,  to  the 
Sixtieth  Virginia  ! ’ Whereupon  a big  gunner  knocked  him  over  the 
head  with  his  rammer.” 


Here  by  the  oak,’  our  men  would  say,  in  answer  to  their  calls.”  Page  05. 


GLENDALE. 


65 


An  attack  which  had  occurred  at  4 p.m.  on  Kearney’s  lines  was 
much  of  the  same  nature  as  the  attack  described  — a determined 
assault  en  masse.  Thompson’s  battery  swept  the  sloping  ground  over 
which  the  rebels  were  advancing.  Notwithstanding  their  heavy  loss 
the  enemy  pressed  on  with  undaunted  persistency,  which,  as  General 
Kearney  in  his  report  said,  “put  artillery  out  of  calculation.”  But 
the  well-directed  volleys  of  the  Sixty-third  Pennsylvania  and  Thirty- 
seventh  New  York  accomplished  what  grape  and  canister  had  failed  to 
do,  and  the  foes  were  hurled  back,  under  this  withering  fire,  in  confusion. 

When  McCall’s  division  gave  way  the  enemy,  who  had  turned  the 
left  of  the  Union  line,  came  down  upon  Sumner’s  troops,  who  soon 
received  the  order,  “Forward,  guide  right”;  and  at  double  quick, 
while  the  batteries  in  the  rear  threw  shot  and  shell  over  their  heads 
into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  they  pressed  forward  upon  them.  For 
a few  moments  the  enemy  resisted,  then  broke  for  the  cover  of  the 
woods  and  melted  away  in  the  twilight  shadows  gathering  over  the 
field.  Our  artillery  continued  to  shell  the  woods,  and  the  din  of  mus- 
ketry did  not  cease  until  long  after  dark.  This  Union  victory  insured 
the  safety  of  the  army,  which  until  that  hour  had  been  in  peril. 

During  the  night  many  of  the  enemy’s  stragglers  were  captured. 
Hooker's  men,  who  heard  them  in  the  strip  of  woods  calling  out  the 
names  of  their  regiments,  stationed  squads  at  different  points  to 
answer  and  direct  them  into  the  Union  lines,  where  they  were  cap- 
tured. “ Here  by  the  oak,”  our  men  would  say  in  answer  to  their 
calls,  and  thus  gathered  in  these  lost  children  of  the  Confederacy. 
Our  regiment  captured  five  or  six  stragglers  in  much  the  same  manner. 
Many  of  them  were  under  the  influence  of  stimulants.  It  was  cur- 
rent talk  at  that  time  — to  account  for  the  desperate,  reckless  charges 
made  during  the  day  — that  the  Confederates  were  plied  with  whiskey. 
I am  not  of  that  opinion,  as  whiskey  will  not  make  men  brave.  Those 
captured  wore  a medley  of  garments  which  could  hardly  be  called  a 
uniform,  though  gray  and  butternut  were  the  prevailing  colors.  Some 
of  them  had  a strip  of  carpet  for  a blanket,  but  the  raggedness  of 
their  outfit  was  no  discredit  to  soldiers  who  fought  as  bravely  as  did 
these  men. 

Franklin’s  force,  which  had  been  disputing  the  passage  of  White 
Oak  Swamp  during  the  day,  at  dark  retreated  from  that  position, 
which  made  it  prudent  to  retire  our  whole  force  from  Glendale,  as 


66 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Jackson’s  forces  at  White  Oak  bridge  would  soon  be  upon  us.  By 
daylight  began  our  march  to  Malvern,  the  pioneers  felling  trees  in 
the  rear. 

Acres  and  acres  of  waving  grain,  ripe  for  the  reapers,  were  seen 
on  every  side.  The  troops  marched  through  the  wheat,  cutting  off 
the  tops  and  gathering  them  into  their  haversacks,  for,  except  in  more 
than  ordinarily  provident  cases,  they  were  out  of  rations  and  hungry, 
as  well  as  lame  and  stiff  from  marching.  The  bands,  which  had  been 
silent  so  long  before  Richmond,  here  began  playing  patriotic  airs, 
with  a very  inspiring  effect.  As  they  neared  James  River  and 
caught  sight  of  our  gun-boats,  a cheer  went  up  from  each  regi- 
ment. About  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning  they  took  position  on 
the  Malvern  plateau. 


MALVERN  HILL. 

The  morale  of  the  army,  notwithstanding  its  toilsome  midnight 
marches  and  daily  battles,  with  insufficient  sleep  and  scanty  food,  was 
excellent.  Its  comparatively  raw  masses  were  now  an  army  of  vet- 
erans, tried  in  the  fire  of  battle. 

Our  stragglers,  their  courage  revived  by  sight  of  the  gunboats, 
came  up  the  hill,  seeking  their  regiments.  One  squad  encountered 
half  a dozen  of  the  enemy’s  cavalry  and  charged  them  with  empty 
muskets.  Another  squad  came  in  with  a Confederate  wagon,  in 
which  were  several  wounded  comrades  rescued  from  the  battle-field. 
Another  squad  had  their  haversacks  filled  with  honey,  and  bore  marks 
of  a battle  with  bees.  During  the  morning  long  lines  of  men  with 
dusty  garments  and  powder-blackened  faces  climbed  the  steep  Quaker 
road.  Footsore,  hungry,  and  wearied,  but  not  disheartened,  these 
tired  men  took  their  positions  and  prepared  for  another  day  of  con- 
flict. The  private  soldiers  were  quick  to  perceive  the  advantages 
which  the  possession  of  Malvern  Hill  gave  us,  and  such  expressions 
as  “ How  is  this  for  Johnny  Reb  ! ” were  heard  on  every  hand.  Wad 
Rider,  complacently  and  keenly  viewing  the  surrounding,  said,  “ Satan 
himself  couldn’t  whip  us  out  of  this  ! ” As  soon  as  it  was  in  position 
near  the  north  front  of  the  hill,  our  regiment  was  given  the  order, 
“In  place  — rest,”  and  in  a few  minutes  the  men  were  asleep,  lying 
beside  their  muskets. 


MALVERN  HILL. 


67 


Early  in  the  forenoon  skirmishing  began  along  the  new  line. 
Some  of  the  troops,  while  going  up  the  hill  to  take  their  positions 
on  the  field,  were  fired  upon  by  the  enemy’s  batteries.  Small  parties 
advanced  within  musket-shot,  evidently  reconnoitring  our  position, 
and  fired  from  the  cover  of  the  woods  on  our  men.  Shells  from  our 
gun-boats  on  the  James  came  hoarsely  spluttering  over  the  heads  of 
the  troops.  Occasionally  hostile  regiments  appeared  from  the  woods 
below  the  crest  of  the  hill,  and  were  as  often  driven  back  by  our 
artillery. 

The  fighting  of  the  day  might  be  described  as  a succession  of 
daring  attacks  and  bloody  repulses.  Heavy  firing  began  at  different 
points  soon  after  noon,  followed  by  a lull.  About  three  o’clock  there 
was  heard  an  explosion  of  artillery,  with  the  well-known  rebel  yell, 
followed  by  the  cheering  of  our  men.  The  crash  of  artillery  was  even 
at  this  time  terrible.  Soon  it  partly  died  away  and  was  followed  by 
roaring  volleys,  and  then  the  regular  snap,  crack,  crack  of  firing  at  will 
of  the  musketry.  It  was  the  attack  of  G.  13.  Anderson’s  brigade  of 
D.  H.  Hill’s  division  upon  Couch's  front.  In  a hand-to-hand  struggle 
at  this  time,  the  Thirty-sixth  New  York  captured  the  colors  of  the 
Fourteenth  North  Carolina  and  a number  of  prisoners.  Couch  then 
advanced  his  line  to  a grove,  which  gave  a stronger  position  and  a 
better  range  for  the  musketry.  An  assault  at  the  same  time  was 
made  along  the  left,  but  was  speedily  repulsed  by  the  batteries.  At 
four  o’clock  there  was  quiet,  but  the  storm  of  battle  at  six  o’clock 
burst  upon  Malvern  cliff.  Brigade  after  brigade  came  up  the  hill  with 
impetuous  courage,  breasting  the  storm  of  canister,  grape,  and  shell 
which  devastated  their  ranks.  Half-way  up  they  would  break  in  dis- 
order, before  the  destructive  cannonade  and  the  deadly  volleys  of 
musketry.  Vainly  they  were  rallied.  It  was  more  than  human  cour- 
age could  endure. 

After  D.  H.  Hill,  Magruder  made  his  attack.  Our  guns,  grouped 
around  the  Crew  house,  opened  upon  the  Confederates,  as  with  fierce 
yells  they  charged  up  the  slope.  In  some  instances  our  infantry, 
being  sheltered  by  the  inequalities  of  the  ground  in  front  of  the  guns, 
withheld  their  fire  until  the  charging  column  was  within  a few  yards 
of  them.  Sometimes  the  enemy  attacked  from  the  cover  of  the  ravine 
on  the  left,  but  they  never  reached  the  crest.  Night  came,  yet  the 
fight  went  on,  with  cheers  answering  to  yells  and  gun  answering  to 


68 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


gun.  The  lurid  flashes  of  artillery  along  the  hostile  lines,  in  the 
gathering  darkness  ; the  crackle  of  musketry,  with  flashes  seen  in 
the  distance  like  fire-flies  ; the  hoarse  shriek  of  the  huge  shells  from 
the  gun-boats,  thrown  into  the  woods,  made  it  a scene  of  terrible 
grandeur.  The  ground  in  front  of  Porter  and  Couch  was  literally 
covered  with  the  dead  and  wounded.  At  nine  o’clock  the  sounds  of 
the  battle  died  away,  and  cheer  after  cheer  went  up  from  the  victors 
on  the  hill. 

During  the  battle  of  Malvern  Hill  the  infantry  where  my  regi- 
ment was  posted  was  not  brought  into  active  opposition  to  the  enemy. 
They  lay  on  the  ground  in  front  of  the  guns,  which  threw  shot,  shell, 
and  canister  over  their  heads.  Several  times  after  three  o’clock  bri- 
gades were  sent  from  this  position  to  act  as  supports  where  the  attack 
was  heaviest  on  Couch’s  lines.  Just  after  three  o’clock  the  artillery 
fire  was  heavy  on  our  brigade,  but  the  loss  was  light,  owing  to  the 
protection  afforded  to  the  infantry  by  the  inequalities  of  the  ground. 
Between  six  and  seven  o’clock  our  company  was  detailed  to  guard 
prisoners  ; and  about  that  time,  as  one  of  my  comrades  said,  General 
Hooker  rode  by  on  his  white  horse,  which  formed  a very  marked  con- 
trast to  his  very  red  face.  He  rode  leisurely  and  complacently,  as 
if  in  no  alarm  or  excitement,  but  looked  very  warm.  Behind  a bluff, 
not  far  from  the  Crew  house,  was  the  extemporized  hospital  towards 
which  stretcher-bearers  were  carrying  the  wounded  ; those  able  to 
walk  were  hobbling,  and  in  some  instances  were  using  a reversed 
musket  for  a crutch. 

All  of  the  prisoners  were  “played-out”  men  who  had  evidently 
seen  hard  service  with  marching,  fighting,  and  short  rations.  Some 
of  them  were  morose  and  defiant.  The  most  intelligent  were  gener- 
ally the  best  natured.  The  Virginians  would  usually  remark,  “You 
all  will  never  conquer  we  alls.”  In  general  they  were  poorly  clad. 

Thus  ended  the  Union  advance  on  Richmond.  The  grand  Army 
of  the  Potomac  forced  its  way  to  within  sight  of  the  enemy’s  capi- 
tal, only  to  fall  back,  in  a desperate  struggle  of  seven  successive  days, 
to  the  James  River.  Yet  it  preserved  its  trains,  its  courage,  and  its 
undaunted  front,  and  inflicted  upon  the  enemy  heavier  losses  than  it 
sustained.  Though  crowded  back  in  the  final  movement,  our  army 
defeated  the  enemy  on  every  battle-field  but  one  during  the  seven 
days.  The  moral  advantage  was  on  the  side  of  the  Confederates  ; 


ON  THE  JAMES. 


69 


the  physical  on  the  side  of  the  Federals.  We  had  inflicted  a loss  of 
about  20,000  on  the  enemy,  while  sustaining  a loss  of  but  1 5,849.  The 
fighting  of  our  private  soldiers  had  brought  no  discredit  to  the  Ameri- 
can name.  The  Peninsular  campaign  showed  their  devotion,  bravery, 
and  discipline,  and  its  lessons  had  an  influence  on  all  the  future  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  North  was  in  humiliation  over  the 
result,  while  the  Confederates  rejoiced. 

ON  THE  JAMES. 

The  next  morning  at  daybreak  our  regiment  moved  with  its  squad 
of  prisoners  down  the  road  to  Haxall’s.  Here,  for  some  reason,  they 
were  halted  for  two  or  three  hours  while  regiments,  trains,  and  cattle 
moved  over  the  narrow  defile,  jumbled  in  confusion  together.  There 
were  loud  discussions  as  to  the  right  of  way,  and  a deal  of  growling 
among  the  soldiers  at  retreating,  after  giving  the  “rebs”  such  a whip- 
ping; but  most  of  them  seemed  to  think  “Little  Mac”  knew  what 
he  was  about,  and  the  enthusiasm  for  him  grew  in  intensity  rather 
than  decreased.  The  halt  gave  leisure  for  talk  with  the  prisoners. 
One  of  them  was  a good-looking,  intelligent  fellow  about  twenty-two 
years  of  age.  He  informed  one  of  my  comrades  that  he  belonged  to 
a North  Carolina  regiment.  He  was  a college  graduate,  and  the 
prospect  of  spending  a summer  at  the  North  did  not  seem  to  dis- 
please him.  He  confidentially  said  that  he  had  been  a Union  man 
just  as  long  as  he  could,  and  finally  went  into  the  Confederate  army 
to  save  his  property  and  reputation  and  to  avoid  conscription.  He 
added  : “There  are  thousands  in  the  South  just  like  me.  We  didn’t 
want  the  war,  and  resisted  the  sentiment  of  secession  as  long  as  we 
could.  Now  it  has  gone  so  far  we’ve  got  to  fight  or  sever  all  the 
associations  with  which  our  lives  are  interlinked.  I know  it  is  a des- 
perate chance  for  the  South.  Look  at  your  men,  how  they  are  dis- 
ciplined, fed,  and  clothed,  and  then  see  how  our  men  are  fed  and 
clothed.  They  are  brave  men,  but  they  can’t  stand  it  forever.  South- 
ern men  have  got  fight  in  them,  and  you  will  find  them  hard  to  con- 
quer.” 

One  lean  “Johnny”  was  loud  in  his  praise  of  Stonewall  Jackson, 
saying:  “He’s  a general,  he  is.  If  you  uns  had  some  good  general 
like  him,  I reckon  you  uns  could  lick  we  uns.  ‘Old  Jack’  marches 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


we  uns  most  to  death  ; a Confed  that’s  under  Stonewall  has  got  to 
march.” 

“ Does  your  general  abuse  you  — swear  at  you  to  make  you 
march  ? ” inquired  one  of  his  listeners. 

“Swear?”  answered  the  Confederate;  “no.  Ewell  he  does  the 
swearing  ; Stonewall  does  the  praying.  When  Stonewall  wants  us 

to  march  he  looks  at  us  soberly,  just 
as  if  he  was  sorry  for  we  uns,  but 


couldn’t  help  it,  and  says,  ‘Men,  we’ve  got  to  make  a long  march.’ 
We  always  know  when  there  is  going  to  be  a long  march  and  some 
right  smart  fighting,  for  Old  Jack  is  powerful  on  prayer  just  before  a 
big  fight.” 

“ Did  you  ever  see  General  Lee  ? ” I inquired  of  one  of  them. 
“Yes,  I was  a sort  of  orderly  for  ‘Uncle  Robert’  for  a while. 
He’s  mighty  calm-like  when  a fight  is  going  on.” 

“Our  General  Magruder,”  said  another,  “thinks  a powerful  heap 


General  Magruder 
and  the  Hungry  Texan. 


ON  THE  JAMES. 


71 


of  what  he  eats  and  wears.  He  allers  has  a right  smart  of  truck. 
There  was  a Texas  feller  one  time  who  had  straggled  from  his  bri- 
gade, and  he  were  a pert  one,  he  were,  stranger.  He  were  hungry 
enough  to  eat  a general,  buttons  and  all  — that  Texas  feller  were. 
He  saw  Magruder’s  table  all  spread,  with  a heap  of  good  fixins  on  it, 
and  I'll  be  dog-goned  if  he  didn’t  walk  in,  pert  as  you  please,  grabbed 
a knife  and  foi'k,  and  opened  fire  all  along  the  line  of  them  fixin’s. 
Magruder  heard  some  one  in  his  tent,  and  pranced  in  and  asked  that 
Texas  chap  what  brought  him  thar.  The  Texan  'lowed  he  were  hun- 
gry. Then  the  general,  stiff  and  grand-like,  said,  ‘ Do  you  know, 
sir,  at  whose  table  you’r  eating?’  That  Texas  chap,  he  kept  drivin’ 
in  the  pickets  on  them  chick’ns,  and  he  said  to  the  gen’ral,  said  he, 
‘No,  old  hoss,  and  I ain’t  no  ways  partic’lar,  nether,  since  I’ve  come 
solderin’.’  ” 

“What  did  Magruder  do?”  asked  one  of  his  Yankee  usteners. 
“Do?  why,  he  saw  them  chicken  fixin’s  were  spiled,  and  he  jest  put 
his  arm  under  his  coat-tail,  pulled  his  hat  over  his  eyes  — and  walked 
out.  And  that  Texan  hoss  didn't  leave  anything  on  that  thar  table 
'cept  ther  plates,  not  even  his  compliments.  Who  wor  he?  He 
wor  one  of  Whitin’s  Texans.  They  ain’t  got  no  manners,  they  hain’t. 
He  wor  powerful  hungry,  stranger,  that  chap  wor.” 

About  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning  the  regiment  resumed  its  march. 
It  reached  Harrison’s  Landing  about  four  in  the  afternoon,  just  as  it 
began  to  rain  in  torrents.  Here  the  men  were  relieved  from  guard 
duty  and  allowed  the  privilege  of  making  themselves  as  comfortable- as 
was  possible  under  the  circumstances.  The  level  land  which  termi- 
nates in  bluffs  on  the  James  River  was  covered  with  hundreds  of  acres 
of  wheat  ready  for  the  harvest.  The  process  of  cutting  for  the  army 
began  without  delay,  and  before  night  every  blade  of  it  was  in  use 
for  bedding  and  forage  ; not  a vestige  remained  to  tell  of  the  waving 
grain  which  had  covered  the  plain  a few  hours  before.  The  fields 
whereon  it  stood  were  trampled  under  foot ; not  even  a stubble  stood 
in  sight.  Great  fields  of  mud  were  the  resting-place  of  the  army. 
It  was  almost  as  muddy  as  if  the  waters  of  the  deluge  had  just  re- 
ceded from  the  face  of  the  earth.  Mules,  horses,  and  men  were  alike 
smeared  and  spotted  with  mire,  and  the  ardor  of  the  army  was  some- 
what dampened  thereby. 

At  Harrison’s  Landing  the  army  settled  down  to  a period  of  rest, 


72 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


which  was  much  needed.  The  heat  during  the  day  was  intolerable, 
and  prevented  much  exercise.  Men  lay  under  their  shelter,  smoked, 
told  stories,  discussed  the  scenes  and  battles  of  the  previous  month, 
and  when  evening  came  on  visited  each  other’s  camps  and  sang  the 
popular  songs  of  the  day.  Those  vampires  of  the  army,  the  sutlers, 
charged  double  prices  for  everything  they  had  to  sell,  until  the  sol- 
diers began  to  regard  them  as  their  natural  enemies.  No  change 
smaller  than  ten  cents  circulated  in  camp.  It  was  the  smallest  price 
charged  for  anything.  Sutler’s  pasteboard  checks  were  in  good 
demand  as  change,  and  were  very  useful  in  playing  the  game  of 
“bluff.”  Thus  the  army  whiled  away  the  month  of  July.  During 
August  some  of  the  prisoners  captured  from  us  on  the  seven  days’ 
retreat  arrived  in  our  lines  for  exchange.  They  were  a sorry- 
looking  crowd  — emaciated,  hungry,  sick,  ragged,  and  dirty.  They 
did  not  have  a high  opinion  of  the  entertainment  they  had  re- 
ceived at  Belle  Isle  and  Libby  prison. 

“What  kind  of  a place  is  Belle  Island?”  was  asked,  “it  has  a 
pretty  name.”  “ It  is  a low  point  of  land,  sticking  out  into  the  river 
opposite  Richmond,  like  a mackerel’s  head.  The  land  is  so  low  that 
water  came  right  up  under  us  nights.” 

“Did  they  give  you  good  food?”  “Humph!  maggoty  beans 
and  such  stuff.  I tell  you  it  seems  good  to  get  hold  of  our  hard- 
tack ! I was  almost  starved  all  the  time  I was  down  there.” 

“You  have  got  a good  appetite,”  said  one,  “they  didn’t  steal 
that.” 

“No,”  said  the  ex-prisoner,  “they  wrere  awfully  afraid  of  over- 
feeding us.” 

During  one  of  those  quiet,  still  August  nights,  dark,  and  as  close 
and  muggy  as  only  a night  in  “dog  days  ” can  be,  some  time  after 
midnight,  the  whole  camp  was  roused  by  the  furious  and  rapid 
bursting  of  shells  in  our  very  midst.  Imagine,  if  you  can,  a mid- 
night shelling  of  a closely  packed  camp  of  fifty  thousand  men,  with- 
out giving  them  one  hint  or  thought  of  warning ; imagine  our  dazed 
appearance  as  we  rolled  from  under  our  canvas  coverings,  and  the 
running  and  dodging  here  and  there,  trying  to  escape  from  the 
objective  point  of  the  missiles.  Of  course  the  camp  was  a perfect 
pandemonium  during  the  half  hour  that  the  shelling  lasted.  We 
soon  discovered  that  the  visitors  came  from  a battery  across  the 


ON  THE  JAMES. 


73 


James  River,  and  in  twenty  minutes  a few  of  our  guns  silenced 
them  completely.  Most  of  these  shells  burst  over  and  amongst  us 
who  occupied  the  centre  of  the  camp,  near  the  old  Harrison’s 
Landing  road.  This  road  was  lined  on  either  side  with  large  shade- 
trees,  which  were  probably  of  some  assistance  to  the  enemy  in 
training  their  guns. 

While  at  Harrison’s  Landing  there  was  a great  deal  of  sickness. 
But,  more  than  any  other  ailment,  homesickness  was  prevalent.  It 
made  the  most  fearful  inroads  among  the  commissioned  officers. 
Many  sent  in  their  resignations,  which  rvere  promptly  returned  dis- 
approved. One,  who  had  not  shown  a disposition,  proportionate  to 
his  rank,  to  face  the  enemy,  hired  two  men  to  carry  him  on  a stretcher 
to  the  hospital  boat ; and  this  valiant  officer  was  absent  from  the 
army  nearly  a whole  year.  We  believed  at  that  time  that  some  of 
the  hospitals  at  the  North,  for  the  sake  of  the  money  made  on  each 
ration,  sheltered  and  retained  skulkers.  In  contrast  with  this  was 
the  noble  action  of  men  who  insisted  on  joining  their  commands 
before  their  wounds  were  fairly  healed,  or  while  not  yet  recovered 
from  sickness. 

Bathing  and  swimming  in  the  James  was  a luxury  to  us  soldiers, 
and  did  much,  no  doubt,  towards  improving  the  health  of  the  army. 
Boxes  with  goodies  from  home  came  by  express  in  great  numbers. 
One  of  my  friends  at  one  time  received  a whole  cheese,  and  for  a 
week  was  the  envy  of  the  company. 

One  of  the  most  important  members  of  the  company  was  the  cook. 
He  was  a fat  “son  of  a gun,”  though  he  was  more  at  home  with  the 
fire  under  his  camp-kettles  than  when  himself  under  fire  from  the 
enemy.  He  maintained  a sort  of  martial  law  among  us  hungry  fel- 
lows, and  woe  to  the  man  who  provoked  his  displeasure  ; he  would 
surely  come  short  in  his  provender  some  way.  He  used  to  boil  his 
dirty  clothes  in  the  camp  kettles  in  which  he  cooked  our  food,  coffee, 
and  soups,  and  although  the  procedure  was  not  popular  among  the 
men,  no  one  dared  to  remonstrate  for  fear  of  the  consequences  to  his 
rations.  I had  at  this  time  such  a realization  of  the  importance  of  the 
position  of  company-cook  that  I was  of  the  opinion  that  nothing 
short  of  a brigadier-general  should  hold  it  ; and  as  we  had  so  many 
more  of  those  than  seemed  useful  in  a fight,  I thought  it  would  be  a 
valuable  innovation  to  install  them  as  cooks. 


74 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Hooker’s  brigade  moved  towards  Malvern  Hill  on  the  2d  of  Au- 
gust, and  on  the  4th  attacked  the  enemy  near  Glendale.  On  the 
15th  all  was  bustle  and  confusion,  getting  ready  for  some  move- 
ment— perhaps  another  advance  on  Richmond.  But  instead  we 
took  up  our  line  of  march  down  the  Peninsula.  The  people  on 
the  way  openly  expressed  hatred  of  us  and  sympathy  with  the 
rebellion.  No  guards  were  posted  over  the  houses  as  heretofore, 
and  we  used  the  fences  to  boil  our  coffee,  without  reproach  from 
our  officers.  At  one  house,  near  the  landing,  a notice  was  posted 
forbidding  the  burial  of  a Yankee  on  the  estate.  That  house  was 
very  quickly  and  deliberately  burned  to  the  ground.  Steamboats 
and  wagons  were  crowded  with  our  sick.  After  rapid  marches  we 
arrived  at  Hampton,  and  embarked  again  for  Alexandria. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


pope’s  military  maxims  as  ILLUSTRATED  BY  JACKSON. 

HE  removal  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  its  new  base  on 


1 the  James,  and  the  setting  aside  of  McClellan  from  its  com- 
mand, has  been  a prolific  source  of  discussion  and  recrimination. 
There  is  much  that  can  be  said  both  in  favor  of  and  against  its  removal, 
which  a dispassionate  man  might  assent  to  as  pertinent  and  just. 

On  one  hand  it  is  claimed  that  the  unhealthy  situation  in  which 
the  army  would  be  placed  while  inactive  amid  the  low  and  marshy 
land  on  the  north  of  the  James  during  August  and  September,  made 
its  removal  expedient.  While  on  the  other  hand  it  is  certain  that 
the  months  following  would  be  no  more  fatal  than  those  which  had 
preceded,  and  that  the  sanitary  condition  of  the  army  would  compare 
favorably  with  that  of  any  other  in  the  field.  It  is  again  urged  that 
it  was  advisable  to  concentrate  the  military  forces  then  in  Virginia 
into  one  army. 

It  is  generally  admitted  by  military  critics  that  if  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  was  not  to  be  reinforced  while  on  the  James,  it  would  be 
better  to  remove  it  and  consolidate  with  the  other  forces  in  Virginia. 
McClellan  urged  that  it  was  cheaper  and  easier  to  reinforce  him  on 
the  James,  and  less  demoralizing,  than  to  remove  the  army  to  Acquia 
Creek  ; that  the  army  on  the  James  was  practically  within  ten  miles  of 
Richmond,  with  water  transportation  within  twelve  miles  during  its 
whole  contemplated  advance  ; while  at  Acquia  Creek  the  army  would 
be  seventy  miles  from  Richmond  with  difficult  land  transportation 
all  the  way. 

Halleck’s  memorandum  of  his  visit  to  the  headquarters  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  July  25th,  discloses  the  intention  of  McClellan 
“To  cross  the  James  at  that  point,  attack  Petersburg  and  cut  off 
the  enemy’s  communications  by  that  route  south.” 

To  this  plan  Halleck  objected,  and  in  his  memorandum  says  : 


75 


76 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


“ I stated  to  him  very  frankly  my  views  in  regard  to  the  danger 
and  impracticability  of  the  plan.”  Two  years  afterwards  Grant  found 
the  true  defence  of  Washington  to  be  on  the  James  (a  position 
gained  by  immense  and  disproportionate  loss  to  that  of  the  enemy), 
and  then  adopting  the  plan  McClellan  proposed,  took  Richmond,  and 
destroyed  Lee’s  army. 

The  situation  was  not  materially  different  so  far  as  Washington 
was  concerned,  except  that  in  1862  there  would  have  been  a much 
larger  number  left  for  its  defences  than  in  1864. 

All  questions  of  this  nature  should  be  determined  by  military 
rules  rather  than  by  prejudice.  It  is  an  accepted  maxim  in  war  never 
to  do  that  which  your  enemy  wishes  you  to  do.  From  this  well- 
grounded  maxim  let  us  consider  the  withdrawal  of  the  army  from 
the  James. 

Lee’s  report  of  the  operations  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 
shows  what  he  desired  by  his  saying  : “ In  order  to  keep  McClellan 
stationary,  or,  if  possible,  to  cause  him  to  withdraw,  General  D.  H. 
Hill,  commanding  on  the  south  side  of  James  River,  was  directed  to 
threaten  his  communications  by  seizing  favorable  positions  below 
Westover,  from  which  to  attack  the  transports  on  the  river.” 

We  have  in  this  report  the  authority  of  Lee  himself  as  to  what 
he  considered  desirable,  and  it  is  a curious  fact  that  Halleck’s  wishes 
were  in  perfect  accord  with  the  Confederate  commander’s  in  a desire 
to  remove  the  Army  of  the  James,  and  that  he  finally  achieved,  by 
reason  of  his  high  official  position,  that  which  Lee  failed  to  attain 
by  strategy.  No  more  sarcastic  presentation  of  his  want  of  wisdom 
could  be  offered  than  this  fact.  Again,  upon  the  advisability  of  re- 
inforcing Jackson  on  reaching  Gordonsville,  Lee  in  his  report  says, 
“Jackson  ascertained  that  the  force  under  General  Pope  was  superior 
to  his  own,  but  the  uncertainty  that  then  surrounded  the  designs  of 
General  McClellan  rendered  it  inexpedient  to  reinforce  him  from  the 
army  at  Richmond.” 

It  was  not  until  the  movement  from  Harrison’s  Landing  was  fully 
disclosed  that  Lee  ventured  to  reinforce  Jackson. 

Halleck,  while  holding  his  exalted  position,  thus  showed  his 
greatest  ability  in  anticipating  and  acting  in  unison  with  the  designs 
of  the  enemy,  and  was  a stumbling-block  in  the  path  to  success  of 
every  general  who  succeeded  McClellan  in  command  of  that  army, 


POPE'S  MILITARY  MAXIMS. 


77 

until  Grant’s  high  position  and  strong  will  finally  excluded  him  from 
its  management. 

One  of  the  most  potent  causes  of  the  removal  of  the  army  from 
the  James,  no  doubt,  was  want  of  accord  in  political  sentiment 
between  its  commander  and  the  administration. 

If  McClellan  had  preserved  that  modest  reticence  in  regard  to 
political  affairs  which  afterwards  characterized  Grant,  it  would  have 
been  wiser  for  him  and  better  for  the  country.  No  doubt  his  letter 
to  President  Lincoln,  written  July  7th,  from  Harrison’s  Landing, 
offering  advice  on  the  slavery  question,  stirred  up  a deep  sentiment 
against  him  among  the  friends  of  the  administration,  who  thenceforth 
brought  great  pressure  upon  Mr.  Lincoln  for  his  removal.  The  sub- 
jects discussed  by  that  letter,  however  correct  its  views  may  have 
been,  were  not  military,  and  might  justly  have  been  considered  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  as  impertinent. 

General  John  Pope,  whose  successes  in  the  West  had  commended 
him  to  the  administration,  was  appointed  to  command  the  scattered 
forces  under  Banks,  Fremont,  and  McDowell,  and  had  wisely  consoli- 
dated them  into  one  army. 

Some  of  Pope’s  characteristics  are  revealed  by  his  answers  to 
questions,  while  before  the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  just 
after  his  appointment,  June  26,  to  the  command  of  the  army  before 
Washington.  In  expounding  to  the  committee  his  military  views,  he 
said : “ By  lying  off  on  their  flank,  if  they  should  have  forty  or  fifty 
thousand  men,  I could  whip  them.  If  they  should  have  seventy  or 
eighty  thousand  I would  attack  their  flank  and  force  them,  in  order 
to  get  rid  of  me,  to  follow  me  out  into  the  mountains,  which  would 
be  what  you  would  want,  I should  suppose.” 

Committee : “ Suppose  you  had  the  army  that  was  here  on  the 
first  day  of  March  last,  do  you  suppose  you  would  find  any  obstacle 
to  prevent  your  marching  to  New  Orleans?”  “I  should  suppose 
not.” 

Having  astonished  and  delighted  the  committee  he  proceeded  to 
electrify  the  army  by  an  address  in  which  military  rules  were 
revolutionized  or  set  aside. 

In  that  address  he  says  : “ I have  come  to  you  from  the  West  where 
we  have  always  seen  the  backs  of  our  enemies  — where  the  policy 
has  been  attack  and  not  defence.  I presume  I’ve  been  called  here 


78 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Stuart's  Cavalry  raiding  Catlett’s  Station. 


to  pursue  the  same  system.  I de- 
sire you  to  dismiss  from  your  minds 
certain  phrases  which  I am  sorry 
to  find  much  in  vogue  among  you. 

I hear  constantly  of  ‘taking  strong  positions  and  holding  them,’  of 
‘lines  of  retreat,  and  bases  of  supplies.’  Let  us  discard  such 
ideas.  The  strongest  position  a soldier  should  desire  to  occupy  is 
one  from  which  he  can  most  easily  advance  against  the  enemy. 
Success  and  glory  are  in  the  advance,  disaster  and  shame  lurk  in 
the  rear.” 

Fate,  in  interpreting  Pope’s  military  principles,  was  decidedly 
ironical.  His  forces,  numbering  nearly  fifty  thousand  men,  were 
concentrated  into  one  body,  lying  along  the  line  of  the  Orange  and 
Alexandria  Railroad,  in  front  of  Washington  and  in  the  direction  of 
Gordonsville. 

This  disposition  threatened  Lee's  communications  with  south- 
western Virginia,  which  the  Confederate  commander  was  quick  to 
perceive.  To  prevent  it  Lee  sent  forward  Jackson’s  force  of  twenty- 
five  thousand  men  towards  Gordonsville  where  they  arrived  July  19. 
But  because  this  force  was  too  weak  to  risk  aggressive  movements, 
he  was  reinforced  by  A.  P.  Hill’s  division,  and  August  8,  crossed  the 
Rapidan,  moving  towards  Culpeper. 


POPE'S  MILITARY  MAXIMS. 


79 


Pope  had  promptly  hurried  forward  Bank’s  corps,  which  met  the 
enemy  near  Cedar  Mountain,  August  9.  The  force  under  General 
Banks  numbered  only  about  eight  thousand  men.  They  acted  under 
written  instructions  from  a member  of  Pope’s  staff,  which  were,  “ to 
deploy  his  skirmishers,  if  the  enemy  advances,  and  attack  him 
immediately  as  he  approaches.”  Although  his  force  was  but  little 
more  than  one-third  that  of  his  antagonist,  Banks  attacked  him 
with  great  impetuosity,  and  defeated  him. 

After  the  action  of  Cedar  Mountain  the  army,  under  Jackson,  fell 
back  to  Gordonsville  ; being  there  reinforced  by  Longstreet’s  divis- 
ion, it  advanced  to  the  Rapidan,  and  on  the  20th  of  August 
crossed  that  river. 

Pope,  much  more  judicious  in  his  movements  than  his  exposition 
of  military  principles  would  suggest,  forgot  to  “lie  off”  on  Lee’s 
flank,  and,  also  heedless  of  his  great  maxim  that  “ strong  positions 
and  lines  of  retreat  were  to  be  disregarded,”  prudently  retired  beyond 
the  Rappahannock.  He  evidently  found  Jackson  unaware  that  he  had 
a flank  for  him  to  lay  off  on,  or  was  singularly  obtuse  to  the  fact  that 
his  antagonist  was  likely  to  bring  out  this  horrible  strategic  spectre. 

Lee  now  began  to  make  it  lively  for  the  western  general.  Leav- 
ing Longstreet  as  a blind  at  the  ford,  covered  by  Pope,  who  was 
absent-mindedly  guarding  it  and  thus  neglecting  his  vast  opportuni- 
ties of  “lying  off  on  Lee’s  flank”  and  of  putting  in  force  his  western 
usage  “of  seeking  the  enemy  and  beating  him  when  found,”  Lee 
sent  Jackson  up  the  south  bank  of  the  Rappahannock,  which  he 
crossed,  August  22d,  at  Warrenton  Springs.  At  the  same  time 
Stuart’s  cavalry  made  an  expedition  to  cut  the  railroad  communi- 
cations in  rear  of  Pope’s  army  and  thus  give  a new  reading  to  that 
general’s  famous  maxim  that  “disaster  and  shame  lurk  in  the  rear.” 
They  thus  succeeded  in  giving  a new  and  vigorous  interpretation 
to  Pope’s  address.  The  army  supplies  which  they  captured  at  Cat- 
lett’s Station  were  immense.  • 

Jackson,  meanwhile,  turned  Pope’s  right  and  by  forced  marches 
of  thirty-five  miles  a day  continued  the  flank  march.  Turning  east 
towards  Salem,  he  crossed  the  Bull  Run  Mountains  through  Thor- 
oughfare Gap,  and  at  sunset  on  the  26th  had  reached  Bristow 
Station  on  the  railroad.  This  he  destroyed  and  at  the  same  time 
hurried  Stuart’s  cavalry  to  Manassas  Junction,  seven  miles  nearer 


8o 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


still  to  Washington.  Here  several  hundred  prisoners  and  immense 
stores  of  army  supplies  were  captured. 

While  Jackson,  without  reference  to  his  flank  or  communications, 
was  illustrating  Pope’s  address  to  his  army,  that  general  determined 
to  bag  him,  and  he  was  not  modest  in  proclaiming  the  fact.  Jackson 
might  be  called  the  great  Confederate  Flea,  for  when  Pope  put  down 
his  military  hand  where  he  was,  he  wasn’t  there  ! 

Lee  must  have  had  a settled  contempt  for  his  adversary  or  he 


Hooker’s  Men  raiding  the  Box  of  Chickens. 


never  would  have  attempted  this  daring  raid  in  our  rear.  He  evi- 
dently did  not  appreciate  Pope’s  “lying  off  on  his  flank ! ” 

It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  during  the  entire  campaign  Pope 
did  not  find  time  to  spring  upon  the  Confederate  leader  this  terrible 
“Jack  in  the  box.”  It  would  certainly  have  marked  a new  era  in 
military  strategy. 

Why  didn’t  he  do  it?  Would  the  results  have  been  too  dark  and 
terrible  even  to  inflict  upon  an  enemy  ? 

On  the  27th  Hooker  with  his  division  was  sent  out  from  Warrenton 


POPE'S  MILITARY  MAXIMS. 


8l 


Junction,  and  after  marching  nine  miles  he  encountered,  at  Bristow’s 
Station,  Ewell’s  division  en  masse , and  attacked  them  with  his  char- 
acteristic skill  and  bravery.  His  attack  was  sudden  and  the  enemy 
fled.  They  must  have  been  making  themselves  comfortable,  since  good 
things  in  process  of  cooking  were  left  behind  them  ; bread  was  found 
baking  in  Dutch  ovens,  dough  in  pans,  while  in  the  houses  their 
sympathizers  had  been  making  ready  to  entertain  Confederate  guests. 
One  of  our  men  came  out  of  a house  with  two  bags  of  peanuts,  a Con- 
federate substitute  for  coffee,  and  said  to  a comrade,  “Hey!  Jim, 
here’s  peanuts  enough  to  set  up  a circus  ! ” The  civilians,  who  were 
not  anxious  to  entertain  the  Yanks,  had,  as  one  of  the  boys  after- 
wards explained  to  me,  been  laying  themselves  out  for  the  Confeder- 
ates and  had  “killed  the  fatted  calf.’’  At  one  house  there  were  found 
two  or  three  barrels  of  cakes  which  the  mistress  protested  were  for 
family  use,  but  which,  notwithstanding,  were  speedily  converted  to 
the  use  of  Uncle  Sam's  wayward  children  in  blue. 

One  squad  of  Hooker’s  men  introducing  themselves  into  a house, 
found  three  females  sitting  on  a box.  They  were  politely  assisted  to 
their  feet  by  our  gallant  and  hungry  patriots,  and  the  box  examined. 
It  was  found  to  contain  chickens  all  cooked. 

The  skies  were  now  darkened  by  the  smoke  of  burning  trains 
which  Jackson  had  left  in  his  track.  At  the  close  of  the  skirmish, 
which  had  been  short  and  sharp,  General  Pope  arrived  and  learned, 
for  the  first  time,  that  Jackson  was  in  front  of  him  with  his 
whole  corps. 

Banks  was  ordered  to  take  Porter’s  place  at  Warrenton  Junction, 
while  Porter  was  sent  to  bring  up  his  forces,  and  Kearny,  five  miles 
distant  at  Greenwich,  was  ordered  up.  This  would  have  been  a 
brilliant  move  and  sufficient  to  oppose  Jackson  and  separate  him 
from  Lee’s  army,  thereby  preventing  a junction  of  his  forces.  But  in 
addition  Pope  ordered  Reno's  division  and  also  Sigel’s  and  McDow- 
ell’s from  Greenwich  to  Manassas.  Ewell,  when  he  modestly  retired 
from  Bristow’s  Station,  burned  the  bridge  across  Bull  Run,  thus 
intimating  that  he  did  not  care  for  Hooker’s  company. 

Jackson  did  not  care  to  stay  at  Manassas  waiting  for  Pope,  his 
command  being  separated  from  the  rest  of  Lee’s  army  ; he  therefore 
retired,  without  asking  leave  of  Pope,  on  the  night  of  the  27th,  to 
the  old  battle  ground  of  Bull  Run,  where  he  first  showed  his  ability  as 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


a commander,  and  where  he  gained  the  sobriquet  of  “ Stonewall.” 
At  daylight,  August  28,  his  whole  corps  was  reunited  at  Manassas. 

On  the  28th  Pope  did  not  know,  practically,  where  his  own  forces 
were,  or  those  of  the  enemy  who  had  so  manoeuvred  as  to  mislead, 
elude,  and  confuse  him.  His  divisions,  scattered  by  contradictory 
and  confusing  orders,  were  held  so  loosely  in  hand,  and  were  so  iso- 
lated from  each  other,  that  so  far  as  exercising  control  over  them 
was  concerned,  it  would  almost  have  been  as  well  for  him  to  have 
been  in  the  West,  where  he  came  from,  as  in  Virginia.  By  the 
morning  of  the  29th  he  began  to  get  clearer  views  of  the  situation. 

Jackson  is  said  to  have  claimed  that  one  of  the  elements  of  his 
military  success  was  the  mystery  with  which  he  shrouded  his  move- 
ments. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


TWO  DAYS  OF  THE  SECOND  BATTLE  OF  BULL  RUN. 

OPE’S  first  orders  on  the  29th  of  August  were  given  partly  with 


1 a view  to  the  possibility  of  falling  back  beyond  Bull  Run.  At 
three  o’clock  of  that  morning  Pope  had  written  to  Porter  that 
McDowell  had  intercepted  the  retreat  of  Jackson  ; that  Kearney  and 
Hooker  were  to  attack  the  enemy’s  rear  ; and  that  Porter  was  to 
move  upon  Centreville  at  dawn  of  day.  Porter  was  obeying  the 
order  when  he  learned  its  revocation  through  a staff-officer  riding 
with  orders  to  another  part  of  the  field,  and  at  once  countermarched 
from  Manassas  Junction.  Meanwhile  Pope  had  learned  that  Rick- 
etts’s and  King’s  divisions  had  retreated,  leaving  open  the  road  for 
Lee’s  advance  or  Jackson’s  retreat.  He  ordered  Sigel  to  attack  in 
order  to  bring  Jackson  to  a stand  if  possible.  Jackson  was  in 
fact  leisurely  awaiting  attack  behind  his  chosen  stronghold  of  the 
unfinished  railroad,  with  his  skirmishers  in  front  and  for  the  most  part 
veiled  with  thick  woods.  General  Sigel  soon  developed  the  position 
of  the  enemy.  There  were  gaps  in  Sigel’s  lines,  the  closing  of  which 
weakened  the  main  line,  itself  already  too  thin  for  such  an  attempt. 
The  enemy  were  quick  to  avail  themselves  of  this  weakness,  and 
broke  our  lines  by  a furious  attack,  causing  Sigel  to  fall  back. 

Longstreet  had  availed  himself  of  the  roads  left  open  by  King 
and  Ricketts,  and  about  noon  his  advance  had  formed  on  Jackson’s 
right.  After  12  o’clock  McDowell  brought  to  Porter  information 
from  General  Buford,  showing  that  Longstreet  was  holding  the  roads 
in  force  in  Porter’s  front,  and  hence  it  was  impossible,  by  marching 
on  converging  lines,  to  establish  communications  with  the  right  wing 
of  the  army  without  giving  battle.  After  consultation  with  Porter, 
McDowell  started  with  King’s  division  to  go  round  by  the  Sudley 
Springs  road.  Porter  waited  to  open  up  communications  with 
McDowell,  sending  scouting  parties  through  the  broken  country 
and  tangled  woods  to  the  right  for  this  purpose. 


83 


84 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Towards  noon  a part  of  Sigel’s  force,  under  Schurz,  gained  a foot- 
hold on  the  railroad,  and  held  on  stubbornly  for  two  hours.  They 
were  exhausted  with  marching,  fighting,  and  manoeuvring  in  the 
extreme  heat  since  five  in  the  morning. 

The  veterans  of  Heintzelman,  under  Kearney  and  Hooker,  aroused 
from  their  bivouacs  at  two  in  the  morning,  were  an  hour  after 
sunrise  on  the  heights  of  Centreville,  in  sight  of  the  blue  hills 
about  Thoroughfare  Gap  through  which  Longstreet  was  hastening 
to  Jackson’s  aid.  Fording  Bull  Run,  they  came  upon  the  rusty 
remains  of  guns,  bayonets,  weather-beaten  fragments  of  gun-car- 
riages and  equipments,  and  the  bleaching  skulls  and  bones  of  their 
comrades  who  had  perished  on  the  field  the  year  before  — the  first 
sacrifices  to  the  blunders  of  the  war.  Many  fields  were  black  from 
the  effect  of  fires  ignited  by  our  shells.  This  fragment  of  the  army, 
under  Hooker  and  Kearney,  was  in  a destitute  condition.  The 
horses  of  the  field-officers  in  most  instances  had  been  left  behind  at 
Yorktown.  The  rank  and  file  were  poorly  supplied  with  clothing, 
and  to  a large  extent  destitute  of  proper  rations.  Many  were  with- 
out blanket  or  blouse,  some  even  without  trousers  ; others  with  shoe- 
less, blistered  feet  were  marching  over  rough,  hot,  and  dusty  roads. 
Still  they  were  full  of  enthusiasm  for  the  fight ; and  as  Pope,  with  a 
numerous  staff,  passed  them  on  the  road,  he  was  loudly  cheered. 
After  that  battle  there  was  less  cheering  for  the  commander.  At 
eleven  o’clock  they  had  reached  the  battle-field.  At  three  Pope 
ordered  Hooker  to  attack  the  strong  position  in  his  front.  General 
Hooker,  foreseeing  that  the  attack  promised  but  little  chance  of 
success,  remonstrated. 

Finally  the  order  came  to  General  Grover.  “ What  does  the 
General  want  me  to  do?”  Grover  inquired  of  the  officer  bringing 
the  order. 

“Go  into  the  woods  and  charge.” 

“ Where  are  my  supports  ? ” 

“They  are  coming,”  was  the  reply. 

Drawing  his  men  up  in  line,  he  awaited  the  arrival  of  his  supports, 
which  did  not  come.  But  receiving  imperative  orders  to  “ Charge 
at  once,”  the  men  loaded  their  rifles  and  fixed  bayonets.  With 
cheers  the  men  dashed  through  the  tangled  wood  in  their  front. 
One  of  the  regiments  had  its  flag  torn  from  its  staff,  and  the  eagle 


SECOND  BATTLE  OF  BULL  RUN. 


85 


shot  away  from  its  top,  but  the  men  answered  to  the  cry,  “ Rally 
round  the  pole.”  The  bullets  penetrated  even  the  barrels  of  the 
muskets  of  the  men  ; the  stocks  were  shivered  in  their  grasp. 
Small  twigs  of  trees  came  down  in  showers  upon  their  heads.  So 
far  as  nature  was  concerned  the  air  was  a dead  calm,  yet  the  leaves 
of  the  forest  were  moved  as  by  a breeze,  by  the  bullets  zipping 
among  them.  As  they  stormed  the  railroad  they  saw  wounded 
Confederates  clutch  the  embankment,  hold  on  for  a moment,  and 
then  losing  their  grasp,  roll  down  the  steep  bank.  The  first  line  of 
the  enemy  was  overthrown.  On  they  rushed  upon  a second  line. 
Bayonets  and  swords  were  used  at  close  quarters,  so  stubborn  was 
the  fight. 

Had  this  attack  been  properly  supported,  it  must  have  broken 
Jackson’s  centre.  There  were  many  deeds  performed  in  this  action 
which  were  heroic.  A father  and  son  charged  side  by  side.  The 
son  fell,  pierced  by  the  enemy’s  bullets.  A quiver  of  grief  swept 
over  the  father’s  face,  and  then  he  said,  “I’d  rather  have  him  shot 
like  that  than  see  him  run.”  Two  privates,  advancing  through  the 
woods,  were  separated  from  the  main  line,  and  were  confronted  by 
a squad  of  the  enemy.  They  were  called  upon  to  surrender,  but, 
standing  shoulder  to  shoulder,  they  stood  their  ground  until  their 
assailants  drew  back.  Then  one  of  the  two  fainted  from  a wound  ; 
his  comrade  took  him  in  his  arms,  and  brought  him  safely  back  into 
our  lines.  So  the  combat  went  on,  till  a new  line  of  the  enemy 
advanced  upon  our  men,  and  compelled  them  to  fall  back.  As  they 
were  falling  back,  stubbornly  contesting  the  ground,  some  one 
shouted,  “ Pring  up  the  shackasses.”  Sure  enough,  up  there  came, 
at  a shambling  gait,  a battery  of  howitzers  mounted  on  the  backs 
of  those  animals.  Hooker’s  men  hurried  up,  laughing  and  shouting 
at  the  operation  of  this  quaint  battery. 

“What  battery  is  that?”  “The  shackass  pattery,  py  Gott ; ” 
savagely  came  the  answer.  “ Get  out  mit  der  way,  or  we  plows  your 
hets  off.”  That  battery,  with  the  other  artillery,  opened  with  can- 
ister at  short  range  on  the  advancing  line  of  rebels,  from  the  fringe 
of  woods,  and  checked  their  advance  again. 

Kearney  was,  at  the  same  time,  to  have  made  an  attack  upon 
A.  P.  Hill’s  division,  on  Jackson’s  left,  but  for  some  unexplained  reason 
he  did  not  advance  until  Grover’s  brigade  had  been  repulsed.  Gen- 


86 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


eral  Kearney,  the  one-armed  veteran,  led  his  men  in  person.  His 
soldiers  wore  the  red  square  on  their  caps  which  was  the  insignia  of 
“ Kearney’s  men,”  or,  as  they  were  sometimes  dubbed,  “ Phil  Kearney’s 
thieves.”  They  went  enthusiastically  to  the 
a charge,  supported  by  the  troops  of  Reno.  He 
doubled  back  the  left  of  the  enemy, 
and  for  a short  time  seemed  to  have 
achieved  a decisive  result.  The 
enemy  hurried  up  two  brigades 
of  Ewell’s  division,  acting  as 
reserve,  who  came  down 
upon  Kearney’s  thin  and 
exhausted  line,  which  was 
driven  from  its 
hard-won  position. 
McDowell  arrived 
at  the  scene 
of  action  be- 
tween five  and 
six  in  the  af- 


“Pring  up  the  Sliachasses." 


ternoon,  bringing  up 
King’s  division,  then 
commanded  by  Hatch.  The 
enemy  were  making  movements 
which  were  interpreted  to  mean  a re- 
treat, and  Hatch  being  ordered  to  press 
them,  a fierce  and  bloody  contest  for  three-quarters  of  an  hour 
followed.  Thus  ended  the  day  of  the  second  Bull  Run,  or  Groveton. 
The  enemy  were  readjusting  their  lines  for  another  day  s fighting, 


THE  FIGHTING  OF  SATURDAY,  AUG.  30. 


87 


and  Pope,  misinterpreting  these  movements,  conceived  that  the  enemy 
Avere  running  away.  It  may  be  said  in  praise  of  Pope  that  he  was 
neA^er  discouraged,  was  always  sanguine  of  success,  always  ready 
for  a fight. 

As  usual,  so  soon  as  the  fighting  ceased,  many  sought  without 
orders  to  rescue  comrades  lying  wounded  between  the  opposing  lines. 
There  seemed  to  be  a mutual  understanding  between  the  men  of 
both  armies  that  such  parties  were  not  to  be  disturbed  in  their 
mission  of  mercy.  After  the  attempt  of  Grover  and  Kearney  to  carry 
the  railroad  embankment,  the  enemy  followed  them  back  and  formed 
a line  of  battle  in  the  edge  of  the  woods.  Our  artillery  sent  their 
main  line  to  the  rear.  It  was  replaced  by  a line  of  skirmishers 
formed  in  the  fringe  of  this  wood.  These  opened  fire  upon  the 
Avounded  Union  men  who  were  attempting  to  creep  to  the  protection 
of  their  friends.  After  this  fire  had  died  away  along  the  darkling 
woods,  little  groups  of  men  from  the  Union  lines  went  stealthily 
about,  bringing  in  the  wounded  from  the  exposed  positions.  Blan- 
kets attached  to  poles  or  muskets  often  ser\red  as  stretchers  to  bear 
the  wounded  to  the  ambulances  and  surgeons.  There  was  a great 
lack  of  organized  effort  to  care  for  our  wounded.  Vehicles  of  various 
kinds  were  pressed  into  service.  The  removal  of  the  wounded  went 
on  during  the  entire  night,  and  tired  soldiers  were  roused  from  their 
slumbers  by  the  plaintive  cries  of  Avounded  comrades  passing  in  tor- 
turing vehicles.  In  one  instance,  a Confederate  and  a Union  soldier 
Avere  found  comforting  each  other  on  the  field.  They  Avere  put  into 
the  same  Virginia  farm-cart  and  sent  to  the  rear,  talking  and  groaning 
in  fraternal  sympathy. 

THE  FIGHTING  OF  SATURDAY,  AUGUST  30. 

The  condition  of  Pope’s  army  on  Saturday,  August  30,  Avas  such 
that  a more  cautious  general  Avould  have  hesitated  before  giving 
battle.  His  men  Avere  exhausted  by  incessant  marching  and  fighting  ; 
thousands  had  strangled  from  their  commands ; the  men  had  had  but 
little  to  eat  for  tAVO  days  previous  ; the  horses  of  the  artillery  and 
cavalry  Avere  broken  down  from  being  continually  in  harness  for  over 
a Aveek  and  from  Avant  of  forage.  But  Pope  believed  he  had  gained 
a.  great  \'ictory  on  the  day  previous,  and  that  the  enemy  Avere  demor- 


88 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


alized,  while  in  fact  their  lines  held  the  railroad  embankment  as  a 
fortress,  and  for  thirty-six  hours  there  had  been  nothing  to  prevent 
the  union  of  Longstreet  with  Jackson. 

At  an  early  hour  Pope  ordered  a reconnoisance  made  in  his  front. 
At  this  time  the  enemy,  in  readjusting  their  lines,  had  withdrawn 
their  troops  from  some  of  the  contested  ground  of  the  day  previous. 
Pope  interpreted  this  movement  to  mean  that  the  enemy  were  in  full 
retreat,  and  at  noon  assigned  McDowell  to  the  pursuit.  Porter  was 
ordered  to  push  forward  on  the  Warrenton  turnpike,  followed  by  the 
divisions  of  King  and  Reynolds.  Upon  his  arrival  Porter  brought  to 
General  Pope  the  intelligence  that  Longstreet  had  joined  Jackson, 
and  was  the  day  previous  in  full  force  on  the  Union  left. 

To  this  information  the  general  in  command  gave  no  heed,  evi- 
dently regarding  it  as  an  invention  of  Porter’s  to  excuse  himself  in 
not  obeying  his  order  to  attack  the  flank  of  the  enemy,  rather  than 
as  an  important  fact  most  needful  for  him  to  know. 

It  seems  strange  that  Pope,  before  determining  his  plans  for  the 
day,  did  not  summon  the  brigade  commanders  of  Porter’s  corps,  to 
determine  the  truth  or  falsity  of  that  general’s  statements,  so  vital 
were  its  bearings  upon  the  impending  battle. 

At  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  the  battle  was  opened  by  Porter. 
With  cheers  the  Union  force  dashed  up  the  hill,  through  the  inter- 
vening woods,  and  charged  the  railroad  cut  and  embankment.  Platch, 
on  the  right,  with  King’s  division,  moved  to  the  attack.  The  fight 
was  most  obstinate  and  determined,  and  as  one  line  was  repulsed 
another  took  its  place,  the  Confederates  resisting  with  bayonets  and 
stones  after  their  ammunition  gave  out,  and  sticking  to  the  deep  cut 
and  embankment  as  to  a fortress.  Longstreet  opened  on  the  force, 
assaulting  Jackson  with  a murderous  enfilading  fire  of  shells.  It  was 
under  this  cannonade  that  the  lines  of  Porter  were  broken  and  partly 
put  to  flight. 

On  the  extreme  right,  Hooker’s,  Kearney’s  and  Ricketts’s  divisions, 
which  were  to  have  attacked  by  the  Sudley  Springs  road,  made  no 
serious  demonstration  in  that  quarter.  Reynolds  had  meantime  dis- 
covered the  enemy  in  force  concealed  in  the  woods  south  of  the 
turnpike.  It  was  here  that  Lee  had  massed  for  the  attack  planned 
upon  our  left  flank.  Reynolds,  who  during  the  fighting  described 
above  occupied  a key  position  protecting  Porter’s  left  flank,  was 


THE  FIGHTING  OF  SATURDAY,  AUG.  30. 


89 


ordered  by  Pope  (or  by  McDowell)  to  support  Porter,  thus  uncovering 
the  left  flank  of  the  force  attacking  Jackson.  Colonel  G.  K.  Warren, 
in  command  of  one  of  Porter’s  brigades,  seeing  the  importance  of 
this  vacated  position,  without  orders  seized  and  held  it  obstinately 
with  only  a thousand  men,  of  whom  over  four  hundred  were  killed, 
wounded,  or  captured. 

When  Lee  saw  that  Pope  contemplated  an  attack  north  of  the 
turnpike,  he  allowed  the  Union  army  to  expend  its  strength  in  that 
direction,  relying  upon  Jackson’s  well-known  skill  and  stubbornness  to 
repel  it,  while  he  prepared  for  an  attack  on  our  flank.  When  half  of 
our  troops  were  either  in  actual  conflict  or  already  discomfited,  then  it 
was  that  Longstreet  rolled  like  an  irresistible  wave  upon  our  left. 

It  fell  to  McDowell  to  defend  the  line  of  retreat  by  the  Warrenton 
turnpike.  A strong  prejudice  existed  among  the  men  against  this 
able  but  unfortunate  commander.  Nothing  was  more  common 
during  the  day  than  to  hear  him  denounced.  “ We’ve  got  a Pope 
who  makes  more  Bulls  than  the  Pope  of  Rome,”  said  one  ; and  “now 
we  are  gored  by  one  of  them,”  responded  an  irrepressible  joker. 
“ Sergeant,”  said  a gray-haired  officer,  wounded  and  on  a stretcher, 
“ how  does  the  battle  go  ? ” “ We  are  holding  our  own,”  replied  the 

non-commissioned  officer,  “but  McDowell  has  charge  of  the  left.” 
“Then  God  save  the  left!”  growled  the  officer,  in  despair.  “I’d 
rather  shoot  McDowell  than  Jackson,”  said  a comrade.  “ It’s  an 
outrage  to  put  men  under  that  traitor  to  be  murdered,”  said  another. 
He  wore  a peculiar  head-gear  which  looked  like  a basket.  It  was 
a common  remark  that  Pope  had  his  “ headquarters  in  the  saddle, 
and  McDowell  his  head  in  a basket.”  Such  was  the  moral  dis- 
advantage under  which  McDowell  labored  with  his  men,  and  such 
elements  have  more  to  do  with  success  or  defeat  than  is  generally 
imagined.  Since  understanding  McDowell’s  character  and  record 
better,  we  soldiers  are  glad  to  acknowledge  his  true  worth  as  a brave, 
able,  and  long-headed  commander,  and  to  apologize  for  abuse  which 
was  undeserved. 

Pope  took  prompt  measures  to  ward  off  impending  disaster.  The 
officers  and  privates,  as  a whole,  by  their  devotion,  coolness,  and 
courage,  gave  steadiness  to  the  wavering  lines.  Wearied  and  even 
wounded  men  dragged  themselves  forward  to  the  conflict  for  the 
common  safety.  It  was  past  five  o’clock  when  Longstreet’s  five 


90 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


fresh  divisions,  hitherto  concealed  in  the  woods,  came  on,  giving  the 
rebel  yell,  and  followed  by  artillery  which  took  positions  from  point 
to  point  in  conformity  to  the  main  line  of  advance.  When,  however, 
the  Confederates  reached  the  position  where  they  had  hoped  to 
intercept  our  line  of  retreat,  they  unexpectedly  found  it  defended. 
McLean’s  brigade  of  Schenck’s  division,  Milroy’s  independent  bri- 
gade, and  Tower  with  two  brigades  of  Ricketts’s,  held  the  line  of 
Bald  Hill.  Being  severely  pressed,  Schenck  in  person  brought  up 
reinforcements  to  McLean’s  support,  including  two  brigades  of 
Schurz’s  division,  and  fell,  severely  wounded,  while  at  the  head  of 
his  men. 

Here  it  was  that  Colonel  Fletcher  Webster,  son  of  Daniel  Web- 
ster, fell  while  leading  his  regiment.  Here  also  the  brave  Colonel 
Koltes,  commanding  Schurz’s  third  brigade,  was  killed.  Then  came 
the  struggle  for  the  Henry  house  hill,  the  plateau  which  was  the 
scene  of  the  hardest  fighting  in  the  first  Bull  Run.  It  was  bristling 
with  the  guns  of  Reynolds’s  and  Reno’s  men,  and  of  Sykes’s  regulars. 
The  enemy  made  a vigorous  attack.  At  last  darkness,  the  succor  of 
armies  hard  pressed,  came.  The  army  crossed  Bull  Run  by  the 
stone  bridge,  and  by  midnight  were  all  posted  on  the  heights  of 
Centreville. 

Notwithstanding  the  surprise  of  Longstreet’s  flank  attack,  our 
men  were  at  no  time  completely  demoralized,  and  certainly  under  the 
circumstances  were  excusable  for  such  demoralization  as  did  exist. 
While  the  fight  was  still  going  on,  many  in  other  parts  of  the  field 
made  fires  and  began  cooking  their  rations  of  fresh  beef,  just 
issued,  while  some  stood  on  fences  and  gun-carriages  to  see  how  the 
fight  was  progressing.  The  sky  was  clear  and  blue,  where  it  was  not 
obscured  by  the  battle-clouds.  In  the  distance  could  be  seen  the 
bold  outlines  of  the  Bull  Run  and  Blue  Ridge  mountains.  At  one 
time  the  Eleventh  Massachusetts  Regiment  was  in  the  same  position 
it  had  held  during  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run  about  the  same  time 
the  previous  year. 

Our  prisoners  were  disposed  to  rally  us  on  our  defeat.  “ What 
was  Stonewall  doing  in  our  rear  when  we  came  so  near  gobbling 
him?”  was  asked  of  a prisoner.  “Gobbling!”  exclaimed  the  indig- 
nant rebel  ; “we  uns  are  foot  cavalry,  we  uns  are.  We  uns  can 
march  right  around  you  uns  while  you  uns  are  getting  ready.  Old 


THE  FIGHTING  OF  SATURDAY,  AUG.  30. 


91 


Stonewall  ? He  was  up  there  to  get  our  rations  ; we  uns  couldn’t 
live  if  you  Yanks  didn't  keep  we  uns  in  fixin’s.”  And  this  was  very 
near  the  sober  truth.  After  the  retreat  Pope  grew  in  disfavor  with 
all  the  soldiers.  One  of  the  men,  while  on  the  march,  seeing  him 
pass  called  out  : “ Go  West,  young  man,  go  West.” 

Irishmen,  as  a class,  are  good  fighters  and  great  growlers.  “Oime 
sorry,  begorra,  that  iver  oie  came  to  this  divilish  war,”  said  an  Irish 
comrade,  trudging  along  through  the  mud,  to  Fairfax  Court-House. 
“Ye’r  mad  because  ye’r  not  a gineral  and  on  a hoss,”  was  the 
tantalizing  reply  of  another. 

“No,”  said  our  Irish  growler;  “it’s  because  it’s  meself  that  is 
obleged  to  associate  with  such  fools  as  yesilf  and  Pope.” 

The  general  estimate  of  that  general  was  well  expressed,  when 
his  comrade  got  extremely  angry  at  being  classified  with  Pope. 

One  of  my  comrades  had  a rubber  pillow,  which  when  not  inflated 
occupied  a very  small  space.  One  who  had  only  seen  it  when  in- 
flated could  not  be  made  to  believe  it  was  the  same  article  on  seeing 
it  rolled  up,  but  Wad  Rider  explained  that  it  was  like  Pope,  mostly 
wind. 

The  hardships  of  the  army  in  this  campaign  were  unparalleled  in 
its  experience.  The  field  hospitals  contained  nearly  eight  thousand 
wounded  men,  and  a ghastly  army  of  dead  lay  on  the  field.  The 
ambulances,  too  few  for  the  occasion,  were  supplemented  by  hacks 
and  carriages  of  every  description,  brought  from  Washington.  The 
tender  hand  of  woman  was  there  to  alleviate  distress,  and  the  picture 
of  misery  was  qualified  by  the  heroic  grit  of  those  who  suffered. 

The  greatest  losses  in  a battle  are  in  the  wounded,  their  ratio 
being  as  ten  to  one  of  the  killed;  and  it  seemed  as  if  accident 
exhausted  its  combinations  in  the  variety  of  places  in  which  a man 
could  be  wounded  and  yet  live.  I have  seen  men  die  from  a trivial 
scratch,  and  others  live  with  a fractured  skull  ; others  were  killed  by 
a shell  or  shot  passing  very  near  them,  without  leaving  a bruise  or 
scratch  upon  the  body,  and  men  shot  through  the  lungs  and  bowels 
lived  and  got  well.  During  the  fighting  of  Saturday  an  officer  put 
out  his  foot  to  stop  a cannon-ball,  which  seemed  to  be  rolling  very 
slowly  along  the  ground.  It  took  off  his  leg  and  killed  him.  Another 
picked  up  a shell  from  the  ground,  not  thinking  it  was  lighted,  and 
it  exploded  in  his  hands  without  doing  him  serious  injury.  Jar 


92 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


and  concussion  often  broke  down  the  nervous  system  and  produced 
death,  while  men  with  frightful  wounds  often  recovered. 

After  that  hard  experience  the  morale  of  the  army  was  much 
better  than  might  have  been  expected,  though  some,  for  the  first 
time,  began  to  regard  our  cause  as  a losing  one.  Most  of  the  sol- 
diers believed  the  Confederate  armies  were  more  ably  commanded 
than  our  own.  Said  one  : “ If  the  rebels  have  a small  force,  they 
manage  to  get  into  some  strong  place  like  that  old  railroad  cut  that 
Jackson  held.”  Another  said:  “They  always  have  the  most  men 
where  the  nip  comes.”  This  expressed  in  a nutshell  two  facts. 
When  weak,  the  Confederates  took  strong  defensive  positions,  and 
at  the  supreme  moment  they  were  superior  at  the  point  of  contact. 
Along  with  stubbornness  and  confidence,  the  natural  inclination  of 
the  soldiers  in  our  ranks  was  towards  cautiousness  and  economy. 
Sometimes  they  ceased  the  fight  before  receiving  orders  because  they 
recognized  its  uselessness  in  advance  of  their  commander.  The 
common  soldiers  represented  the  average  intelligence  of  the  North, 
and  many  of  them  — enough  to  give  tone  to  the  whole  — looked  upon 
the  cause  as  peculiarly  their  own.  It  was  felt  that  we  must  keep  up 
the  fight  because  it  was  a cause  that  belonged  to  ourselves  and 
children.  Around  the  camp-fire,  after  the  battle,  says  a comrade, 
we  were  discussing  the  situation.  Some  took  gloomy  views,  others 
were  more  cheerful.  In  the  midst  of  the  profanity  and  loud  talk,  one 
of  our  men  said  : “ Boys,  let  us  pray,”  and  kneeling  down,  in  simple, 
touching  words,  which  sunk  deep  into  all  our  hearts,  prayed  for  our 
country  and  for  the  success  of  our  cause. 

The  clamor  of  voices  stopped,  and  these  rough  men  were  still ; 
and  when  he  rose  from  his  knees,  one  who  had  been  most  profane, 
stepped  forward,  and  grasping  his  hand,  said  : “ Ed,  I thank  you  ; 
you  make  me  ashamed  of  myself.” 

This  simple  incident  is  related  because  I believe  such  men 
exerted  a greater  influence  over  the  morale  of  a regiment  than  any  of 
its  officers.  There  were  some  men  of  this  kind  in  nearly  every  regi- 
ment, who  commanded  respect  by  their  firmness  and  earnest  patriot- 
ism. They  were  the  leaven  in  the  measure  which  leavened  the 
whole  mass  of  the  Union  army,  and  whose  earnestness  supplied  a 
sentiment  of  cohesion,  when  all  ordinary  ones  failed. 

It  shows  how  rich  our  army  was  in  material,  when  they  could 


CHANTILLY. 


93 


afford  to  have  such  men  in  the  ranks.  This  view  was  deeply  im- 
pressed upon  the  great  bulk  of  our  army.  It  supplied  a bond  of 
union  when  discipline  failed ; and  although  we  had  fought  and 
retreated,  retreated  and  fought,  we  were  neither  dismayed  nor  badly 
disorganized.  We  were  learning  the  trade  of  war  thoroughly  and 
systematically,  and  only  needed  a commander. 


CHANTILLY. 


The  next  day  after  the  army  occupied  Centreville,  Sumner’s  and 
Franklin’s  corps  were  united  with  Pope’s  army. 

The  day  was  rainy,  and  the  fords  of  Bull  Run  almost  impassable. 
The  Confederate 
commander,  wish- 
ing to  reap  all  pos- 
sible benefit  from 
the  defeat  inflicted 
upon  the  Union 
army,  and  judging 
them  more  demor- 
alized than  they 
really  were,  deter- 
mined upon  an- 
other flank  move- 
ment, to  break  up 
our  communica- 
tions and  compel 
another  retreat. 

Jackson  was  as- 
signed to  this 
flanking:  move- 


ment, while  Long- 
street  moved  more 
slowly  upon  his 
track.  Amid  the 
rain  on  September 
ist,  Jackson 
reached  a cross  road  which  connects 


Death  of  General  Kearney  at  Chantilly. 


the  little  river  with  the  War- 


94 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


renton  turnpike  (near  where  they  intersect  in  the  vicinity  of  Fairfax 
Court-House)  and  formed  his  lines  with  Ox  Hill  in  his  rear.  The 
attack  fell  upon  Reno’s,  Hooker’s  and  Kearney’s,  and  a part  of  Mc- 
Dowell’s troops.  Stevens’s  division  of  Reno’s  corps,  being  out  of 
ammunition,  was  forced  back  in  disorder.  While  Kearney  was  riding 
forward  in  the  darkness  and  rain  to  view  the  situation  in  person,  he 
rode  into  the  enemy’s  lines  and  was  killed. 

In  him  the  army  lost  an  ideal  soldier,  brave,  generous,  of  knightly 
bearing  and  undaunted  courage.  He  was  full  of  the  poetry  of  action ; 
heroic  to  do  and  dare ; ready,  alert  and  vigilant.  He  was  one  of  the 
most  marked  figures  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived.  In  his  life  he 
illustrated  the  highest  qualities  of  a soldier;  in  his  death,  its  heroism. 

The  action  was  severe  but  short,  and  the  enemy  were  repulsed, 
but  not  decisively.  Longstreet  had  come  up  during  the  night,  and 
every  preparation  was  made  by  the  Confederates  to  renew  the  con- 
flict, but  the  authorities  at  Washington  feared  the  consequen- 
ces of  risking  another  battle  so  near  the  Capitol.  The  army  was, 
therefore,  withdrawn  behind  the  defences  of  Washington,  and  Pope 
henceforth  dropped  out  of  participation  in  its  battles,  defeats,  and 
destinies. 

To  the  credit  of  Pope,  be  it  said,  he  advised  a more  aggressive 
policy  ; proposing  to  Halleck  to  attack  the  enemy  with  the  fresh 
corps  of  Sumner  and  Franklin  (which  had  joined  him)  before  the 
enemy  could  be  reinforced,  and  while  yet  they  were  weakened  by  the 
battles  they  had  fought.  In  this  he  disclosed  the  spirit,  courage,  and 
insight  that  mark  a good  commander. 

As  the  Union  army  fell  back  by  squads,  companies,  and  broken 
parts  of  regiments  and  brigades,  for  the  defences  of  Washington, 
McClellan  came  out  to  meet  them.  To  every  brigade,  regiment,  or 
onh'  a squad,  he  met,  his  only  words  were  : “ Boys,  go  back  to  your 
old  camps.”  The  regard  the  private  soldiers  felt  for  McClellan  arose 
from  a deep  conviction  that  he  would  not  needlessly  throw  away  our 
lives  ; that,  with  all  his  faults,  he  understood  his  trade. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


MCCLELLAN  AT  THE  HEAD  OF  THE  GRAND  ARMY. 

TWO  days  after  our  second  defeat  at  Bull  Run,  while  yet  the 
roads  were  crowded  with  stragglers,  and  despondency  over- 
shadowed all,  McClellan  reassumed  command  of  the  army.  It  was 
the  morning  of  September  2d,  1862,  and  reorganization  began  at 
once.  The  demoralizing  influences  of  a battle,  whether  it  is  a defeat 
or  a victory,  are  always  very  great ; but  there  is  no  disorganization 
of  the  machine  known  as  a brigade,  regiment,  or  company,  except  in 
case  of  utter  rout,  when  the  army  becomes  a mob.  As  soon  as  a 
vacancy  occurs  in  battle  the  officer  next  in  rank,  without  assignment 
or  orders,  fills  the  place.  An  officer,  perhaps,  finds  fighting  does  not 
agree  with  his  peculiar  temperament,  and  resigns,  or  is  taken  sick  and 
puts  himself  under  the  care  of  some  sympathetic  surgeon  ; or  the 
demoralized  private,  during  the  fight,  throws  away  his  knapsack  and 
fighting  equipments  in  order  to  increase  his  speed  for  the  rear.  The 
sick  and  foot-sore  straggle,  the  cowards  skulk,  and  a more  vicious 
class  wilfully  desert.  Those  who  have  by  casualty  of  battle  been, 
deprived  of  gun,  or  knapsack,  or  haversack,  or  canteen,  or  tin  cup, 
have  to  be  re-supplied.  A private,  perchance,  sees  where  a bullet 
has  entered  his  neatly  rolled  blanket,  which  when  opened  out  is 
found  better  adapted  for  ventilation  than  bedding.  The  whole 
military  machine  must  be  lubricated  with  general,  special,  necessary 
and  unnecessary,  ornamental  and  practical  orders,  and  bound  to- 
gether, more  or  less,  with  red  tape.  Incapable  officers  who  have 
been  promoted  by  the  accident  of  battle  are  restored  to  their  former 
positions,  and  competent  ones  advanced.  Companies  are  filled  up 
with  recruits.  Sometimes  two  or  more  companies,  thinned  by  the 
casualties  of  battle,  are  merged  into  one. 

In  no  direction  was  the  ability  of  McClellan  so  conspicuous  as  in 
organizing.  Even  before  the  soldiers  knew  he  was  again  in  com- 


95 


9 6 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


mand,  they  began  to  detect  a new  influence  around  them.  In  order 
to  bring  the  troops  upon  ground  with  which  they  were  already 
familiar,  they  were  as  far  as  practicable  ordered  to  the  camping- 

grounds  occupied 
by  each  corps  be- 
fore the  movement 
to  the  Peninsula. 
In  a few  days  the 
morale  of  the  army 
underwent  an  as- 


A Straggler 


tonishing 


change 


for  the  better. 

On  the  5th  of 
September,  with 
shoes  worn  out, 
clothing  in  rags, 
and  destitute  of 
the  necessaries  for 
effective  duty,  the 
Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac again  left  the 
defences  of  Wash- 
ington, while  the 
work  of  reorgani- 
zation went  on  as 
it  marched  into 
Maryland  to  meet 
the  enemy. 

Lee  had  trans- 
ferred the  theatre 
of  operations  from 
the  front  of  Rich- 
mond to  the  front 
of  Washington.  The  harvest  of  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Shenandoah 
had  fallen  into  his  hands,  together  with  stores  and  munitions  of  war 
of  great  value  to  the  impoverished  Confederacy.  To  secure,  as  he 
thought,  the  full  benefit  of  his  victory,  he  crossed  the  Potomac  into 
Maryland.  By  this  movement  he  hoped  to  arouse  a deep  sentiment 


McClellan  at  the  head  of  the  army. 


97 


against  the  war  at  the  North  by  bringing  it  nearer  to  our  own 
hearthstones  ; to  enable  the  secession  element  in  Maryland  to  raise 
the  standard  of  revolt,  and  recruit  his  army  ; and  so  to  manoeuvre 
as  to  seize  Baltimore  or  Washington.  It  was  a bold  undertaking, 
and  his  army  was  poorly  equipped  for  the  task.  At  no  time  had  it 
been  so  destitute  and  ragged,  and  so  little  calculated  to  impress  the 
imagination  of  “My  Maryland”  with  the  fact  that  the  despot’s  foot 
was  on  her  soil.  The  western  counties  of  Maryland  were  loyal  or 
lukewarm  in  their  Rebel  sympathies,  and  the  result  showed  they 
hardly  aspired  to  become  as  miserable  as  the  hungry,  tattered  horde 
let  loose  among  them.  Yet  at  no  time  in  its  previous  history  was 
the  Confederate  army  so  worthy  of  admiration,  and  of  the  name  of 
Chivalry.  They  were  heroes  in  rags  ! 

McClellan,  in  taking  command,  had  to  confront  both  the  enemy 
and  Halleck.  The  latter  was  constantly  telegraphing  his  doubts, 
and  fears,  and  advice.  September  9th,  he  telegraphed  that  he  feared 
the  enemy's  object  .was  to  draw  off  the  mass  of  our  forces  and  then 
attack  from  the  Virginia  side.  As  late  as  the  13th,  he  telegraphed  : 
“Until  you  know  more  certainly  the  enemy’s  force  south  of  the 
Potomac,  you  are  wrong  in  thus  uncovering  the  capital.”  On  the 
14th,  “I  fear  you  are  exposing  your  left  and  rear.”  As  late  as 
the  1 6th,  he  wrote  : “I  think  you  will  find  that  the  whole  force  of 
the  enemy  in  your  front  has  crossed  the  river.” 

On  September  10th,  McClellan  wrote  to  Halleck  asking  that  the 
ten  thousand  men  garrisoning  Harper’s  Ferry  be  ordered  to  join  him 
by  the  most  practicable  route.  Before  he  left  Washington  he  had 
advised  that  the  garrison  be  withdrawn  by  way  of  Hagerstown  to  aid 
in  covering  the  Cumberland  valley  ; or  cross  the  river  to  Maryland 
Heights,  the  military  key  to  the  position.  Halleck  chose  to  con- 
sider the  possession  of  the  town  as  of  the  first  importance,  and  the 
whole  campaign  pivots  around  this  fact,  which  resulted,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  in  the  capture  of  the  garrison.  But  it  also  had 
another  far-reaching  result  not  intended,  for  Harper’s  Ferry  was  the 
point  whereon  Lee  miscalculated  and  miscarried  in  his  plans.  He 
did  not  propose  to  make  any  direct  movement  against  Washington  or 
Baltimore,  but  first  establishing  his  communications  with  Richmond 
by  way  of  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  and  by  menacing  Pennsylvania, 
he  expected  that  McClellan  would  uncover  Washington,  and  be  led 


9s 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


from  his  base  of  supplies.  Then  if  he  could  defeat  McClellan  he 
might  seize  Baltimore  or  Washington,  or  both.  Imagine  his  surprise 
after  he  had  crossed  the  Potomac  above  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  rendered 
the  place  useless,  to  find  it  still  occupied.  The  Federal  advance  had 
been  up  to  this  time  so  timid  that  Lee  believed  he  could  capture  the 
garrison  and  again  concentrate  his  columns  before  being  called  upon 
to  give  battle.  He  forthwith  ordered  Jackson  to  move  by  way  of 
Williamsport  across  the  Potomac,  advance  upon  Martinsburg  and 
then  descend  to  Harper’s  Ferry  and  attack  from  the  rear,  while 
McLaws  should  capture  Maryland  Heights,  and  a force,  under 
Walker,  crossing  below,  should  seize  the  heights  of  Loudon.  Before 
the  plan  succeeded  McClellan  had  arrived  at  Frederick,  and  on  the 
13th  there  fell  into  his  hands  a copy  of  Lee’s  official  order,  fully 
disclosing  this  movement  in  all  its  details.  Here  was  an  opportunity 
seldom  presented  to  a general,  of  throwing  his  forces  between  the 
now  divided  army  of  his  antagonist,  and  destroying  him  in  detail. 
McClellan  ordered  a movement  towards  Maryland  Heights,  but  not 
rapid  enough  to  effect  his  purpose.  On  the  15th,  Jackson,  having 
surrounded  Harper’s  Ferry,  opened  with  artillery.  In  an  hour 
Colonel  Dixon  S.  Miles,  who  was  in  command,  was  killed,  the  Union 
guns  were  silenced,  and  the  post,  with  its  twelve  thousand  men 
(including  two  thousand  under  General  Julius  White,  who  had  re- 
treated from  Martinsburg)  and  seventy-three  pieces  of  artillery, 
surrendered  at  eight  o’clock  in  the  morning.  Leaving  General  A.  P. 
Hill  to  receive  the  surrender,  and  losing  not  a moment,  Stonewall 
Jackson,  on  the  night  of  the  15th,  marched  his  men  seventeen  miles, 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  had  united  his  force  with  Lee  at 
Sharpsburg. 

Behold  the  contrast  between  the  swift  energy  of  the  Confederates, 
and  the  leisurely  march  of  the  Union  force  in  this  great  emergency  ! 
McClellan,  to  whom  the  plans  of  the  Confederates  had  been  revealed 
by  Lee’s  captured  order,  was  by  this  knowledge  master  of  the  situa- 
tion. Resolved  to  avail  himself  of  its  advantage,  he  decided  to  move 
his  left  through  Crampton’s  Gap  and  debouch  into  Pleasant  Valley  in 
rear  and  within  five  miles  of  Maryland  Heights  ; also  with  a large 
force  to  seize  Turner’s  Gap,  six  miles  further  north,  before  the  enemy 
could  concentrate  for  its  defence. 

At  6.20  in  the  afternoon  of  the  13th,  he  directed  Franklin  to 


McClellan  at  the  head  of  the  army. 


99 


march  at  daybreak  upon  Crampton's  Gap,  and  closed  by  saying : “ I 
ask  of  you,  at  this  important  moment,  all  your  intellect  and  the 
utmost  activity  that  a general  can  exercise.”  With  such  an  immense 
stake  upon  the  boards,  we  wonder  he  did  not  command  Franklin  to 
move  that  night,  immediately  on  receiving  the  order.  The  distance 
from  Franklin’s  position  near  Jefferson  to  the  top  of  Crampton’s 
Gap  was  but  twelve  miles.  The  roads  were  in  good  condition,  the 
weather  was  fine,  and  we  now  know  that  had  he  marched  to  the  foot 
of  the  mountains  during  the  night,  he  could  have  debouched  into 
Pleasant  Valley,  in  rear  of  the  Confederates,  with  little  or  no 
opposition,  on  the  morning  of  the  14th.  McLaws,  while  directing 
the  guns  from  Maryland  Heights  upon  the  defenders  of  Harper’s 
Ferry,  learned  of  Franklin’s  advance,  and  at  once  sent  back  Howell 
Cobb,  with  instructions  to  hold  the  pass  to  the  last  man. 

Upon  Franklin’s  arrival  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  at  Burkitts- 
ville,  at  noon  of  the  14th,  he  found  the  enemy  posted  behind  a stone 
wall,  while  the  artillery  were  on  the  road,  well  up  on  the  heights. 
About  3 p.m.,  Bartlett’s  brigade,  supported  by  the  brigades  of  Newton 
and  Torbert,  all  of  Slocum’s  division,  advanced  upon  the  enemy,  and 
a severe  contest  ensued.  The  enemy,  overpowered,  fell  back  up 
the  hill,  firing  upon  our  men  from  behind  rocks  and  the  natural 
defensive  positions  presented  by  the  ground,  until  they  reached  their 
artillery,  where  they  made  a more  decided  stand.  Their  riflemen 
took  advantage  of  every  possible  cover  of  ledge  and  rock  and  tree. 
VTen  Slocum’s  division  had  become  actively  engaged  Brooks’s  and 
Irwin’s  brigades,  of  Smith’s  division,  were  sent  forward  and  bore  a 
part  in  the  final  struggle.  Hancock’s  brigade  was  held  in  reserve. 
After  a sharp  action  of  three  hours  the  crest  was  carried, — four 
hundred  prisoners,  seven  hundred  stand  of  arms,  one  piece  of  artillery, 
and  three  colors  were  the  prizes  of  the  Union  army.  Our  loss  was 
1 13  killed,  418  wounded,  and  2 missing. 

A Vermont  soldier  told  me  that  during  this  up-hill  fight,  while 
climbing  over  a ledge,  he  slipped  and  fell  eighteen  or  twenty  feet 
between  two  rocks.  Rapid  as  had  been  his  tumble,  upon  his  arrival 
he  found  himself  preceded  by  a Confederate  soldier.  For  an  instant 
they  glared  angrily  at  each  other,  when  the  “reb”  burst  out  laughing, 
saying:  “We’re  both  in  a fix.  You  can’t  gobble  me,  and  I can’t 
gobble  you,  till  we  know  which  is  going  to  lick.  Let’s  wait  till  the 


IOO 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


shooting  is  over,  and  if  your  side  wins  I’m  your  prisoner,  and  if  we 
win  you’re  my  prisoner  ! ” The  bargain  was  made.  “But,”  said  my 
informant,  “didn’t  that  reb  feel  cheap  when  he  found  I’d  won  him!” 

That  night  the  advance  of  Frank- 
lin’s corps  rested  on  their  arms  within 
three  and  a half  miles  of  Me  Laws  on 
Maryland  Heights.  During  the  night 
Couch  joined  him,  and  had  he  at- 
tacked McLaws  early  in  the  morning 
(September  15th),  it  is  possible  that 
the  garrison  at  Harper’s  Ferry  would 


For  an  instant  they  glared  angrily  at  each  other. 


have  been  saved.  An  hour  after  mid- 
night of  that  morning  McClellan  had 
sent  orders  for  Franklin  to  occupy  the 
road  from  Rohrersville  to  Harper’s 
Ferry,  and  hold  it  against  an  attack 
from  Boonsboro’,  or  in  other  words 
from  Longstreet  and  Hill,  and  to  de- 


McClellan  at  the  head  of  the  army. 


IOI 


stroy  such  force  as  he  found  in  Pleasant  Valley.  “You  will  then 
proceed,”  ordered  McClellan,  “to  Boonsboro’,  . . . and  join  the  main 
body  of  the  army  at  that  place.  Should  you  find,  however,  that  the 
enemy  have  retreated  from  Boonsboro’  towards  Sharpsburg  you  will 
endeavor  to  fall  upon  him  and  cut  off  his  retreat.”  But  from  one 
cause  and  another  the  plans  for  an  overwhelming  defeat  miscarried. 

Our  corps  (Sumner’s)  was  following  Reno’s  and  Hooker’s  in  the 
advance  upon  Turner’s  Gap,  five  miles  north  of  the  fight  described 
above,  but  I personally  did  not  get  up  in  time  to  see  the  last  blows 
struck.  Until  our  arrival  at  Frederick,  and  even  later,  I was  a 
straggler.  The  circumstance  which  caused  me  to  become  a demoral- 
ized unit  of  the  army  may  be  creditable  or  otherwise,  but  I will  tell 
it.  Just  before  the  battle  of  Chantilly  (September  i),  I,  with  Wad 
Rider,  and  “Joe,”  the  recruit,  had  retired  to  the  seclusion  of  a neigh- 
boring wood  to  engage  in  a war  of  extermination  against  an  invader 
of  the  Union  blue.  I had  partly  resumed  my  clothing  but  not  my 
shoes.  Joe  had  entirely  re-dressed,  but  Wad  Rider  was  still  on 
undress  parade.  Suddenly  Joe,  whose  quickness  of  sight  and  hearing 
were  remarkable,  shouted,  “ Rebs  ! Rebs  ! ” Down  a cross-road  on 
our  left  came  a squad  of  the  enemy’s  cavalry.  I ran  barefoot,  with 
my  cartridge-box  and  belt  over  one  shoulder,  my  musket  in  one  hand, 
and  my  other  hand  holding  my  garments  together.  As  I ran  I heard 
a musket-shot,  and  turned  to  view  the  situation.  Wad  Rider,  dressed 
in  nothing  but  his  cuticle  and  equipments,  had  killed  the  leading 
cavalryman  in  the  pursuit,  and  shouting  like  mad  for  reinforcements, 
was  retreating  in  light  marching  order  upon  the  camp.  I dashed 
through  a stump  lot,  with  Joe  on  my  flank  and  Wad  in  the  rear,  still 
pursued  by  the  enemy,  who  were  calling  upon  us  to  surrender.  The 
noise  brought  the  boys  swarming  from  the  camp,  and  when  I regained 
my  feet,  after  a collision  with  the  root  of  a stump,  the  rebels  were 
making  for  the  woods.  Under  a'  strong  escort  of  comrades  we 
returned  to  reclaim  Wad’s  uniform  and  my  shoes,  but  the  enemy  had 
gobbled  them.  Wad  stripped  the  dead  cavalryman,  and  assumed  his 
clothing  without  saying  so  much  as  “ poor  fellow,”  and  looked  gro- 
tesque enough  in  his  gray  suit.  “ First  thing  you’ll  hear  of,”  said 
Wad,  “ some  blank  fool  will  be  shooting  me  for  a reb  ! ” 

As  the  result  of  my  fall  I had  the  sorest  foot  in  camp.  I was 
ordered  to  report  to  the  hospital  — a place  I never  had  a liking  for  — 


102 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


but  I preferred  to  limp  along  in  rear  of  the  army  like  a true  straggler. 
I messed  with  darky  teamsters,  or  with  anybody  who  had  eatables 
and  would  receive  me  into  good-fellowship.  In  some  of  the  Maryland 
houses  they  were  nursing  the  sick  soldiers  of  the  Union  army,  and 
many  farmers  gave  to  the  hungry  soldiers  most  of  the  food  upon 
their  farms.  Near  Middletown  a woman  gave  me  a pair  of  shoes, 
which  I was  not  then  able  to  wear ; while  at  another  place  an  old 
lady,  after  caring  for  my  unheroic  wound,  presented  me  with  a pair 
of  stockings  which  she  had  knit  for  her  own  son,  who  was  in  the 
Union  army.  Maryland  was  the  first  place  since  I had  come  to  the 
front,  where  we  were  greeted  with  smiles  from  children  and  women. 
At  a pleasant  farm-house,  near  Damascus,  where  flowers  grew  in  the 
garden,  and  vines  climbed  around  the  capacious  veranda,  a little  girl 
peeped  over  the  gate  and  said  good-morning.  I asked  her  if  she  was 
not  afraid  of  so  many  passing  soldiers,  and  she  replied  : “ No,  my 
father  is  a soldier  in  the  army,  too,”  and  then  timidly,  as  if  afraid  to 
dazzle  me  with  his  exalted  rank,  said,  “ He’s  a corporal ! Do  you 
know  him  ? ” Of  course  we  met  with  some  decided  contrasts 
smacking  of  disloyalty. 

I picked  up  temporary  acquaintances  of  all  kinds,  but  during  my 
third  day’s  ramble  I chummed  with  an  artilleryman,  who  had  lost 
his  voice.  Near  Damascus,  we  called  at  a pleasantly  situated  house, 
belonging  to  an  old  man  about  sixty  or  seventy  years  of  age.  He 
was  very  non-committal  in  his  sentiments.  His  wife  was  a lady-like 
old  woman,  and  her  two  daughters  had  evidently  seen  good  society. 
We  propounded  the  usual  conundrum  about  something  to  eat,  and 
exhibited  money  to  show  that  we  intended  to  pay. 

The  young  women,  when  speaking  of  the  Confederates,  spoke  of 
them  as  “our  army,”  and  it  leaked  out  that  they  had  one  brother 
therein,  and  another  in  the  paymaster’s  department  at  Washington. 
After  supper,  we  were  invited  into  the  reception-room,  where  there 
was  a piano.  I asked  for  a song.  One  of  the  young  women  seated 
herself  at  the  piano  and  played  “My  Maryland”  and  “Dixie,”  and 
then  wheeled  as  if  to  say:  “How  do  you  like  that?”  My  chum 
hoarsely  whispered  a request  for  the  “Star-Spangled  Banner,”  and 
she  obligingly  complied,  and  then  said  in  a semi-saucy  manner:  “Is 
there  anything  else?”  My  friend  mentioned  a piece  from  Beethoven. 
“ I never  heard  of  it  before,”  said  she ; “ perhaps  if  you  should 


McClellan  at  the  head  of  the  army. 


103 

whistle  it  I would  recognize  it.”  But  my  friend’s  whistle  was  in  as 
bad  tune  as  his  voice.  “ Perhaps  you  will  play  it  yourself  ! ” said  the 
black-eyed  miss,  for  an  extinguisher!  To  my  astonishment,  no  less, 
seemingly,  than  theirs,  the  rusty-looking  artilleryman  seated  himself 
at  the  piano  and  under  his  hands  the  instrument  was  transformed. 
He  played  piece  after  piece  and  finally  improvised  a midnight  march 
in  which  a band  of  music  was  heard,  receding  farther  and  farther 
until  the  whole  died  away  in  the  distance.  Our  parting  was  more 
cordial  than  our  reception. 

Two  or  three  miles  south  of  Frederick,  my  chum  was  peppered 
with  pigeon-shot  while  gathering  our  supper  in  a farmer’s  sweet- 
potato  patch,  and  in  the  morning  refused  to  march,  so  I pushed  on 
without  him.  I joined  a party  who  were  driving  a herd  of  cattle  for 
the  army.  The  guard  hung  their  haversacks  on  the  horns,  and 
packed  their  knapsacks  and  muskets  on  the  backs  of  the  oxen  and 
cows.  It  was  in  this  company  that  I arrived  at  Frederick  and  wan- 
dered into  the  hospital,  a church,  where  there  were  about  two  hun- 
dred sick  inmates.  Feeling  lonely,  I pushed  on  after  my  regiment. 
A battle  was  imminent,  and  many  stragglers  were  hurrying  forward 
to  be  in  the  fight.  A friend  who  had  been  wandering  at  his  own 
sweet  will,  barefoot  and  without  a shirt  to  his  back,  in  the  track  of 
the  army,  hired  and  persuaded  with  his  bayonet,  an  unwilling  darky 
whom  he  met  (driving  a mule  attached  to  a two-wheeled  cart)  to 
carry  him  a “right  smart  distance”  to  the  Antietam  fight.  He 
urged  on  the  mule  and  darky  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  until  near 
the  battlefield,  when  the  bursting  shell  caused  both  the  darky  and 
his  mule  to  balk.  When  the  darky  was  released  from  the  persuasive 
influence  of  Tom,  he  and  his  mule  made  commendable  speed  for 
the  rear.  It  was  about  noon  of  the  14th  when  I caught  up  with  my 
company,  and  fell  in  line,  hobbling  along  towards  Turner’s  Gap, 
where  heavy  firing  could  be  heard.  At  ten  in  the  evening  we 
relieved  the  force  holding  the  main  road  of  the  Gap.  During  the 
night  we  could  distinctly  hear  the  rumble  of  the  enemy’s  artillery, 
and  at  early  dawn  found  they  had  fled,  leaving  their  dead  and 
wounded  to  our  care. 


CHAPTER  X 


ANTIETAM 


A Zouaue. 

on  either  side  of  the  stream, 
vales ; the  winding  turnpike 
valleys ; the  Antietam,  mostl 


THE  situation  was  such  after 
our  victory  at  South  Moun- 
tain, that  Lee,  seeing  the  im- 
practicability of  longer  holding 
Turner’s  Pass,  withdrew  the  force 
there  engaged  into  the  valley  of 
the  Antietam. 

On  the  15th,  the  Union  army 
was  pushed  forward  in  pursuit  until 
it  reached  the  river,  where  it  was 
brought  to  a halt  by  the  enemy, 
in  force  on  the  opposite  banks. 

The  valley  through  which  the 
Antietam  takes  its  winding  course 
is  very  beautiful.  As  we  advanced 
over  the  ridges  we  looked  down 
upon  its  green  fields  where  herds 
of  cattle  were  grazing,  and  richly 
laden  orchards  and  yellow  harvests 
lay  ripening  in  the  September  sun. 
At  our  feet  were  undulating  hills 
and  fertile  meadows,  and  comfort- 
able farmhouses,  some  standing  out 
boldly  on  eminences,  others  half 
hidden  by  vines  or  fruit  trees. 

The  range  of  low  hills  rising 
relieved  by  deep  gulleys  and  verdant 
on  the  hillsides  and  through  green 
■ obscured  from  view  by  trees  which 


IO4 


AN  TIE  TAM. 


105 

fringed  its  tortuous  course,  running  smoothly  here,  or  grumbling 
there  with  discontent  at  its  rocky  bed,  or  dashing  in  sparkling  foam 
over  shallow  declivities  ; winding  far  up  to  the  foot  of  one  range 
of  hills,  or  turning  back  to  caress  the  base  of  another,  presented  to 
the  eye  a beautiful  picture  of  peace. 

The  enemy’s  position  was  admirably  selected.  Here  the  Antietam 
runs  nearly  south  and  obliquely  towards  the  Potomac.  Their  lines 
were  drawn  across  the  angle  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Antietam 
with  the  Potomac,  and  as  the  Potomac  at  this  point  makes  a series  of 


The  Zouaues  holding  the  Stone  Wall  in  Front  of  Sharpsburg. 


curves,  forming  a sort  of  horse-shoe  bend  in  their  rear,  the  Con- 
federate army  was  enabled  to  rest  both  flanks  on  that  stream,  while 
the  Antietam  protected  their  front.  Here  also  they  were  in  the 
flank  and  rear  of  any  force  moving  against  McLaws,  and  in  a position 
where  all  their  forces  could  easily  unite. 

East  of  the  town  of  Sharpsburg  was  a line  of  abrupt  hills,  forming 
a half  circle  with  the  convexity  in  front,  rising  from  the  river.  From 
these  their  artillery  could  sweep  the  level  land  before  them,  from 


io6 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


right  to  left.  In  case  of  defeat,  their  line  of  retreat  was  assured  by 
two  fine  roads  running  to  the  Potomac. 

McClellan’s  plan  of  battle  was  comprehensive  and  simple.  It  was 
to  throw  his  right  across  the  river,  by  an  unguarded  ford  and  bridge, 
below  Pry’s  Mill ; attack  the  Confederate  left,  with  Hooker’s  and 
Mansfield’s  corps,  supported  by  Sumner  ; and  when  the  movement 
had  engaged  the  enemy’s  attention,  the  centre  and  left  were  to  force 
the  bridges  and  attack  his  front  and  right.  Had  the  plan  been 
carried  out  as  boldly  as  conceived,  the  result  would  have  been 
decisive. 

The  Union  commander  occupied  most  of  the  day  (the  16th)  in 
examining  the  ground,  posting  troops,  and  massing  artillery.  During 
the  day  an  artillery  engagement  occurred.  In  this  duel  the  Con- 
federates were  badly  worsted.  The  Confederate  general,  D.  H.  Hill, 
in  his  report,  alludes  to  this  exchange  of  artillery  compliments,  and 
says  : “They  could  not  cope  with  the  Yankee  guns,”  and  terms  it, 
on  their  part,  “the  most  melancholy  farce  of  the  war  ! ” 

McClellan  had  been  criticised,  perhaps  justly,  for  not  making  the 
attack  at  an  earlier  hour,  while  yet  Lee’s  force  consisted  only  of 
Longstreet’s  and  D.  H.  Hill’s  corps.  A general,  to  be  judged  fairly, 
should  be  criticised  by  the  facts  known,  or  obtainable  by  him,  before 
and  during  the  battle,  rather  than  those  gained  by  investigation  from 
the  safe  distance  of  after  years.  Those  who  fight  battles  long  after 
their  issues  are  decided  have  more  time  to  deliberate  than  the  actors 
on  the  actual  field. 

It  seems,  however,  that  Hooker’s  advance  was  ill-timed  ; it  should 
either  have  been  made  earlier,  or  delayed  until  the  next  morning. 
As  it  was,  McClellan’s  preparations  and  Hooker’s  movement  both 
warned  the  enemy  that  the  attack  was  to  be  made  on  their  left,  and 
gave  them  time  to  make  a disposition  of  troops  to  resist  it. 

Hooker  began  his  movement  at  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  In 
the  twilight  which  follows  sundown,  he  struck  the  Confederate  force, 
under  General  Hood,  and  after  smart  skirmishing  they  rested  on  their 
arms  during  the  night. 

The  Confederate  and  Union  forces,  at  this  point,  occupied  the 
woods  ’which  are  on  the  margin  and  near  the  cleared  land  on  both 
sides  of  the  Hagerstown  road.  Hooker  was  in  the  edge  of  the  wood 
on  the  east  side,  and  the  enemy  in  the  low  timbered  land  on  the 


Sharpsburg  and  the  Battle  oe  Antietam.  Page  IOC. 


ANTI E TAM. 


107 

west  side.  Their  pickets  were  so  near  together  during  the  night, 
that  their  conversation  could  be  heard  from  one  line  to  the  other. 

At  early  dawn  on  the  17th,  Hooker  opened  the  battle  by  an 
attack  on  the  left  of  the  line  now  held  by  the  indomitable  Jackson, 
who  made  use  of  the  numerous  ledges  as  fortresses.  The  object  of 
Hooker  was  to  obtain  possession  of  the  Hagerstown  road,  and  the 
woods  on  the  west  of  it. 

The  chief  criticism  made  on  this  part  of  the  battle,  by  military 
critics,  is  that  Hooker  and  Sumner  both  failed  to  take  possession  of 
a hill  a little  to  the  right  of  the  place  where  they  formed  their  lines, 
which,  if  occupied  by  our  artillery,  would  have  made  it  impossible 
for  the  Confederates  to  hold  their  ground,  as  the  field  is  seen  in 
reverse  from  its  crest.  It  was  the  key  to  the  battle-field. 

Though  numbering  14,000  in  the  reports,  the  force  of  Hooker  on 
the  field  was  about  9000  men.  The  command  of  Jackson  was  made 
up  of  two  divisions,  Ewell’s  and  the  “ Stonewall.”  The  Confederates 
claim  their  whole  force  as  not  over  4000  men,  but  Hood’s  report 
shows  that  Woodford’s  brigade  of  2000  men  had  marched  at  sunrise 
to  reinforce  that  part  of  the  line,  which  makes  the  force  6000. 

The  Union  lines  advanced  with  enthusiasm,  and  after  an  hour  of 
“bloody  bush-whacking,”  the  left  and  centre  drove  the  Confederates 
into  the  west  woods,  and  Ricketts  gained  its  borders.  The  fight, 
furious  and  sanguinary  from  the  first,  here  became  terrible.  The 
hostile  lines  literally  tore  each  other  to  pieces,  as  the  quick  volleys 
and  rattling  fire  at  will,  with  explosions  of  artillery,  mingled  with 
rebel  yells  and  Union  cheers.  The  lines  of  battle  surged  back  and 
forth  over  the  ground,  now  strewn  with  the  dead  and  dying.  Ricketts, 
in  killed  and  wounded,  lost  951  men;  Phelps,  forty-four  per  cent; 
Gibbons’s  brigade,  380  men. 

The  Confederate  loss,  when  reckoned  by  the  numbers  they  claimed 
to  have  had  at  this  part  of  their  lines,  was  phenomenal.  They  lost 
554  men  killed  and  wounded,  out  of  one  brigade,  and  five  out  of  six 
regimental  commanders.  Hayes’s  brigade  lost  323  out  of  550  men, 
including  his  entire  staff  and  all  his  regimental  commanders.  Such 
was  the  furious  nature  of  the  contest  waged  on  that  field  of  blood. 

The  enemy’s  lines,  overthrown,  were  falling  back,  and  Hooker  was 
advancing  his  centre  under  Meade,  to  seize  the  Hagerstown  road  and 
the  woods  beyond,  when  Jackson's  reserve  division,  reinforced  by  the 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


108 

two  brigades  of  Hood,  issued  from  the  woods  and  hurled  Meade’s 
lines  back,  bleeding  and  broken.  Ricketts  was  engaged  with  a part 
of  Hill's  division,  closed  for  support  upon  Jackson’s  right,  while 
Stuart’s  horse  artillery  held  Doubleday  in  check.  Hooker  had  lost 
by  death,  wounds,  and  straggling,  two-thirds  of  the  force  he  carried 
into  action.  Thus  stout  Hooker  stood  at  bay,  wrestling  for  victory, 
when  Mansfield’s  corps,  which  had  bivouacked  but  a mile  in  his  rear, 
during  the  previous  night,  came  to  his  assistance. 

While  examining  the  ground  in  his  front,  its  veteran  commander 
fell  mortally  wounded,  and  Williams  took  command.  They  brought 
on  the  field  about  seven  thousand  men.  As  they  came  up  they  found 
Hooker’s  men  slowly  and  doggedly  falling  back,  through  the  corn- 
field between  the  road  and  the  east  woods. 

Gordon,  of  Mansfield’s  corps,  cleared  the  cornfield.  Green’s 
brigade  went  in  on  the  left,  drove  the  enemy  before  them,  and 
delivered  while  pressing  forward,  an  enfilading  fire  along  the  front 
of  the  force  engaging  Gordon.  By  nine  o’clock  the  Union  force  held 
a line  extending  from  Miller’s  house  southwest  to  the  Dunkers’ 
Church,  having  driven  the  enemy  over  a mile  from  their  first  posi- 
tion. Their  line  was  irregular  and  they  had  reached  the  climax  of 
their  powers  ; they  were  fought  out. 

Such  was  the  situation  when  General  Sumner  marched  his  corps 
to  the  scene  of  action,  and  found  Hooker  wounded  and  leaving  the 
field,  his  force  broken  and  scattered  to  such  a degree  that  Sumner 
declared  he  saw  nothing  of  them. 

Sumner’s  corps  had  three  divisions  : the  first  under  Richardson, 
second  under  Sedgwick,  and  third  under  French.  Up  to  this  time 
the  corps  had  never  encountered  a reverse.  As  they  marched 
through  the  east  woods  (a  grand  park  of  fine  trees,  and  but  little 
underbrush)  they  encountered  the  stragglers  and  wounded  of  the 
broken  forces  in  their  front  — men  who  declared  themselves  the 
only  living  men  of  their  regiments.  “Sometimes,”  says  a comrade, 
“three  or  four  men  were  helping  along  one  wounded  one,  the 
usual  accompaniment  of  a heavy  fight.  In  reply  to  some  sarcastic 
remark  from  our  company,  one  of  the  stragglers  said  ; ‘ Bark  now ; 
but  you’ll  soon  come  back  yelping  like  a dog  whose  tail  has  been 
stepped  on.’ 

“ Over  the  fences  and  ditches,  and  through  the  cornfield,  our 


AN  TIE  TAM. 


109 

line  swept  steadily  forward,  Gorman’s  brigade  leading  the  way,  with 
Dana’s  next  and  Burns’s  bringing  up  the  rear.  Shells  from  unseen 
batteries  struck  our  lines,  but  we  passed  beyond  their  fire  as  we 
reached  the  west  woods,  which  we  found  strewn  with  wounded, 
dying,  groaning  rebels,  and  our  own  dead.  Our  flanks  had  literally 
no  protection,  as  we  marched  steadily  forward,  and  moved  through 
the  east  woods  without  encountering  the  enemy.  We  climbed  a 
fence,  followed  by  Dana’s  brigade,  were  halted  and  aligned.  The 
column  then  pressed  forward,  the  left  just  reaching  the  little  school- 
house-like  building  known  now  as  the  Dunkers’  Church. 

“At  about  this  time  of  our  advance  the  enemy  opened  with  canis- 
ter, which  tore  through  our  lines,  and  three  of  our  company  were 
killed  and  five  wounded  at  this  point ; but  the  men  steadily  closed 
their  ranks  and  moved  forward.  It  seems,  from  the  Confederate 
reports,  the  two  of  their  brigades  holding  that  part  of  the  line,  had 
just  been  reinforced  by  eight  additional  brigades,  hurried  across  from 
the  Confederate  right.  These  reinforcements  filled  a road  in  the 
woods  on  our  left.  We  had  marched  into  an  ambush  ! ” 

Ten  Confederate  brigades,  working  around  under  cover  of  the 
woods,  were  on  our  flank,  front,  and  rear.  Then  burst  such  a storm 
of  battle  as  those  who  were  of  Sedgwick’s  command  will  never  forget. 
Two  thousand  dead  and  wounded  covered  the  ground  in  a moment. 
Some  companies  and  regiments  faced  to  the  rear,  fired,  and  met 
this  awful  volley  of  death  with  a calm  front.  It  was  one  crash  of 
musketry ; and  then  the  terrible  crackle  and  uproar  mingled  with 
groans  and  screams,  curses  and  shrieks ! Some  wildly  ran,  while 
little  squads  kept  their  discipline,  and  coolly  marched  to  the  right, 
where  the  broken  ranks 'were  re-formed  in  a new  line,  under  cover 
of  our  batteries,  and  here  again  met  the  enemy  and  drove  him  back. 
Here  the  brigades  of  Gordon  and  Green  came  up  to  reinforce  the 
shattered  lines,  but  too  late.  The  successes  of  the  preceding  part 
of  the  day  were  lost. 

It  was  now  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning,  and  we  were  occupying 
the  east  side  of  the  Hagerstown  road,  near  where  the  battle  first 
opened  under  Hooker.  Sedgwick  had  lost  in  this  encounter  2255 
men.  The  Third  Wisconsin  lost  sixty  per  cent  of  its  numbers. 

The  pressure  now  became  terrible  on  Sumner’s  centre  and  left. 
General  French,  whose  command  had  drifted  off  to  the  left,  for 


I IO 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


some  reason  never  explained,  was  ordered  to  make  an  attack  to 
relieve  the  pressure.  He  attacked  with  the  two  brigades  of  Kimball 
and  Weber.  The  enemy,  forced  back,  took  possession  of  the  sunken 
road,  which  runs  a zigzag  course,  at  right  angles  with  the  Hagers- 
town pike.  Here  they  piled  rails  in  their  front  for  breast-works  and 
stubbornly  contested  its  possession. 

Meagher,  with  his  heroic  Irish  brigade,  fought  his  way  to  the 
crest  of  a hill  overlooking  this  sunken  road,  in  which  the  rebel  force, 
under  General  Hill,  was  posted.  These  were  relieved,  after  a stub- 
born fight  had  exhausted  their  ammunition,  by  Caldwell’s  brigade. 
The  enemy,  receiving  reinforcements,  endeavored  to  possess  them- 
selves of  the  high  ground  on  the  left  ; in  this  they  were  frustrated 
by  the  Fifth  New  Hampshire,  whose  heroic  colonel,  Cross,  here 
began  an  exciting  race  for  its  possession.  The  two  hostile  forces, 
marching  by  parallel  lines,  delivered  their  fire  as  they  marched; 
Cross,  with  his  red  handkerchief  for  a turban,  his  voice  ringing  out 
with  excitement,  urged  on  his  men,  and  they  won  the  crest. 

In  an  effort  to  flank  us  the  enemy  was  checked.  General  Barlow, 
in  this  movement,  by  a change  of  front  executed  with  great  prompt- 
ness and  audacity,  was  enabled  to  enfilade  the  enemy’s  lines,  and 
captured  three  hundred  prisoners.  This  success,  followed  up,  gave 
us  the  sunken  road,  and  the  position  on  which  stood  the  Piper 
House.  This  was  the  strongest  part  of  the  enemy’s  lines,  and  had 
matters  been  then  pushed  the  victory  would  have  been  decisive. 
Into  this  terrible  maelstrom  of  battle  and  death,  three  out  of  the  six 
corps  composing  the  Union  army  had  been  drawn. 

Franklin’s  corps,  which  had  been  hurried  up  from  the  right,  now 
came  into  the  fight.  The  enemy  had  reinforced  their  endangered 
left  heavily,  and  the  arrival  was  well  timed.  They  were  massing  to 
strike  a blow  directed  between  Sumner’s  right  and  centre,  which 
were  loosely  shackled  together.  Franklin  filled  up  the  gap  with  a 
part  of  Smith’s  division,  while  another  part  of  the  division,  under 
Colonel  Irwin,  drove  back  the  Confederates  abreast  the  Dunkers’ 
Church. 

Stretching  over  hills  and  through  woods,  the  contending  lines 
stood  face  to  face.  The  roar  of  musketry  rolled  along  the  whole 
extent  of  the  battle-field.  Franklin  now  massed  his  men  for  a 
crushing  blow,  but  Sumner,  demoralized  by  the  heavy  fighting, 


ANTIETAM. 


I I I 


ordered  him  to  desist.  It  was  one  o’clock  and  the  battle  was 
practically  over  on  the  right,  although  firing  still  continued  along 
the  line  until  night. 

It  was  McClellan’s  plan,  as  I have  stated,  to  attack  the  enemy’s 
left,  supported  by  an  attack  on  their  right  and  centre.  If  successful 
in  carrying  the  crest  in  front  of  Sharpsburg,  it  would  force  Lee  from 
his  line  of  retreat  by  way  of  Shepardstown.  It  would  also  prevent 
the  reinforcement  of  the  Confederate  left  from  their  right. 

General  McClellan  had  ordered  Burnside,  early  on  the  1 6th,  to 
make  a reconnoisance  of  the  ground  in  his  front.  Crook,  later  in 
the  day,  missed  his  way  to  the  bridge  to  take  part  in  the  assault, 
which  shows  how  little  the  ground  was  understood. 

McClellan  says,  in  his  report,  that  he  ordered  Burnside  to  hold 
himself  in  readiness  to  assault,  and  await  further  orders.  At  eight 
o’clock  in  the  morning  he  ordered  Burnside  to  carry  the  bridge  and 
heights,  and  advance  along  their  crest,  upon  Sharpsburg.  General 
Jones,  who  commanded  the  entire  Confederate  right,  says,  “ My  whole 
command  of  six  brigades,  comprised  only  2430  men.”  Making  due 
allowance  for  Confederate  exaggeration,  the  force  could  not  have 
been  a large  one. 

Notwithstanding  the  order  to  attack,  General  Burnside  occupied 
the  forenoon  with  frivolous  action,  and  the  battle  on  the  right  was 
over  before  he  began  the  attack.  This  had  enabled  Lee  heavily  to 
reinforce  his  left  wing,  by  the  withdrawal  of  two-thirds  of  the  right 
wing,  under  Longstreet.  They  had  arrived  in  season  to  bring  dis- 
aster to  Sedgwick,  and  check  the  onslaught  of  Sumner.  It  is 
believed  this  could  not,  and  would  not,  have  been  attempted,  had 
Burnside  acted  with  vigor,  as  at  one  time  not  over  four  hundred  men 
disputed  the  passage  of  the  bridge. 

Our  forces,  under  Burnside,  had  pierced  the  enemy’s  lines  and  were 
in  the  full  tide  of  success  when  two  thousand  men,  under  General 
A.  P.  Hill,  who  had  marched  from  Harper’s  Ferry  (seventeen  miles 
in  seven  hours),  reinforced  the  broken  Confederate  lines,  which 
resumed  the  offensive,  recaptured  a battery  which  had  been  taken 
from  them,  and  hurled  Burnside’s  force  back  to  the  protection  of  the 
bluff,  with  a loss  of  2202  men,  only  123  of  whom  were  missing. 

Burnside  sent  for  reinforcements,  weakly  intimating  that  he 
could  not  hold  his  position,  and  afterwards  withdrew  the  Ninth 


I I 2 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Corps  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  Antietam,  leaving  Morell’s  division 
to  hold  the  position  alone.  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Antietam. 

The  question  of  Burnside’s  dilatoriness  in  action  is  a mooted  one. 
Some  have  supposed  that  he  had  already  formed  the  design  of  sup- 
planting McClellan,  and  hence  purposely  delayed  in  order  to  prevent 
his  success.  Others,  that  he  was  rendered  antagonistic  to  McClellan 
by  the  removal  of  Hooker’s  corps  from  his  command.  Those  who 
knew  Burnside  cannot  for  a moment  accept  either  of  these  expla- 
nations. His  unselfish  and  generous  character  is  so  well  known  as 
at  once  to  contradict  it.  Is  it  not  rather  to  be  accounted  for  by  a 
fact,  afterwards  shown  on  a wider  field,  that  the  man  was  not  equal 
to  his  position  ? No  one  who  ever  saw  his  noble,  lion-like  face,  or 
grasped  his  manly  hand,  can,  for  a moment,  believe  that  he  willingly 
failed  either  his  commander  or  his  country. 

One  of  McClellan’s  characteristics  was  that  he  seldom  blamed  his 
subordinate  officers,  hence  though  Franklin  and  Burnside  both  failed 
him  in  the  critical  periods  of  the  campaign,  his  words  of  blame  were 
confined  to  a simple  statement  of  facts,  in  his  report  of  operations. 

The  morning  of  the  I Sth  dawned,  and  with  it  the  question  for 
McClellan  to  decide  whether  he  should  renew  the  conflict.  The 
reasons  he  gave  for  not  renewing  it  were  : “ At  this  moment,  with 
Virginia  lost,  Washington  menaced,  Maryland  invaded,  the  na- 
tional cause  could  afford  no  risk  of  defeat.  One  battle  lost,  Lee’s 
army  could  have  captured  our  large  cities,  levying  tribute  from  a 
fertile  and  undevastated  country.”  It  is  the  opinion  of  military 
critics,  founded  on  facts  afterwards  developed,  that  McClellan’s 
decisions  were  wrong.  As  a general  commanding  an  army  makes 
decisions  grounded  upon  facts  known  to  him  at  the  time,  and  not 
those  afterwards  developed,  let  us  see  what  McClellan  knew  at  that 
time.  He  knew  that  his  forces  which  had  met  the  enemy  upon  the 
field  that  day  had  scarcely  held  their  own,  and  that  the  battle  was 
substantially  a draw ; that  Sumner  had  advised  against  further  move- 
ment on  the  17th  ; that  his  troops  were  exhausted,  his  supply  trains 
far  in  the  rear,  while  his  men,  in  many  instances,  were  suffering 
from  hunger  ; that  Burnside  had  met  with  a repulse,  and  when  the 
fight  closed  was  calling  for  reinforcements,  which  he  could  not  send. 
While  these  facts  had  weight  with  McClellan’s  cautious  mind,  a 
bolder  general  would  have  risked  the  hazard  of  battle. 


AN  TIE  TAM. 


1 1 3 

The  reasons  given  by  military  critics  why  McClellan  should  have 
resumed  the  offensive  in  the  morning,  are  these  : McClellan  stood 
on  his  own  base  with  everything  at  hand  to  aid  him,  while  Lee  was 
at  a great  distance  from  his  base,  with  a difficult  river  in  his  rear. 
Again,  our  troops  fought  on  loyal  soil  with  a verve  they  had  never 
shown  in  Virginia,  and  could  be  depended  upon  for  greater  exertions 
and  sacrifices.  The  battle-field  was  better  understood  on  the  17th 
than  when  the  fight  began,  and  the  key  position  on  our  right  was 
now  properly  appreciated.  Burnside  had  gained  a foothold  on  the 
opposite  banks  of  the  Antietam. 

All  facts  now  point  to  the  probabilities  that  had  we  resumed  the 
offensive  on  the  morning  of  the  18th  the  rebel  army  would  have 
been  overwhelmed.  Yet,  as  McClellan  said,  there  was  a doubt  then. 

Lee  was,  by  far,  the  ablest  general  on  the  Confederate  side,  and 
perhaps  the  ablest  produced  by  the  war.  Pushed  to  extremities  we 
know  not  what  new  strategical  resources  he  may  have  developed. 
One  thing  is  certain,  McClellan  weighed  these  questions  to  the 
best  of  his  ability  at  the  time,  and  decided  against  resuming  the 
offensive  on  the  1 Sth,  and  in  this  he  violated  no  received  maxims 
or  principles  of  war. 

Our  successes  had  been  such  as  to  compel  Lee’s  retreat.  He 
had  crossed  the  river  with  high  hopes.  He  had  returned  to  the 
south  side  of  the  Potomac  to  gather  together  the  shattered  frag- 
ments of  his  army.  The  army  of  invasion  had  signally  failed,  and 
had  been  almost  destroyed.  Its  venture  had  been  fruitless  and 
unprofitable. 

Lee  had  begun  the  invasion  with  the  prestige  of  success  on  his 
side.  McClellan  had  begun  the  campaign  with  an  army  disorganized 
by  defeat. 

The  Confederate  chieftain  had  been  obliged  to  abandon  the  in- 
vasion ; had  left  his  dead  unburied,  and  many  of  his  wounded  uncared 
for  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  crossed  the  river.  He  had  asked  for 
a truce  to  bury  his  dead,  and  had  used  the  truce  so  gained  to  make 
preparations  for  retreat. 

The  Confederates  claim  that  they  fought  this  battle  with  less 
than  40,000  men.  Yet  on  the  20th  of  October  their  reports  show 
67,808  men.  September  23d,  the  Richmond  Enquirer  credits  Lee 
with  60,000  men  on  the  field  of  Antietam.  Lee  laments  that  his 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


I 14 

army  was  ruined  by  straggling.  What  was  true  in  this  respect  of 
Lee's  army  was  true  also  of  the  Union  army. 

The  official  report  is  no  gauge  of  the  number  present  for  duty. 
It  is  doubtful  if  the  Union  army,  present  for  duty,  was  much  over 
sixty  thousand  men,  and  considering  that  they  attacked  defensive 
positions,  selected  by  Lee  himself,  does  not  show  so  great  an 
inequality  in  forces  as  at  first  would  appear.  The  Fifth  and  Sixth 
Corps,  and  cavalry  division,  which  according  to  McClellan’s  report 
were  hardly  used  at  all,  numbered  29,550  men. 

One  point  of  criticism  may  be  made  here,  and  that  is,  that 
McClellan,  knowing  the  immense  enthusiasm  the  army  had  tor  his 
person,  did  not  use  this  by  showing  himself  on  the  field  of  battle. 
Had  he  done  so  it  may  be  safely  said  it  would  have  had  a beneficial 
effect.  Such  elements  should  not  be  despised  by  one  whose  position 
demanded  that  every  circumstance  be  used  to  open  a road  to  victory; 
an  element  which  has  been  used  with  such  potent  effect  on  so  many 
doubtful  battle-fields  should  have  been  conserved  by  its  commander. 

Napoleon  used  this  enthusiasm  upon  the  field  of  Austerlitz,  and 
overwhelmed  his  enemies.  Sheridan  used  it  and  wrung  victory  from 
disaster,  and  hurled  a victorious  force  back  in  defeat  and  dismay. 
McClellan  should  have  used  it  at  Antietam.  And  yet,  it  might  be 
said,  that  McClellan  had  already  animated  the  army  under  him,  as 
was  seen  after  he  took  command  of  the  troops.  His  personal  pres- 
ence on  the  field,  no  doubt,  would  have  been  great  ; but  a general 
during  a battle  should  not  have  his  headquarters  movable,  but  be 
where  he  can  be  reached  by  every  order  — a centre  of  intelligence , 
directing  and  deciding.  McClellan  was  not  the  kind  of  a general 
who  has  his  “ headquarters  in  the  saddle  1 ” 


CHAPTER  XI. 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE,  AND  McCLELLAN  DEPOSED. 

S the  sun  went  down  on  the  17th  of  September  the  last  sounds 


l \ of  battle  died  away  along  Antietam  Creek.  Wounded  men 
at  last  could  be  succored,  the  wearied  rest,  the  hungry  find  food  ; but 
thousands  were  sleeping  the  untroubled  sleep  of  death,  while  the 
wounded  wailed  in  anguish  through  the  long  night. 

Our  own  losses  are  seen  in  the  foreground,  and  their  sum  and 
detail  forcibly  strike  the  mind.  Those  of  the  enemy,  equalling  or 
surpassing  ours,  are  seen  in  the  distant  perspective,  and  it  required 
a man  of  less  sensitive  mould  than  McClellan  not  to  be  influenced 
by  them.  Men  of  the  iron  mould  of  Wellington  or  Grant,  insensible 
to  detail  so  long  as  a final  result  can  be  obtained,  are  better  fitted  to 
press  home  advantages  gained  with  such  terrible  loss. 

The  private  soldier,  concentrating  his  energies  and  attention  to 
the  small  focus  of  individual  action,  while  the  excitement  of  battle 
lasts,  does  not  feel  that  terrible  reality  of  suffering  and  death  incident 
to  the  battle,  which  is  afterwards  presented  to  his  mind,  when  he 
passes  over  the  ground  where  the  victims  are  writhing  in  the  agony 
of  wounds  or  lying  prostrate  in  death. 

“ I saw,”  says  a comrade,  “ something  of  the  effects  of  the  battle 
after  it  was  over,  while  assisting  in  carrying  off  the  wounded  who 
remained  on  the  field.  The  scene  on  the  field  over  which  the  roaring 
wave  of  battle,  with  its  bristling  crest  of  bayonets  and  foam  of  smoke 
had  surged  and  advanced,  or  recoiled  and  receded,  baffles  description. 
The  mangled  forms  of  comrade  and  foe  lay  stretched  side  by  side. 
For  over  a hundred  acres  the  dead  and  wounded  were  lying,  the 
uniform  of  gray  and  blue  intermingled.” 

Where  Hooker  had  attacked  and  recoiled,  advanced  and  receded, 
the  dead  and  dying  lay  thick,  reddening  with  their  blood  the  broken 
cornstalks.  In  the  timbered  land  where  Jackson’s  men  made  a 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


I 16 


stand,  in  one  place  the  dead  lay  in  a long  row  as  if  they  had  fallen 
while  on  dress-parade.  To  the  left  of  this  there  was  a narrow  road, 
with  a high  board  fence  on  either  side.  Here  while  crowded  with 
a Confederate  force,  it  had  been  enfiladed  by  a Union  battery,  and 
the  dead  lay  in  every  conceivable  position,  a few  only  seeming  to 
have  escaped. 

Some  who  were  killed  while  in  the  act  of  climbing-  the  fence  hung 
balanced  across  its  boards,  or  were  suspended  by  their  clothing. 
A more  terrible  picture  one  cannot  well  conceive.  All  over  the 

fields  were  strewn  articles  of  clothing, 
broken  muskets,  canteens,  and  haver- 
sacks, mingled  with  the  bloated  re- 


mains of  horses  with  their 
feet  turned  upward  ; while 
broken  caissons,  dismantled 
guns,  and  crushed  wheels,  strewed  this  memo- 
rable field. 

Around  the  army  and  in  its  rear,  for  miles,  every  barn  and  house, 
every  haystack  and  shelter,  formed  the  nucleus  of  a hospital. 
Wounded  men,  shot  through  the  body,  head,  or  limbs,  presenting 
every  conceivable  variety  of  wounds,  lay  groaning  in  anguish.  The 
surgeons  at  the  amputating  table,  in  shirt  sleeves,  with  blood-reddened 
hands,  labored  incessantly ; and  here  the  ghastly  surroundings  of 
death  and  suffering  were  as  terrible  as  the  battle-field  itself. 

The  wounded  of  friend  and  foe  were  treated  alike ; yet  the  labors 
of  the  surgical  department,  though  immense,  could  afford  but  little 
relief  for  their  sufferings.  The  enemy  always  showed  their  sense 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE. 


1 17 

of  the  humanity  of  our  army  by  leaving  their  badly  wounded  in  our 
hands  to  be  cared  for,  even  when  they  could  have  removed  them  as 
well  as  not.  It  was  also  their  habit,  during  the  entire  war,  to  leave 
the  burial  of  their  dead  to  us.  Even  in  this  instance,  where  they  had 
asked  a truce  for  the  avowed  purpose,  they  left  over  twenty-seven 
hundred  of  their  dead  unburied.  When  burying  their  dead,  in  most 
instances,  they  merely  heaped  soil  over  them  without  digging  trenches, 
while  on  our  part  trenches  and  regular  burial  were  customary. 

I noticed  a marked  difference  between  Southern  and  Northern 
men  in  bearing  pain.  A slight  wound  often  caused  the  Southerner 
to  wail  and  groan,  and  call  out  for  help  and  care,  while  our  Northern 
men  were  more  self-controlled  ; the  wounded  would  seldom  groan,  or 
give  any  noisy  expression  to  suffering,  but  clench  their  teeth  and 
bear  it  uncomplainingly.  The  difference  was  that  between  a warm 
Southern  race,  and  the  cool,  phlegmatic,  enduring  race  of  the  North  — 
one,  formed  to  endure  and  bear ; the  other,  for  sharp  and  brave 
encounter. 

After  the  rebel  army  had  evacuated  Sharpsburg,  I passed  over  the 
ground  where  hundreds  of  their  dead  lay  unburied,  along  the  roads, 
in  the  fields,  and  under  the  fences.  Where  their  hospitals  had  been 
located  there  were  clusters  of  dead  and  the  remains  of  the  ampu- 
tating table. 

The  people  welcomed  the  arrival  of  the  Union  army  with  every 
evidence  of  gladness,  and  hailed  them  as  their  deliverers. 

“Bless  God!”  said  one  old  lady,  “you’ve  driven  them  away. 
I’ve  been  down  in  my  cellar  three  whole  days!”  The  people,  un- 
solicited, brought  out  food  from  concealed  places  to  feed  the  hungry. 
The  houses  were  crushed  into  shapeless  masses,  and  riddled  with 
shot.  The  churches  were  filled  with  the  rebel  wounded.  Riderless 
horses  were  running  around,  and  wounded  ones  limping  about  the 
streets.  The  people  had  had  a hard  time,  and  the  contrast  between 
our  treatment  of  them,  and  that  of  the  Confederate  army  (who  made 
levies  of  food  upon  them,  and  their  marauders  who  had  plundered 
them  unmercifully)  was  so  great  that  I think  it  must  have  cured  them 
forever  of  any  desire  to  make  common  cause  with  those  in  rebellion. 

The  Confederate  soldiers,  throughout  the  war,  were  keen  for 
plunder.  They  stripped  and  robbed  the  dead  habitually  ; took  their 
watches,  greenbacks,  and  valuables  for  their  own  use,  without  any 


i IS 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


deed  of  transfer  but  their  own.  A battle-field  won  meant  a harvest 
of  gain  to  them,  and  hence  every  incentive  to  win  was  theirs.  There 
were  some  plunderers  in  the  Union  army,  more  particularly  among 
its  camp  followers;  but  the  bodies  of  the  rebels  slain  did  not  present 
great  inducements  to  those  actuated  by  avarice. 

After  this  battle  we  rested  on  our  arms,  amid  the  picturesque 
hills  and  vales  of  southwestern  Maryland,  and  here  entered  upon  a 
season  of  recuperation.  We  swapped  our  hardtack,  pork,  and  coffee, 
with  the  people  of  the  region,  for  fresh  meat  and  home-made  bread, 
and  indulged  in  all  the  luxuries  of  this  delightful  country.  The  corn 
which  we  gathered  in  the  fields  (oft-times  without  permission)  gave 
us  hasty-pudding  and  johnny-cake.  With  a nail,  or  the  point  of  a 
bayonet  we  punched  holes  through  a tin  plate  or  the  half  of  a can- 
teen, thus  converting  them  into  graters,  on  which  we  rubbed  the 
corn,  on  the  ear,  and  obtained  meal  seemingly  nicer  and  sweeter  than 
that  ground  at  a mill.  It  seemed  to  me  that  I never  had  eaten 
such  johnny-cakes  as  were  made  from  this  meal. 

While  food  was  plenty,  our  army  was  destitute  of  clothing 
sufficient  to  render  us  comfortable  in  the  cool  nights  and  evenings 
of  the  fall  months.  A considerable  number  were  without  blankets 
or  shirts ; many  without  shoes  or  stockings.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  in  November  snow  sometimes  fell  to  the  depth  of  several  inches 
in  Virginia.  Frosts  in  the  morning  were  common,  covering  the 
blankets  of  those  who  slept  without  tents. 

There  was  somewhere  in  the  War  Department  a great  delin- 
quency in  forwarding  supplies  of  clothing,  which,  without  entering 
into  the  controversy  over  the  matter,  seems  to  have  been  needless. 
It  would  seem  that  this  would  have  been  impossible  if  the  De- 
partment had  been  friendly  to  McClellan  ; and  this  disloyalty  to 
the  commanding  general  cannot  be  too  strongly  condemned,  as  it  was 
disloyalty  to  the  cause  of  the  republic,  as  well  as  injustice  to  the 
brave  and  patriotic  masses  of  soldiers  then  suffering  from  neglect. 

With  the  exception  of  the  kindly  and  seasonable  words  of 
President  Lincoln,  thanking  the  general  and  the  army,  no  word 
or  order  of  commendation  of  our  victories,  gained  fifteen  days  after 
being  beaten  under  Pope,  and  driven  to  the  defences  of  Washington, 
came  to  cheer  us.  Such  was  the  jealousy  shown  by  the  culpable 
Halleck,  and  our  able,  though  not  over  mild,  Secretary  of  War. 


General  McClellan  taking  Leave  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Page  119. 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE. 


119 

After  seasons  of  needless  delay  in  forwarding  supplies,  McClellan, 
the  last  of  October,  put  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  motion. 
He  determined  to  select  the  line  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  to 
guard  the  upper  Potomac  with  the  Twelfth  Corps.  The  crossing 
was  completed  on  the  2d  of  November,  though  heavy  rains  delayed 
us.  McClellan  contemplated  (after  seizing  the  debouches  of  the 
Shenandoah  Valley)  pushing  directly  up  that  valley ; but  fearing 
that  his  antagonist,  finding  the  doors  open,  would  again  cross  in  to 
Maryland,  formed  a new  plan  of  action.  The  season  of  high  water 
in  the  Potomac  had  removed  that  danger,  and  he  determined  to 
operate  by  the  east  side  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  Crossing  by  Berlin, 
below  Harper’s  b'erry,  masking  his  purpose  by  guarding  the  passes 
of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  by  threatening  to  advance  through  them,  he 
compelled  Jackson’s  retention  in  the  valley.  With  such  success 
was  this  achieved,  that,  upon  reaching  Warrenton,  on  the  9th  of 
November,  Lee  had  sent  half  his  army  forward  to  Culpeper  to  resist 
this  movement,  while  the  other  half  was  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge 
scattered  along  the  valley.  McClellan’s  next  intended  move  was  to 
interpose  his  own  army  between  these  severed  divisions  of  Lee,  by 
marching  westward,  when,  — he  was  removed  from  the  command.  At 
the  time  of  his  removal  it  might  be  said  of  him,  as  Napoleon  said 
of  Turenne,  “ He  grew  bolder  as  he  grew  older.” 

Thus  ended  his  career  as  a soldier,  and  his  connection  with  that 
army  he  had  fashioned  into  a mighty  host,  — an  army  baptized  in 
blood,  and  a participant  in  great  actions  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union.  Had  he  remained  at  the  head  of  the  army  it  is  safe 
to  say  the  nation  would  not  have  mourned  over  Fredericksburg  or 
Chancellorsville.  He  had  provoked  political  antagonism,  unwise  as 
it  was  needless,  and  it  was  inevitable  that  “ He  must  go  !” 


CHAPTER  XII. 


FREDERICKSBURG. 


HE  general  selected  to  succeed  McClellan  was  Ambrose  E. 


1 Burnside  — a man  in  the  prime  of  life;  a graduate  of  West 
Point,  and  although  without  special  fitness  for  his  position,  he  had 
commanded  a successful  expedition ; a man  of  fine  presence, 
patriotic,  energetic,  manly,  generous,  and  respected  by  the  army 
generally.  He  disarmed  criticism  to  begin  with  by  declaring  himself 
unfit  for  the  position. 

Upon  taking  command  he  abandoned  the  line  of  operations 
adopted  by  McClellan,  where  a fair  opportunity  was  presented  of 
meeting  the  enemy  upon  equal  if  not  advantageous  grounds,  and 
putting  his  army  in  motion  from  Warrenton,  with  Sumner  leading 
the  advance,  he  moved  by  the  north  bank  of  the  Rappahannock  to 
Falmouth,  which  place  he  reached  on  the  afternoon  of  the  17th 
of  November.  Fredericksburg  was  then  occupied  by  but  one  regi- 
ment of  Confederate  artillery,  one  of  cavalry,  and  four  of  infantry. 

Sumner  wished  to  possess  himself  of  the  position  at  once  but  was 
restrained  by  Burnside,  who  desired  first  to  establish  his  communi- 
cations by  way  of  Acquia  Creek.  On  the  19th  and  20th  the  grand 
divisions  of  Hooker  and  Franklin  also  reached  Falmouth. 

The  Union  army  was  now  concentrated.  The  movement  to  seize 
the  position,  to  be  successful,  should  have  been  made  at  once  ; but 
the  pontoons  for  bridges,  which  Burnside  had  ordered  to  precede  the 
army  to  this  point,  had  not  arrived.  Burnside  says,  that  in  his 
personal  interview  with  Halleck,  that  officer  had  assured  him  that 
everything  required  should  receive  his  attention,  and  that  he  would 
at  once  order  the  pontoon  trains  spoken  of  in  his  plans. 

Without  entering  into  the  controversy  as  to  who  was  to  blame 
for  their  non-arrival,  Halleck  had  displayed  in  his  “circumlocution 
office  ” at  various  times,  so  much  of  the  science  of  “ how  not  to  do 


120 


FREDERICKSB  UR  G. 


I 2 I 


it  ” that  the  disposition  to  attribute  the  blame  to  him  is  almost 
irresistible. 

Meanwhile  the  precious  moments  wasted  in  delay  enabled  the 
Confederates  to  concentrate,  so  that  when  Burnside,  who  had  volun- 
tarily moved  away  from  his  enemy  to  try  a new  route  to  Richmond, 
was  ready  to  move,  it  was  only  to  find  his  antagonist  posted  in  an 
impregnable  position  squarely  across  his  path. 

“On  the  1 8th,  our  corps  and  brigade,”  says  a comrade,  “arrived 
and  went  into  camp  opposite  the  little  city  of  Fredericksburg. 
Here,  fronting  the  city,  on  the  north  side  of  the  stream  was  a steep 
bluff  called  ‘ Stafford  Heights.’  It  is  near  the  river  opposite  the  town, 
and  gradually  recedes  from  it  below.  In  our  front,  back  of  Fred- 
ericksburg, the  hills  rise  one  above  another  in  natural  terraces.  This 
ridge  extends  from  above  to  a point  five  miles  below  the  town.  It  is 
a position  of  great  natural  defensive  strength.  Between  this  high 
ground  and  the  river  is  the  valley  of  the  Rappahannock  — a broken 
plain  six  miles  in  length,  about  a mile  wide  near  Fredericksburg, 
but  gradually  broadening  out  until,  where  our  lower  bridges  were 
finally  constructed,  it  is  at  least  three  miles  in  width. 

“ The  narrow  river  brought  the  outposts  of  the  armies  within 
speaking  distance,  and  conversations,  jokes,  newspapers,  and  tobacco 
were  exchanged  by  the  pickets  of  the  two  armies,  until  prohibited. 
The  Confederate  pickets  are  said  to  have  repeatedly  remarked : 
‘Before  you  ’un  Yanks  can  get  to  Richmond  you  ’uns  will  have  to 
get  up  Early,  go  up  a Longstreet,  get  under  the  Lee  of  a “ Stone- 
wall,” and  climb  two  Hills.’  I never  heard  them  say  anything  so 
allegorical  as  that,  but  while  on  picket  one  said  to  me  : ‘ Why  don’t 
you  ’un  come  over  and  fite  we  ’uns?  We  want  yer  to!’  It  was 
quite  cold  and  many  of  the  rebel  pickets  wore  Federal  overcoats, 
and  when  not  on  duty  occupied  holes  excavated  in  the  banks 
opposite  us.  The  pickets  informed  us  that  Jackson  had  command 
of  the  forces  then  back  of  the  city.  The  day  after  our  arrival  the  city 
presented  a ‘ first  of  May  ’ aspect.  Everybody  was  moving  out  ; car- 
riages of  various  devices  were  loaded  with  the  goods  of  its  inhabitants, 
who,  to  avoid  the  dangers  of  the  battle,  were  leaving  their  homes.” 

Lee  quickly  concentrated  his  forces,  began  the  construction  of 
defensive  works,  and  crowned  them  with  cannon,  which  were  des- 
tined soon  to  sweep  the  plain  with  an  Inferno  of  fire. 


122 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Burnside’s  first  essay  was  to  make  a crossing  above  the  city  at 
Schenk’s  Neck,  as  that  point  gave  an  opportunity  for  a direct 
attack  on  Lee’s  left,  which,  if  successful,  must  have  caused  him  to 
fall  back  towards  the  coast.  This  attempt  so  engaged  the  attention 
of  Lee  that  it  determined  Burnside  to  surprise  him  by  crossing  at 
Fredericksburg,  as  he  would  be  unprepared  for  an  attack  in  front. 
But  it  takes  time  to  throw  out  several  bridges,  and  under  the  most 
favorable  circum- 
stances a force  of 
a hundred  thousand 
men  cannot  be 
crossed  on  them 
(even  when  there  is 
no  resistance)  un- 
der several  hours. 

With  this  sur- 
prise in  view,  how- 
ever, the  comman- 
der concentrated 
his  troops  near  the 
proposed  bridges. 

1 1 ooker  was  in  rear  Union  and  Rebel  Soldiers 

of  Sumner,  while  on  opposite  ends  of  the 
, r . bunted  R.R.  Bridge. 

the  crest  of  the 
hills  on  the  north  side  were  crowned 
with  147  pieces  of  artillery  to  com- 
mand the  plain  and  silence  the  ene- 
my’s guns.  As  early  as  three  o’clock 
on  the  morning  of  the  nth  of  December,  the 
engineer  troops,  assisted  by  the  infantry, 
silently  unloaded  the  pontoons. 

The  construction  of  the  bridge  was  no  sooner  begun  than  the 
rebel  infantry,  in  the  town  opposite,  under  protection  of  the  houses 
and  the  walls  of  the  river  street,  opened  at  short  range  upon  the 
construction  party.  Simultaneous  with  this  the  report  of  two  guns 
on  the  heights  in  our  front  broke  the  stillness  of  the  morning  air. 


They  were  the  signal  guns  of  Lee  for  the  concentration  of  his 
troops. 


FREDERICKSB  UR  G. 


123 


The  fire  of  the  keen-eyed  Mississippi  riflemen,  in  the  town,  was 
so  well  directed  that  the  two  regiments  supporting  the  engineers 
lost  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  the  construction  party  was 
driven  from  its  task.  It  was  now  ten  o’clock,  and  as  it  became 
apparent  that  nothing  could  be  done  until  this  annoying  outpost 
was  dislodged,  Burnside  gave  the  order  to  open  with  artillery  on  the 
town  and  batter  it  down.  The  bombardment  was  terrific  and  seemed 
ridiculously  disproportioned  to  the  enemy  therein, — like  an  elephant 
attacking  a mosquito.  It  soon  checked  the  fire  of  the  concealed 
riflemen,  and  a volume  of  dense  black  smoke  rolling  up  from  the 
gray  drapery -like  fog  showed  that  fire  had  added  to  the  work  of 
destruction. 

Acting  under  the  suggestion  of  General  Hunt,  chief  of  artillery, 
advantage  was  taken  of  the  temporary  lull  which  then  occurred  in  the 
sharp-shooting,  to  send,  under  cover  of  our  riflemen,  who  commanded 
the  opposite  bank  from  behind  the  batteaux,  four  regiments  across 
the  river  in  boats ; and  these  captured  or  drove  the  few  annoy- 
ing riflemerl  from  the  town.  Under  their  protection  the  bridges 
were  completed;  but  all  hopes  of  a surprise,  if  originally  entertained, 
were  now  abandoned. 

A force  was  pushed  across  the  first  of  the  upper  bridges,  when 
completed,  and  Captain  Marcy,  commanding  the  Twentieth  Massa- 
chusetts, led  the  advance  to  clear  the  street  leading  from  the 
bridge.  He  says  : “ Platoon  after  platoon  was  swept  away  ; ninety- 
seven  officers  and  men  being  killed  in  a space  of  fifty  yards.” 

A brigade  of  Sumner’s  men  was  crossed  above,  while  below  a 
brigade  of  Franklin’s  division  was  crossed,  and  during  the  night  and 
morning  of  the  12th  the  town  and  plain  were  occupied  by  our  forces. 
Thus  opened  the  bloody  and  fruitless  battle  of  Fredericksburg. 

While  this  was  taking  place  the  enemy  was  concentrating  and 
strengthening  their  already  impregnable  positions  on  our  front  and 
left.  The  crossing  had  been  effected,  but  the  formidable  heights, 
thronging  with  men  and  frowning  with  artillery,  still  ominously  and 
darkly  confronted  us. 

“ I wonder  if  old  Burney  expects  us  to  bunt  our  heads  into  those 
rocks  ?”  said  a private  of  my  company  pointing  to  the  heights  oppo- 
site. “If  Johnny  Reb  had  selected  a spot  to  his  own  liking  and 
invited  us  to  come  and  be  shot  he  would  have  chosen  this!”  said 


124 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


another.  There  was  not  a soldier  in  the  ranks  but  saw  the  folly  of 
making  an  attack  on  these  impregnable  rocks,  and  yet  when  ordered 
to  attack  all  went  forward  willingly,  so  strong  was  the  spirit  of 
discipline  and  patriotic  devotion  in  the  face  of  even  impossibilities. 

The  morning  of  the  12th  dawned  upon  the  army  formed  on  the 
plains  of  Falmouth  ; but  forty-eight  hours  of  precious  time  had 
already  been  spent  since  the  signal  gun  of  Lee  was  fired,  and  what- 
ever other  hopes  were  left  to  the  Union  army,  there  were  no  hopes 
of  capturing  the  position  in  our  front  by  a surprise. 

The  morning  was  foggy  like  the  day  before.  Franklin’s  grand 
division  held  the  plain  on  our  left,  communicating  with  the  left  bank 
by  the  bridges  which  the  regular  engineers  had  constructed.  Hooker’s 
centre  grand  division  was  still  on  the  north  bank,  while  the  entire 
right  grand  division,  under  Sumner,  was  on  the  south  side  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  town. 

The  night  of  December  12th  was  very  cold,  and  new  troops  could 
be  detected  by  their  incessant  coughing.  Burnside’s  reports  show 
that  there  were  113,000  men  in  his  command  when  the  morning  of 
the  13th  dawned.  He  had  crossed  the  river  with  two-thirds  of  this 
force  and  had  yet  formed  no  very  definite  plan  of  action.  To  let  him 
speak  for  himself,  however,  he  says,  “ Positive  information  had 
reached  me  that  the  enemy  had  built  a new  road  in  rear  of  the  ridge 
or  crest.  ...  I decided  to  seize,  if  possible,  a point  on  this  road 
near  Hamilton’s  Crossing,  which  would  not  divide  the  enemy’s  force 
by  breaking  their  lines,  but  would  place  our  force  in  position  to  move 
in  rear  of  the  crest  and  either  force  its  evacuation  or  the  capitulation 
of  the  forces  occupying  it.  It  was  my  intention  in  case  this  point 
had  been  gained  to  push  Generals  Sumner  and  Hooker  against  the 
left  of  the  crest  and  prevent,  at  least,  the  removal  of  the  artillery  of 
the  enemy  if  they  attempted  to  retreat.” 

Whether  it  would  have  been  possible  for  him  to  gain  the  first  point 
or  not,  it  is  at  least  doubtful,  if,  in  presence  of  a powerful  enemy 
admirably  posted  and  ably  commanded,  concentrated  to  resist  his 
movement,  it  would  have  been  wise  for  him  to  invite  annihilation  by 
dividing  his  forces  as  stated. 

His  chances  of  success  were  small  in  the  first  place,  and  his 
chances  were  ninety-nine  in  a hundred  of  being  beaten  or  destroyed 
if  successful.  If  Lee  had  planned  the  operations  of  his  antagonist 
he  could  not  have  devised  anything  more  fatal  to  him. 


FREDERICKSB  UR  G. 


I25 


In  referring  to  the  plan  of  attack,  that  master  of  the  anatomy  of 
battle,  Swinton,  says  : “ Such  partial  attacks  seldom  succeed,  and 
directed  against  such  a citadel  of  strength  as  the  Confederate  position 
at  Fredericksburg,  their  feeble  sallies  were  simply  ludicrous.  Not  a 
man  in  the  ranks  but  felt  the  hopelessness  of  the  undertaking.” 

The  instructions  received  by  General  Franklin,  who  now  had,  in 
addition  to  his  own  corps,  one  of  Hooker’s,  was  to  send  forward  one 
division  at  least,  to  seize,  if  possible,  the  heights  near  Hamilton’s 
Crossing,  to  keep  it  well  supported,  with  its  line  of  retreat  open  ; 
while  the  rest  of  his  command  was  to  be  in  readiness  to  move  at 
once,  as  soon  as  the  fog  lifted.  Possibly  Franklin  may  have  been 
lukewarm  and  tardy  in  executing  Burnside's  plans,  but  his  written 
orders  from  Burnside  do  not  disclose  that  fact ; on  the  contrary,  they 
show  that  he  exceeded  his  instructions,  or  at  least  liberally  inter- 
preted them.  Burnside  may  have  thought  the  verbal  understanding 
of  the  evening  previous  sufficient,  and  therefore  neglected  to  state 
more  definitely  in  his  order  what  he  expected  Franklin  to  do  ; but  of 
one  thing  there  is  a certainty,  and  that  is  that  a commander  cannot 
“hold  his  men  in  readiness,”  and  “keep  his  whole  command  in  posi- 
tion,” and  “move  the  whole  force  against  the  enemy,”  at  the  same 
time.  Franklin  may  have  believed,  as  he  states,  and  as  his  instruc- 
tions gave  him  good  reasons  for  believing  (and  his  corps  commanders 
seem  to  have  arrived  at  the  same  conclusion),  that  Burnside  had, 
during  the  night,  changed  his  plan  of  making  his  main  attack  on  the 
left.  It  does  not,  however,  appear  that  Burnside  had  any  well-settled 
plan.  He  seems  to  have  been  from  the  first  simply  trying  experi- 
ments. 

When  he  announced  his  unfitness  for  the  position  thrust  upon 
him,  he  so  completely  gauged  his  own  abilities,  that  no  one  has  been 
able  since  to  improve  upon  his  statement. 

Franklin,  in  obedience  to  his  instructions  to  send  forward  one 
division  at  least,  threw  forward  Meade’s  division  to  seize  the  point 
desired.  Meade  was  supported  on  the  right  by  Gibbon’s  division, 
with  that  of  Doubleday  held  in  reserve  for  emergencies.  The 
point  of  attack  indicated  was  on  the  ridge  of  the  Federal  left,  near 
the  Massaponax  Valley.  The  Confederates  occupied  the  wood- 
covered  heights,  the  railroad  in  front  of  them,  and  the  woods  in  front 
of  that.  Between  nine  and  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning,  as  the  sun 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


I 26 

began  to  dispel  the  heavy  fog  which  overhung  the  lowlands,  it 
revealed  the  long  lines  of  Franklin’s  corps  spread  out  in  the  valley, 
and  lit  up  the  gleaming  bayonets  of  Meade’s  division  advancing  to 
the  attack.  Meade  had  not  advanced  far  before  he  was  compelled 
to  silence  a rebel  battery  shelling  his  left.  This  accomplished,  he 
pressed  on  (led  by  his  heavy  line  of  skirmishers)  without  opposition, 
until,  within  short  and  destructive  range,  the  batteries  of  the  enemy 
opened  on  him  with  a converging  fire  of  grape  and  canister.  His 
lines  were  swept  with  the  fiery  missiles  of  death.  Great  gaps,  as  if 
by  an  eruption  of  fire  beneath,  were  broken  in  his  lines.  Shot  and 
shell  sped  through  them  like  the  ploughshares  of  death.  The  gallant 
attack  did  not  falter.  The  First  brigade  penetrated  the  woods,  drove 
the  enemy  from  the  railroad,  crossed  the  crest  of  the  wooded  hill, 
reached  the  open  ground  beyond,  drove  back  the  force  in  their  front, 
swept  back  their  lines  from  right  to  left,  captured  two  hundred 
prisoners  and  several  colors,  and  wedged  the  attacking  division 
between  the  two  brigades  of  Archer  and  Lane,  of  A.  P.  Hill’s 
division. 

There  comes  a time  with  every  attacking  column  when  its 
strength  is  spent  by  its  very  impetus — when  the  force  is  disor- 
ganized by  its  own  energy.  At  this  climax  it  fails  unless  supported 
by  fresh  troops,  if  opposed  by  an  enemy  with  a firm  front.  The 
climax  of  his  exertions  was  reached  by  Meade  at  the  point  described. 
The  enemy,  broken  by  this  impetuous  charge,  were  rallying.  On 
Meade’s  front,  on  the  coveted  road  built  by  Lee  (the  better  to  com- 
municate with  his  right  wing)  were  Greggs’s  South  Carolinians.  In 
their  rear,  as  reserve  behind  this  road,  was  Jackson’s  second  line. 
The  disposition  was  such  that  if  the  road  had  been  seized  by  Meade 
it  would  have  resulted  in  nothing,  and  could  not  have  been  held. 
Meade  paused  not  a moment  but  charged  up  the  crest. 

In  this  moment  of  intoxication  and  peril  he  met  the  new  rebel 
line.  Greggs  was  mortally  wounded  while  beating  down  the  mus- 
kets of  his  men,  mistaking  the  line  of  Meade  for  Confederates.  This 
mistake  only  postponed  the  storm  of  fire,  for  which  the  attacking 
force  was  not  prepared.  When  the  true  character  of  the  attack  was 
revealed,  the  rebels  poured  a terrible  fire  into  the  faces  of  our  men, 
while  a fresh  line  under  Early,  from  Jackson’s  reserve,  swept  forward 
at  double  quick.  Exposed  to  a fire  in  front  and  on  both  flanks,  dis- 


FREDERICKS!!  UR  G. 


12] 


organized  by  their  own  advance,  overpowered  by  numbers,  the  gallant 
force  under  Meade  drew  back  in  disorder,  pursued  by  the  yelling  and 
exultant  Confederates. 

The  disaster  would  have  been  greater  had  not  a brigade  from 
Birney’s  division  on  the  left,  and  one  of  Gibbon’s  on  the  right, 
aided  in  covering  the  withdrawal.  Meade  had  attempted  with  five 
thousand  men  the  work  of  fifty  thousand.  In  the  attack,  Gibbon’s 
force  on  Meade’s  right,  owing  to  the  density  of  the  woods,  had  been 
unable  to  keep  up  the  connection  between  the  lines,  and  his  leading 
division  was  broken  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy  who  were  at  that  point 
behind  the  railroad  embankment.  Doubleday’s  attack  was  turned 
off  to  the  left  to  meet  a menace  in  that  direction.  The  whole  of 
Reynolds’s  corps  had  been  put  into  the  action  where  Burnside  had 
called  for  “a  division  at  least.” 

Meade  lost  forty  per  cent  of  the  men  engaged,  and  the  aggregate 
loss  in  Reynolds's  corps  was  four  thousand  men.  Meade’s  forces 
had  penetrated  the  lines  of  the  enemy  further  than  did  Pickett,  in  his 
famous  charge  on  our  lines  at  Gettysburg,  and  with  a smaller  pro- 
portional loss  because  more  ably  commanded.  It  was  two  o’clock  in 
the  afternoon  when  Meade  and  Gibbon  were  driven  back. 

While  this  was  taking  place  on  our  left,  Sumner  was  ordered  to 
assail  the  heights  back  of  Fredericksburg.  His  orders  were  to  push 
a column  of  a division  along  the  plank  and  telegraph  roads  with  a 
view  to  seizing  the  heights  in  rear  of  the  town,  to  be  supported  so 
as  to  keep  its  line  of  retreat  well  open.  The  attack  fell  to  the'  lot 
of  French’s  division  of  the  Second  Corps  (Couch’s). 

The  plain  in  the  rear  of  Fredericksburg  afforded  cramped  space 
for  the  deployment  of  troops,  because  it  was  cut  by  fences,  ditches, 
and  the  canal.  While  moving  by  the  flank  from  the  town  these 
forces  were  exposed  to  a severe  fire  from  the  enemy's  batteries  on 
the  heights  above  them.  A citizen  truthfully  said  to  Howard’s 
men  while  moving  through  the  town  : “ The  soldiers  on  those  hills 
are  looking  down  and  laughing  to  see  you  coming  up  to  meet  them. 
It  is  just  what  they  want.”  And  well  they  might  laugh,  for  of  all 
the  follies  of  the  war  this  was  doubtless  the  greatest  and  most 
bloody.  No  commander  has  a right  to  expose  his  men,  by  desperate 
attacks,  without  a reasonable  chance  of  success,  and  every  attack 
made  upon  those  impregnable  heights  partook  of  the  nature  of  a 
forlorn  hope. 


128 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


The  force  moved  by  the  flank,  and  under  cover  of  a rise  in  the 
land,  formed  for  the  attack.  French’s  division  here  deployed  in 
column  with  brigade  front,  and  Hancock  followed  in  the  same  order. 

Longstreet  held  the  position  in  rear  of  Fredericksburg,  while  his 
advanced  line,  forming  the  Confederate  left,  was  posted  behind  the 
stone  wall  and  trenches  at  the  foot  of  Marye’s  Heights.  Above  these 
the  sharp-shooters  were  posted,  while  from  the  semi-circular  heights 
above  their  frowning  batteries  commanded  the  plain  with  a direct 
and  converging  fire.  Back  of  this  was  the  heavy  Confederate  re- 
serve. Every  art  of  field  engineering  had  been  employed  to 
strengthen  this  naturally  impregnable  position  against  which  the 
Union  forces  were  now  led.  At  one  o’clock  Couch  ordered  the  posi- 
tion carried  by  storm  ; advancing  to  the  attack  from  the  cover  of  the 
rising  land,  his  ranks  were  ploughed  by  a cross  fire  of  canister,  shot, 
and  shell.  Great  gaps  were  torn  through  his  lines,  which  Longstreet, 
in  his  report,  says  could  be  seen  at  the  distance  of  a mile.  The  din 
was  awful,  the  destruction  terrible ; but  closing  up  their  thinned 
ranks  the  men  dashed  on  towards  the  formidable  works,  the  first 
line  of  which  they  had  not  even  reached,  when,  at  short  range,  they 
were  met  by  a storm  of  lead  from  the  enemy  behind  the  stone  wall. 
Nothing  human  could  withstand  this  terrible  and  destructive  fire, 
and  with  a loss  of  half  their  number  they  were  hurled  back  amid 
shouts  and  yells  of  derision  from  the  enemy. 

Close  behind  French  came  Hancock,  “the  superb”  directing  on 
his  men  to  the  attack.  Such  of  French’s  men  as  retained  their 
formations  joined  them.  Kimball’s  brigade  headed  the  line  and 
proved  worthy  to  lead.  They  gallantly  advanced  under  the  con- 
verging fire  of  artillery,  amid  the  hiss  of  bullets,  the  shriek  of 
shells,  the  cries  of  the  wounded,  the  uproar  and  din  of  the  conflict, 
and  the  cheers  and  yells  of  the  attacked  and  attacking.  The  ad- 
vance line  reached  within  twenty-five  feet  of  the  stone  wall,  and 
threw  up  their  hands  and  fell,  wounded  or  dead,  before  it.  All  in 
vain,  human  valor,  superhuman  courage,  and  patriotic  enthusiasm 
against  so  formidable  a position  ! After  fifteen  awful  minutes,  with 
a loss  of  five  thousand  men,  they  were  forced  back. 

Howard’s  division  now  came  to  support  Hancock’s  hard-pressed 
heroes,  who  could  not  advance  and  would  not  retire,  but  they  could 
do  nothing  more  than  hold  the  advanced  line  on  the  plain,  exposed 


FREDERICKS]!  UR  G. 


129 

to  a terrible  artillery  fire  from  the  heights.  Yet  these  disastrous 
attempts  had  taught  Burnside  nothing.  On  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river  he  was  nervously  walking  up  and  down  the  banks,  excitedly 
exclaiming,  “That  crest  must  be  carried  to-night!”  He  had  lost 
the  calmness  so  necessary  to  a general,  and  in  its  place  was  a spirit 
of  desperation,  very  proper  in  one  who  heads  a forlorn  hope,  but 
unsuitable  to  one  who  commands  or  directs  an  army.  On  Couch’s 
left,  two  divisions  of  the  Ninth  Corps  made  several  well-directed, 
but  ineffectual,  attacks  to  support  the  Second  Corps. 

The  loss  up  to  this  time  was:  French,  1200;  Hancock,  2000; 
Howard,  877.  The  attack  had  spent  its  force  at  half-past  two  in 
the  afternoon.  Sturgis,  of  the  Ninth  Corps,  lost  1028  men  in  his 
ineffectual  attack.  At  four  o’clock  Getty  was  sent  in  lower  down 
the  general  line,  and  lost  284  men.  Hooker  was  now  ordered  across 
the  river.  After  reconnoitring  the  ground  and  counselling  with 
others  who  had  preceded  him,  he  saw  the  hopelessness  of  such  an 
attack,  and  went  back  to  remonstrate  with  Burnside  against  ordering 
it.  Hooker  was  a brave  man  and  not  always  judicious,  but  one  of 
the  bravest  acts  of  his  life  was  his  remonstrance  with  Burnside 
against  this  needless  slaughter. 

Behind  a slight  rise  in  the  land,  150  yards  from  the  stone  wall,  in 
front  of  Marye’s  Heights,  now  lay  a line  of  infantry  on  their  faces, 
while  two  batteries  of  Couch  were  trying  to  effect  a breach  in  the 
stone  wall  through  which  to  lead  a forlorn  hope.  Humphrey’s 
division,  the  Third,  composed  in  part  of  new  men,  was  formed  in 
column  of  attack  to  carry  out  Hooker’s  orders.  At  three  o’clock 
Humphrey  directed  his  men,  of  the  Second  brigade  (under  Allenbach), 
forward.  When  they  reached  the  rise  in  the  land,  judiciously  imi- 
tating Couch’s  men,  who  preceded  them,  they  lay  down  behind  the 
ridges  and  opened  fire  against  the  enemy  who  were  behind  the  stone 
wall.  This  determined  Humphrey  to  assault  the  position  with  the 
bayonet.  His  first  attempt  was  broken  before  it  advanced  fifty 
yards.  He  stopped  the  firing  of  his  men,  re-formed  his  brigade  in 
the  rear,  partly  in  a ravine  from  which  it  had  at  first  advanced,  and 
in  the  dusk  of  evening  instructed  his  men  to  pass  right  over  the 
men  lying  down  in  their  front.  With  cheers  the  men  advanced, 
those  lying  down  making  motions  and  calling  upon  the  charging 
column  to  desist,  but,  heedless  of  remonstrance,  over  they  passed. 


130 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE . 


Says  General  Humphrey,  in  his  report : “ The  line  was  somewhat 
disordered  and  in  part  forced  to  form  in  column,  but  still  advanced 
rapidly.  . . . The  stone  wall  was  a sheet  of  flame  that  enveloped 
the  head  and  flank  of  the  column.”  On  they  passed  until  close  up 
to  the  stone  wall  when,  met  by  the  terrible  infantry  fire,  the  column 
staggered  back  before  the  destructive  fire,  and  all  efforts  to  rally 
them  were  in  vain.  The  two  brigades  lost  one  thousand  men  in 
this  attack. 

Thus  ended  these  murderous  assaults  “into  the  jaws  of  death.” 
The  losses  there  sustained  show  that  better  fighting  never  was  done. 

Meanwhile,  at  half-past  two,  Burnside  had  ordered  Franklin  to 
make  another  attack,  with  his  whole  force,  on  the  left,  “ upon  the 
heights  immediately  in  his  front.” 

As  there  were  heights  along  his  whole  line  the  order  was  simply 
(when  construed  literally)  very  indefinite.  General  Franklin  claims 
the  order  came  in  the  form  of  a request,  and  therefore  he  did  not 
feel  compelled  to  make  the  attack,  against  his  better  judgment.  To 
have  obeyed  the  order  would  have  exposed  his  men  to  useless 
slaughter.  It  is  not  easy  to  blame  him.  Had  he  made  the  attack 
it  would  simply  have  been  more  slaughter. 

The  Confederate  position  was  so  strong  that  their  reserve  had  not 
been  called  into  action,  and  it  was  just  as  well,  and  perhaps  fortunate 
for  the  Union  army,  that  Franklin  failed  to  obey  the  “request”  to 
attack  all  along  the  line  when  at  one  single  point,  as  already  nar- 
rated, a corps  had  previously  been  concentrated  and  hurled  back 
in  defeat  with  terrible  loss.  So  decisive  had  been  the  Union  repulse, 
that  it  is,  at  this  time,  difficult  to  see  how  there  could  arise  any 
question  as  to  the  propriety  of  retiring  the  Union  army  across  the 
Rappahannock.  Urged  by  his  corps  and  grand  division  commanders 
to  the  contrary,  Burnside  determined  on  the  morrow  to  resume  the 
attack,  leading  the  Ninth  Corps  in  person,  in  one  more  desperate 
assault  upon  the  impregnable  heights  before  him.  We  can  but 
admire  his  obstinate  courage  and  resolution,  but  must  condemn  the 
loss  of  that  equipoise  so  essential  to  a commander.  Finally  entreated 
by  General  Sumner,  Burnside  desisted  from  his  purpose. 

The  troops  lay  on  their  arms,  on  the  plain,  during  Sunday  and 
Monday,  the  14th  and  15th,  and  in  the  night,  during  a cold  and 
driving  rain-storm,  the  army  was  withdrawn  to  the  north  side  of 


FREDERICKSB  UR  G. 


I3I 

the  river.  The  Union  loss  was  12,321  killed,  wounded,  and  missing. 
The  Confederate  loss,  as  reported  by  Lee,  was  5309  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing. 

There  is  no  need  of  any  comments,  only  such  as  suggest  them- 
selves to  any  soldier.  Burnside  is  dead,  and  we  all  admired  his 
frank  and  manly  character.  His  assumption  of  all  blame  for  the 
defeat  was  worthy  of  him,  but  will  not  atone  for  the  needless 
slaughter  of  brave  men.  After  this  battle  there  remained  in  the 
army  no  illusions  respecting  his  capacity  for  this  command.  He 
has  since  been  reported  as  saying : “ No  one  would  ever  know  how 
near  I came  to  achieving  a great  success.”  And  to  this  we  will 
add  — no  one  ever  will. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE. 


URING  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg,”  says  a comrade,  “my 


1—S  regiment,  though  taking  no  particular  or  very  active  part  in 
the  scenes  described,  was  constantly  under  fire  from  the  rebel 
artillery,  and  a portion  of  the  time  during  the  Sunday  and  Monday 
following  the  battle,  while  the  army  were  hourly  expecting  the 
renewal  of  the  conflict,  were  on  picket  duty  in  front  of  the  city. 
While  the  battle  was  going  on,  the  wounded  were  constantly  passing 
our  position  en  route  for  the  bridges.  Some  among  those  passing  to 
the  rear  were  merely  shirks,  shamming  sickness  or  wounds,  or,  in  the 
expressive  phraseology  used  by  the  boys,  ‘playing  it,’  and  certainly 
in  many  instances,  their  acting  would  have  done  no  injustice  to  the 
theatrical  boards.” 

While  the  severe  fighting  was  going  on  at  “ Marye’s  Heights”  an 
officer,  assisted  by  two  able-bodied  men,  with  the  solemnity  of  a 
funeral,  was  being  conducted  to  the  rear.  The  officer  was  groaning 
in  apparent  anguish ; his  sleeve  torn  away  and  a bloody  bandage 
pathetically  spoke  of  a desperate  wound.  A colonel  on  provost  duty 
halted  the  party.  The  two  men  were  directed  to  the  front  with  the 
assurance  that  their  officer  should  receive  every  attention.  Then 
turning  to  the  captain  the  colonel  kindly  inquired  : “ What  is  the 
matter  with  you  ? ” “ I’m  wounded,”  faintly  responded  the  officer, 

with  a grimace  of  pain  on  his  face.  A surgeon  was  summoned. 
“Dress  this  man’s  wounds  ! ” “I  didn’t  say  I was  wounded,”  said 
the  officer ; “ I am  sick  and  want  to  go  over  the  river  to  be  treated 
by  my  own  doctor.”  “You  can  go  when  this  surgeon  has  examined 
you  and  pronounced  you  unfit  for  duty,”  said  the  colonel.  The 
officer  sprang  to  his  feet  with  an  oath,  and  in  tones  very  different 
from  his  invalid  voice  exclaimed  : “ I'll  go  any  way  ! ” The  colonel’s 
manner  changed  from  respect  to  severity,  and  grasping  the  cowardly 


132 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE. 


133 


officer  by  the  collar,  he  directed  his  men  to  take  him  in  charge. 
The  shamming  officer  broke  away  and  ran  to  the  front  with  so  much 
vigor  as  to  show  his  complete  recovery. 

The  wounded  who  could  travel  were  treated  with  kindness,  and 
real  sickness  considerately,  but  those  who  were  feigning  were  made 
to  believe  “ there  was  retribution  in  Israel,”  as  Wad  Rider  expressed 
it.  I give  this  in- 
cident as  a sample 
of  many  similar 
ones  constantly 
being  enacted  in 
the  rear  of  a fight. 

Surprising  cures 
were  performed 
by  the  provost 
marshal.  If  men 
did  not  take  their 
beds  and  walk, 
they  at  least,  in 
some  instances, 
ran  to  the  front, 
whereas  a few 
moments  previous 
they  were  creep- 
ing on  all  fours  to 
the  rear. 

On  Sunday  fol- 
lowing the  battle, 
a flag  of  truce  was 
sent  into  our  lines, 
and  parties  were 
permitted  to  bring 
in  the  wounded.  The  rebels  brought  some  of  our  wounded  to  the 
neutral  ground,  where  the  curious  spectacle  might  be  seen  of  the 
men  of  both  armies  engaged  in  friendly  conversation.  The  best  of 
feeling  was  exhibited.  Tobacco  was  exchanged  for  coffee,  corndodger 
for  hard-tack,  and  there  was  a general  inquiry  for  “picture  papers” 
on  the  part  of  the  rebels,  and  when  one  was  given  them  they  were 


The  Prouost  Marshal  and  Wounded  Officer. 


1 34 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


seemingly  delighted,  as  if  that  was  a part  of  the  paper  that  they 
could  understand  better  than  type. 

“ We  ’uns  will  drive  you’ns  into  the  river  to-morrow,”  said  one  of 
them.  “Good-bye,  blue  bellies!”  said  another;  “look  out  for  another 
big  licking  to-morrow,”  said  a third  ; all  of  which  was  said  in  a good- 
natured,  joking  manner,  rather  than  that  of  bitter  earnestness. 

One  of  the  citizens  I met  after  the  battle  complained  bitterly  of 
the  treatment  he  received  from  both  armies.  He  informed  me  that 
in  the  town  paintings,  mirrors,  pianos,  furniture,  and  other  valuables, 
had  been  wantonly  destroyed,  and  then  set  forth  his  personal  griev- 
ances by  saying,  “ The  rebel  army  tuck  everything  I had,  and  the 
Yankees  have  got  the  rest ! ” 

On  the  15th  our  company  went  on  picket  duty.  By  a tacit  under- 
standing there  was  no  firing,  and  while  conversations  were  not 
allowed,  there  was  evidently  a good  feeling  existing  between  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  armies.  During  the  afternoon  the  skies  were  over- 
cast, and  as  darkness  came  on  the  wind  moaned  dismally,  as  if  in 
requiem  for  our  dead,  still  scattered  on  the  plain. 

About  two  o’clock  at  night,  in  the  sleet  and  rain,  by  whose  orders 
I know  not,  we  stealthily  crept  back  towards  the  river,  which  our 
forces  had  mostly  crossed,  though  up  to  this  time  we  had  had  no 
information  of  the  army’s  crossing  to  the  opposite  bank.  If  our 
artillery  and  heavy  teams  had  not  been  moved  before  the  rain  came 
on,  it  is  doubtful  if  they  could  have  easily  reached  the  northern  bank, 
so  adhesive  is  Southern  mud.  When  morning  dawned  we  were 
boiling  our  coffee  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  the  driving  rain, 
coming  down  steadily,  added  not  a little  to  our  gloomy  feelings.  In 
the  morning  the  enemy  advanced  on  the  plain  and  began  to  plunder 
and  strip  the  dead  and  gather  up  the  fragments  left  in  our  retreat. 
The  Union  artillery  opened  on  them  and  drove  them  back. 

It  would  be  false  to  state  that  we  were  very  cheerful.  There 
was  universal  despondency.  On  the  other  hand,  one  of  the  men, 
detailed  to  cross  the  river  and  bury  the  dead,  informed  me  that  the 
rebels  were  very  jubilant,  and  believed  the  Southern  Confederacy 
would  be  acknowledged  and  the  fighting  over  in  another  month. 

The  moral  condition  of  the  army  after  the  battle  may  be  more 
easily  imagined  than  described.  Gloom  pervaded  every  rank.  The 
feeling  was  deep  and  universal  that  it  was  of  but  little  use  to  fight, 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE. 


135 


unless  the  government  could  find  some  one  to  command  who  would 
not  throw  away  our  lives  in  useless  experiments.  It  was  evident  to 
the  most  ordinary  soldier  in  the  ranks  that  we  were  superior  in  dis- 
cipline and  intelligence  to  the  rebel  rank  and  file,  and  fully  as  brave  ; 
and  that  we  were  constantly  out-generalled  rather  than  whipped. 

Intelligent  soldiers,  such  as  fought  in  our  ranks,  are  merciless 
critics  when  they  discover  they  are  being  led  to  useless  slaughter, 
and  there  begin,  under  such  conditions,  those  malign  influences 
which  in  time  destroy  an  army  more  surely  than  the  enemy.  There 
are  no  soldiers  in  the  world  who  so  soon  grow  dissatisfied  under  con- 
tinued blunders  of  their  commanders  as  Americans.  So,  while  their 
hearts  were  in  the  war,  they  lacked  confidence  in  Burnside,  and  had 
a feeling  of  anger  against  the  constant  interference  of  the  “ Cabinet 
General”  at  Washington.  They  were  not  tired  of  fighting,  but  of 
useless  fighting,  which  brought  them  reproaches  rather  than  vic- 
tories. They  clamored  for  no  particular  officer,  but  considered  it  due 
to  them  to  have  in  command  some  one  who  was  competent  to  lead 
them  properly.  They  considered  it  madness  and  murder  to  continue 
in  command  one  who  had  demonstrated  his  lack  of  ability  so  plainly 
as  had  General  Burnside. 

That  indefinable  something  which  can  neither  be  weighed  nor 
measured,  called  the  morale  of  an  army,  was  seriously  impaired. 
After  the  battle  the  soldiers  had  leisure  to  look  over  the  situation 
and  discuss  it  from  the  standpoint  of  individual  experience,  and  all 
the  newspapers  or  manifestoes  of  the  world  could  not  convince  them 
that  they  had  not  been  needlessly  whipped  by  attacking  the  enemy 
in  his  chosen  position,  when  that  position  could  have  been  flanked. 

“ Burnside  seems  a good  man,”  said  one  of  our  boys  during  a dis- 
cussion of  the  situation.  “Oh,  yes,”  said  Wad  Rider  scornfully, 
“good  enough  for  a parson,  but  not  sensible  enough  for  a soldier.” 

“He  don’t  blame  any  one  but  himself,”  squeaked  out  a little 
fellow,  and  then  with  a touch  of  sarcasm  — “and  we  don’t  either  ! ” 

“Fellers,”  said  Joe,  who  had  a rough  lot  of  common  sense,  “what 
we  want  is  a gineral  that  can  gineralize  so  as  to  lick  them  durned 
bragging  rebs.  This  fight  makes  me  so  down  in  the  mouth  that  I 
feel  like  a big  funeral.” 

“ One  of  them  blasted  fellers  on  picket  said  to  me  the  other  day, 
‘any  time  your’ns  want  a licking  over  thar,  come  over  and  we’ll 
’comerdate  yer!’”  said  Joe  explosively. 


1 36 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


“What  we  want  is  McClellan  back  again  ! ” said  another  with  a 
long-drawn  sigh.  “Oh,  go  to  thunder!”  said  Joe;  “we  want  a fatin’ 
man  who  ain't  afeared  to  hurt  them  rebs  ! ” 

This  croaking  was  universal  and  seemingly  chronic  and  incurable. 
Made  up  of  fancies,  prejudices,  sense  and  nonsense,  the  morale  of 
an  army  is  its  better  part,  and  Napoleon  aptly  expressed  his  appre- 
ciation of  its  prepondering  value  by  affirming  that  in  military  affairs 
the  morale  is  to  the  physical  as  two  to  one. 

In  the  midst  of  this  general  gloom  and  discontent  we  received 
boxes  from  home,  and  read  newspapers,  and  made  merry  over  any- 
thing we  could  find  to  laugh  at,  with  the  usual  careless  gayety  of 
soldiers. 

“STUCK  IN  THE  MUD.” 

A fortnight  after  the  battle  General  Burnside  essayed  another 
move,  but  the  moral  condition  of  the  army  being  well  understood  at 
Washington,  the  President,  while  not  really  forbidding  a movement, 
commanded  that  no  important  one  be  made  without  informing  him. 
The  position  of  the  Union  commander  was  humiliating  and  false. 
The  despondency  and  discontent  increased  rather  than  diminished  ; 
desertions  were  frequent,  and  a successful  move  was  needful  to  him 
that  he  might  re-establish  himself  in  the  confidence  of  the  army  — 
confidence  was  needed  as  a first  condition  of  success.  The  people 
and  press  were  clamoring  for  action.  The  President  refused  his 
resignation,  while  Plalleck  would  sanction  no  proposition  looking  to  a 
movement.  Determined  to  extricate  himself  from  the  coil  which 
enveloped  him,  he  resolved  to  try  once  more  the  fortunes  of  battle, 
the  result  of  which  should  relieve  him  from  command  of  the  army, 
or  reinstate  him  in  its  good  opinions. 

Up  to  the  19th  of  January  the  roads  and  weather  were  in  excel- 
lent condition.  At  this  date  the  movement  determined  on  began. 
The  grand  divisions  of  Hooker  and  Franklin  moved  up  the  river  by 
the  roads  running  parallel,  and  at  night  encamped  at  convenient  dis- 
tances from  the  fords.  During  the  20th  preparations  were  made  for 
crossing,  positions  selected,  and  passage  determined  upon  at  dawn 
of  the  morrow.  During  the  night  one  of  the  wildest  storms  experi- 
enced by  the  army  while  on  the  march,  came  on,  and  yet  all  through 
its  long,  dreary  hours  the  men  worked  and  toiled  in  the  cold,  pelting 


STUCK  IN  THE  MUD. 


1 37 


rain  to  get  artillery  in  position  and  to  pull  the  pontoon  boats  to  the 
river  banks,  in  preparation  for  crossing.  Five  bridges  were  required, 
and  when  morning  dawned  not  enough  boats  had  been  conveyed  to 
the  river  for  one.  Who  shall  describe  that  toilsome  night  ? 

With  the  dawn  came  the  announcement  that  the  vigilant  foe  had 
discovered  the  movement,  and  was  concentrating  his  forces  to  oppose 
the  crossing.  Meanwhile  the  country,  which  at  any  time  afforded 
unequalled  elements  for  bad  roads,  was  now  outdoing  itself.  The 
army  was  accustomed  to  mud  in  its  varied  forms,  knee-deep,  hub- 
deep  ; but  to  have  it  so  despairingly  deep  as  to  check  the  discordant, 
unmusical  braying  of  the  mules,  as  if  they  feared  their  mouths  would 
fill,  to  have  it  so  deep  that  their  ears,  wafted  above  the  waste  of 
mud,  was  the  only  symbol  of  animal  life,  were  depths  to  which  the 
army  had  now  descended  for  the  first  time,  and  was  rather  more  than 
the  mud-embargoed  Army  of  the  Potomac  imagined  possible. 

The  problem  of  the  soldiers  engaged  in  extricating  mules  and 
artillery  and  scows  was  no  longer  how  to  keep  their  shoes  from 
filling  with  mud,  but  how  to  prevent  their  own  disappearance  beneath 
this  waste  of  wallow.  Imagine  a mud-engulfed  train  of  wagons, 
boats,  and  artillery ; the  men  laughing,  shouting,  and  occasionally  a 
mule  so  undaunted  as  to  join  his  hickupping,  and  errzzupping  with 
the  chorus. 

The  men,  staggering  under  the  weight  of  rations,  blankets,  and 
equipments,  formed  a funeral-like  procession  over  which  a winding- 
sheet  of  mud  was  spread  in  thick  and  sticky  perversity.  The  rain 
poured  down  capriciously  in  dreary  drizzle,  or  in  sheets  like  water- 
falls. Over  all  the  sounds  might  be  heard  the  dauntless  laughter  of 
brave  men,  who  summon  humor  as  a reinforcement  to  their  aid,  and 
as  a brace  to  their  energies,  and  not  the  unmeaning  laugh  of  sense- 
less men  who  do  not  understand  the  situation.  Hour  after  hour  the 
rain  continued  and  the  difficulties  and  mud  grew  thicker  and  deeper. 
Twelve  horses  attached  to  a light  cannon  extricated  it  with  difficulty 
from  the  mud,  only  for  it  to  sink  deeper  at  every  halt,  until  nothing 
but  the  muzzle  pointed  in  a defiant  angle  from  the  mud.  Finally 
logs  and  rails  were  put  under  the  wheels  at  every  rest,  to  prevent 
their  being  engulfed.  Ropes  were  attached  to  cannon,  wagon,  and 
pontoon,  and  in  the  rain  hundreds  of  men  worked  to  extricate  and 
pull  them  through  the  mud,  which  clutched  and  held,  and  drew  to  its 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


138 

depths  everything  which  came  in  contact  with  it,  like  the  suction 
power  attributed  by  Victor  Hugo  to  the  devil  fish. 

Four  mules  would  be  exhausted  drawing  a lightly  loaded  wagon. 
The  disposition  to  laugh  at  the  long-drawn  out,  ludicrous  wallow 
of  men,  mules,  and  mud,  was  general.  Grim  humor  was  common. 
“This  looks  like  a funeral  procession  stuck  in  the  mud!”  said  one 
of  the  boys.  “I’m  afraid,”  said  another,  “we  shall  never  get  this 
corps  along  in  season  for  the  resurrection  morning!”  “Oh,”  said 
another  grimly,  “ Burnside  is  going  to  bury  the  whole  durned  crowd 
in  the  mud,  not  knowing  what  else  to  do  with  it,  and  let  it  sprout 
for  the  resurrection  ! ” 

“Pshaw,”  said  Wad  Rider,  who  liked  to  have  the  last  word,  “we 
are  like  the  caterpillar,  and  when  we  are  well  encrusted  in  the  mud 
like  a chrysalis  we  privates  will  all  be  hatched  out  into  home-guards 
and  brigadier  generals  ! ” 

The  rebels  on  the  opposite  banks  caught  the  humor  of  the 
situation  and  shouted  out  offers  to  come  over  and  lay  the  bridges 
if  we  would  get  up  the  boats,  laughing,  and  performing  various 
extravagant  antics  to  express  their  satisfaction. 

In  vain  long  files  of  men  pulling  at  ropes  supplemented  the 
labors  of  mud-begotten-looking  mules  and  mud-magnified  pontoon 
boats,  caissons,  and  artillery.  The  rain  descended  in  torrents,  but 
could  not  wash  the  mud  away  from  the  mud-enshrouded  troops, 
and  the  boats  could  not  be  brought  to  the  banks  of  the  river 
that  was  darkly  running  between  the  armies.  Night  came  on  and 
it  was  still  raining,  and  though  the  boats  were  not  in  position,  the 
enemy  wTas.  Morning  dawned  upon  another  day  of  deluge-like  rain  ; 
the  mud  was  still  more  persistent  in  its  clutching,  drawing  in,  and 
adhesive  powers.  It  was  no  longer  a question  of  how  to  go  forward, 
but  how  to  get  back.  The  rations  were  exhausted,  and  the  next 
morning  the  army  wretchedly  began  its  return  to  camp.  Some 
ironically  offered  to  get  into  the  boats  and  row  them  to  camp  through 
the  mud  as  the  most  expeditious  manner  of  arriving  there.  An 
indescribable  chaos  of  all  vehicles  known  to  the  army  straggled  and 
floundered  in  the  oozy,  liquid  muck ; guns  were  stalled,  pontoon 
boats  engulfed,  wagons  upset  by  the  roadside.  Finally  the  army 
began  to  corduroy  the  road  for  the  trains  to  return,  and  with  laughter 
and  jest,  and  oath  and  execration,  it  floundered  back  to  its  camps, 


Thu  Burnside  Mud  March. 


STUCK  IN  THE  MUD. 


1 39 


but  not  until  the  enemy  had  facetiously  put  up  a big  placard  on 
the  opposite  shore  which  read  “BURNSIDE  STUCK  IN  THE 
MUD.” 

Thus  ended  the  “Mud  March”  which  so  pertinently  illustrated 
an  answer  to  the  public  query  at  the  North  : “Why  don’t  the  army 
move  ? ” and  showed  the  difficulties  and  impediments  to  winter  cam- 
paigning in  Virginia. 

After  the  armies  returned  to  camp  the  mud  seemed  to  have 
settled  into  their  dispositions.  Desertions  were  common  and  con- 
stant ; grumbling  and  dissatisfaction  chronic ; and  enlistments  at 
home,  in  spite  of  high  bounties,  slow.  Eighty  thousand  men  were 
absent  from  causes  unknown  or  on  “French  furloughs,”  — “Walked 
off  on  their  cheek”  as  the  boys  styled  it,  and  they  dared  not  face 
consequences  by  voluntary  return.  The  career  of  General  Burnside 
in  command  of  the  army  was  from  this  time  brief. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


CHANCELLORSVILLE. 

THE  condition  of  disheartened  distrust  into  which  the  army  had 
now  fallen  was  due  less  to  defeat  in  battle  than  to  a thorough 
want  of  confidence  in  the  ability  of  its  commander. 

Amidst  this  general  gloom  the  appointment  of  General  Joseph 
Hooker  to  its  command  came  to  gladden  us  like  the  sudden  appear- 
ance of  the  sun  in  cloud-darkened  skies.  Confidence  was  restored 
as  if  by  magic,  and  as  one  of  our  boys  declared,  “ The  army  seemed 
to  have  got  a new  back-bone.”  The  habits  of  discipline  which  had 
become  relaxed  were  resumed  with  the  promptness  characteristic 
of  intelligent  soldiers. 

Hooker  had  been  identified  with  the  battles  and  history  of  this 
army  from  the  beginning,  and  by  his  dashing  bravery  had  won  the 
sobriquet  of  “ Fighting  Joe.”  It  was  the  general  feeling  among 
the  rank  and  file  that  he  was  more  likely  to  err  from  over-rashness 
and  daring  than  to  fail  by  over-caution. 

The  President  had  not  promoted  him  to  these  high  duties  without 
misgivings.  He  had  been  an  outspoken,  unsparing  critic  of  his 
superiors,  and  it  remained  to  be  seen  if  this  spirit  of  insubordination 
would  not  react  against  him,  and  whether  or  not  he  would  bear 
the  ordeal  of  a command  from  which  no  commander  had  as  yet 
escaped  unscathed. 

In  a private  letter  addressed  to  him,  dated  January  26th,  1863, 
with  his  usual  sense,  quaint  humor,  and  fatherly  kindness,  Mr. 
Lincoln  said  : “ I have  heard,  in  such  a way  as  to  believe  it,  of 
your  recently  saying  that  both  the  army  and  the  government  needed 
a dictator.  Of  course  it  is  not  for  this  but  in  spite  of  it  that  I have 
given  you  the  command.  Only  those  generals  who  gain  successes 
can  set  up  dictators.  What  I now  ask  of  you  is  military  success, 
and  I will  risk  the  dictatorship.  ...  I much  fear  that  the  spirit 


I40 


CHAN  CELL  ORS  VLLLE. 


141 

you  have  aided  to  infuse  into  the  army,  of  criticising  their  com- 
mander and  withholding  confidence  from  him,  will  now  return  upon 
you.  Neither  yrou,  nor  Napoleon  if  he  were  alive  again,  could  get 
any  good  out  of  an  army  while  such  a spirit  prevails.  . . . Beware 
of  rashness,  but  with  energy  and  sleepless  vigilance  go  forward  and 
give  us  victories.” 

Hooker  soon  showed  himself  in  a new  phase,  — that  of  an  able 
administrative  officer,  and  under  his  energetic  administration  many 
long-needed  reforms  took  place.  He  stopped  desertions,  before  which 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  melting  away  like  an  iceberg  in 
the  tropics,  by  instituting  a system  of  furloughs  to  the  most  de- 
serving. “These,”  as  Joe  said,  “allowed  some  of  the  boys  to  go 
home  and  brag  how  they  fit.”  They  proved  beneficial  in  inspiring 
good  conduct  and  cheerfulness,  and  also  aided  in  checking  deser- 
tions by  removing  the  real  cause. 

General  Kearney,  at  Fair  Oaks,  had  ordered  his  soldiers  to  sew 
a piece  of  red  flannel  on  their  caps  so  that  he  might  recognize  them 
in  battle.  This  idea  General  Hooker  expanded  into  a system  of 
corps  badges  of  immense  utility"  to  the  service. 

The  cavalry",  which  had  hitherto  been  so  non-efficient  in  its 
character  as  to  call  out  the  stinging  criticism  from  Hooker,  “Who 
ever  saw  a dead  cavalry-man  ?”  was  now  consolidated  under  efficient 
leaders,  so  that  henceforth  it  was  able  to  assert  its  superiority 
over  that  of  the  enemy.  Franklin,  who  had  bepn  a stumbling- 
block,  declaring  that  “ Two  thousand  cavalry  was  enough  for  the 
whole  army,”  was  sent  to  the  army  of  the  Southwest,  and  the  cumber- 
some “Grand  Divisions”  organized  by  Burnside  done  away  with. 

The  new  commander  wisely  deferred  grand  military  movements 
during  the  wet  months  of  winter.  From  January  to  April  the  army 
was  occupied  with  drill,  while  its  ranks  were  filled  by  the  return  of 
absentees  and  recruits.  By"  the  first  of  May  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac was  in  superb  condition,  numbering  in  infantry  and  artillery  one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men  ; its  artillery,  a powerful  force  of 
four  hundred  guns  ; its  formerly  despised  cavalry  had  become  a finely 
equipped  and  well-drilled  body  of  twelve  thousand.  The  boast  of 
Hooker,  that  “ It  was  the  finest  army  on  the  planet,”  was  not  with- 
out truth.  It  was  about  to  be  demonstrated  whether  the  hand  which 
wielded  this  superb  instrument  was  competent  to  use  it. 


142 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


The  strength  of  the  enemy’s  position  in  our  front  debarred 
Hooker  from  a direct  attack,  while  the  right  flank  was  so  disposed 
as  to  secure  Lee  against  an  assault  in  this  direction. 

In  this  emergency  Hooker  matured  the  exceedingly  bold  and 
able  plan  of  operating  against  the  enemy  by  passing  around  Lee’s 
flank  to  Chancellorsville. 

On  the  morning  of  April  27th,  the  divisions  of  the  army,  followed 
by  pack-mules,  and  the  men  laden  like  mules,  with  rations  for  eight 
days, — salt  pork,  hard  bread,  salt,  sugar,  and  coffee,  — broke  camp  and 
went  marching  up  the  northern  banks  of  the  Rappahannock,  often 
making  wide  detours  behind  the  hills,  to  conceal  the  movement,  as 
far  as  practicable,  from  the  vigilant  foe.  The  force  consisted  of  the 
Fifth,  Eleventh,  and  Twelfth  Corps,  under  Meade,  Howard,  and 
Slocum. 

The  next  morning  the  turning  column  crossed  the  Rappahannock 
by  a pontoon  bridge  constructed  on  light  canvas  boats,  twenty-seven 
miles  above,  at  Kelly’s  Ford. 

Only  one  small  brigade  of  cavalry  was  left  to  clear  the  move- 
ments of  this  force ; the  remainder  had  been  sent  under  Stoneman 
to  break  up  Lee’s  communications  with  Richmond.  This  absence  of 
our  cavalry  force,  so  essential  for  obtaining  information  to  an  army 
about  entering  the  befogging,  impenetrable  region  of  the  “Wilder- 
ness,” was  doubtless  one  of  the  powerful  causes  of  Hooker’s  final 
defeat. 

To  reach  Chancellorsville  they  crossed  the  Rapidan,  and  moved 
on  parallel  roads.  The  columns  soon  reached  that  river,  at  Ger- 
mania and  Ely’s  Fords.  The  water  was  rapid,  and  at  first  glance 
it  seemed  impracticable  (in  view  of  the  heavy  baggage  of  sixty  pounds 
carried  by  each  man;  to  cross  by  fording  ; but  the  men  stripped  and, 
bearing  their  baggage  aloft  on  their  heads,  or  on  bayonets,  waded 
shoulder  deep  the  swift-running  river.  One  who  had  been  carried 
away  by  the  current,  and  was  picked  up  by  the  cavalry  stationed 
below,  said  to  the  author,  “ Old  Joe  Hooker  thought  of  most  every- 
thing, but  forgot  to  give  us  swimming  lessons  ! ” 

Bonfires  were  kindled  on  the  banks,  and  the  crossing  was  con- 
tinued all  night.  To  say  that  the  men  were  in  good  spirits  would 
but  faintly  express  their  good  humor  and  hilarity.  Every  hardship, 
impediment,  or  accident,  was  surmounted  with  laughter  and  joke,  for 


CHANCELL  ORS  VILLE. 


H3 


the  rank  and  file,  acute  judges  of  military  movements,  recognized  in 
the  march  they  were  making  one  of  those  battles  with  legs,  which 
are  often  equivalent  to  a victory.  They  humorously  congratulated 
each  other  that  they  had  a commander  at  last  who  knew  how  to  use 
their  legs  as  well  as  their  arms.  They  recognized  that  they  were 
doing  a big  thing,  or  as  one  of  them  said,  “Going  to  give  the  rebs 
an  awful  thump  on  the  flank.” 

At  the  fords  they  captured  some  prisoners,  who  joked  them  on 
their  heavy  luggage.  “When  you  ’uns  capture  we  ’uns,  you  'uns 
don’t  get  much  but  a reb  ; but  if  we  ’uns  capture  you  ’uns  we’  uns 
get  a heap  of  truck.” 

“We’ve  got  eight  days’  rations  to  last  us  to  Richmond,”  said  one 
of  our  men  in  response.  “ You  ’uns  will  need  to  carry  a year’s  rations 
before  you  get  thar ! ” was  the  retort. 

The  point  of  concentration  was  reached  on  the  afternoon  of 
April  30th,  and  so  far  the  movement  was  a grand  success. 

Fifty  thousand  men,  heavily  weighted,  had  marched  nearly  forty 
miles  in  two  days,  crossed  two  difficult  rivers,  with  the  loss  of  only  six 
men  and  two  mules.  It  was  truly,  as  Swinton  characterized  it,  “the 
stride  of  a giant.”  In  the  evening  the  Second  Corps,  under  Couch, 
came  up,  and  amid  enthusiastic  cheers  Hooker  arrived  and  took  up 
his  quarters  at  Chancellor  House,  an  old-fashioned  brick  building, 
with  massive  pillars  extending  from  the  ground  to  the  roof,  sur- 
rounded by  its  rude  negro  cabins.  Hooker  issued  a glowing  proc- 
lamation to  his  army,  saying,  “ The  enemy  must  either  ingloriously 
fly  or  come  out  from  behind  his  defences  and  give  us  battle  upon  our 
own  ground,  where  certain  destruction  awaits  him.” 

There  was  much  in  the  situation  to  justify  this  boast,  for  he  had 
seized  one  of  the  two  lines  of  retreat  left  open  to  Lee  ; was  threat- 
ening the  other,  and  had  taken,  by  this  daring  move,  Lee’s  whole 
fortified  line  in  reverse.  The  Confederate  general,  however,  as  the 
sequel  proved,  was  not  one  of  those  commanders  to  be  easily  com- 
pelled into  the  role  assigned  him  by  an  opponent,  but  with  a daring 
genius  which  compels  our  admiration,  sought  to  retrieve  the  situation 
of  extreme  peril  in  which  Hooker,  with  a master  grasp  of  the  ele- 
ments of  war,  had  placed  him.  From  the  time  of  his  arrival  at 
Chancellorsville,  however,  an  inexplicable  stupor  seemed  to  have 
taken  possession  of  Hooker’s  faculties,  and  he  who  had  seized  the 


144 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


situation  with  the  grasp  of  a Titan  was  soon  to  let  it  fall  from  his 
hand  with  the  nervelessness  of  a paralytic. 

During  the  movement  detailed,  and  as  a cover  and  mask  to  it, 
General  Sedgwick  crossed  the  Rappahannock  below  Fredericksburg, 
thus  engaging  Lee’s  attention  by  a menace  in  his  front.  Demon- 
strations of  this  nature  were  made  until  the  30th,  which  assisted  in 
the  successful  lodgement  gained  at  Chancellorsville. 

Seeing  his  peril,  and  that  these  movements  in  his  front  were  but 
a mask  to  the  real  movement,  Lee,  leaving  Early  with  a small  force 
to  hold  the  heights,  put  his  columns  in  motion  to  meet  Hooker, 
before  he  should  have  advanced  from  Chancellorsville  and  seized 
his  communications  with  Richmond. 

The  plateau  at  Chancellorsville  is  hemmed  in  by  a region  cov- 
ered with  a dense  growth  of  dwarfed  pines  and  scrub  oaks,  inter- 
twined and  interlaced  by  a profusion  of  vines,  creepers,  and  briars. 
The  distance  by  direct  lines,  to  Fredericksburg,  was  about  ten  miles, 
with  two  excellent  roads,  and  on  both  sides  of  these  roads,  a few 
miles  from  the  plateau,  were  open  spaces  on  which  to  deploy  troops, 
and  where  the  Union  army  could  avail  itself  of  its  superiority  in 
artillery. 

Leaving  Sickles’s  corps,  which  had  just  arrived,  in  rear  of  Chan- 
cellor House  as  a reserve,  Hooker  gave  orders  to  advance  and  form 
line  of  battle  with  the  left  covering  Banks’s  Ford,  and  the  right 
resting  on  Tabernacle  Church.  The  passage  through  the  tangled 
thickets  broke  up  companies  and  regiments  into  crowds  ; men  were 
separated  from  their  commands  and  absolutely  lost  in  the  woods. 
They  were  in  inextricable  confusion,  but  almost  out  of  the  thickets, 
and  about  three  miles  from  Chancellorsville,  when  they  struck  the 
enemy’s  advance.  It  was  not  a heavy  force  and  there  was  no  reason 
why  we  could  not  have  continued  the  march,  as  the  army  was  almost 
out  of  the  hindering  thickets  ; the  general  line  was  a good  one,  and 
Slocum’s  right  had  taken  possession  of  high  commanding  ground, 
which  dominated  the  surrounding  country  and  commanded  Chan- 
cellorsville. The  left  column  had  moved  out  on  the  river  road  five 
miles,  under  Humphrey  and  Griffin,  and  was  in  sight  of  Banks’s  Ford, 
which  was  practically  uncovered  by  the  movement.  This  fact  alone 
should  have  prevented  a retrograde  movement,  as  it  shortened  com- 
munications with  the  portion  of  the  army  under  Sedgwick  by  twelve 


CHAN  CELL  ORS  VILLE. 


145 


miles,  and  practically  united  the  two  wings  of  our  army.  Here  also 
our  surplus  artillery  was  parked.  From  here  we  could  debouch  in 
rear  of  Fredericksburg.  There  was  absolutely  every  reason  for 
desiring  to  get  out  of  the  Wilderness,  and  none  for  remaining  in 
it.  It  was  then,  however,  that  Hooker  issued  that  inexplicable 
order  for  the  army  to  fall  back  to  Chancellorsville,  an  order  not 
understood  at  the  time,  and  the  cause  of  astonishment  to  every 
student  of  the  movement  since. 

Officers  and  men  received  the  order  with  mingled  incredulity  and 
astonishment,  and  the  phlegmatic  Couch  was  so  overwhelmed  with 
a sense  of  its  folly,  that  he  hurried  Warren  to  Chancellorsville  to 
remonstrate.  But  Hooker  adhered  doggedly  to  his  resolution,  and, 
followed  step  by  step  by  the  enemy,  our  army  fell  back  to  fight  a 
defensive  battle  upon  the  plateau  at  Chancellorsville.  Here  Hooker 
closed  up  his  front  lines  to  render  the  defence  easier ; felled  the 
trees  in  his  front  to  render  approach  perilous  and  difficult,  and 
blocked  the  approaches  to  the  plateau. 

His  right  wing  under  Howard,  at  Dowdall’s  Tavern  was,  how- 
ever, weak  and  unprotected.  There  were  only  two  regiments  faced 
on  that  flank,  and  a weak  picket  of  only  two  companies  of  the 
Seventeenth  Connecticut,  constituted  the  entire  outpost. 

Notwithstanding  the  incomprehensible  mistakes  of  Hooker,  hith- 
erto detailed,  Lee’s  position  was  one  of  great  peril.  His  enemy’s 
position  was  practically  unassailable  in  front,  and  he  had  sent  out 
Stuart’s  cavalry  to  see  if  there  was  not  some  assailable  point  in  the 
Union  lines.  While  anxiously  discussing  his  plans  with  Jackson,  it 
is  said  that  Stuart  brought  him  intelligence  of  the  exposed  con- 
dition of  our  right  wing. 

Lee  clearly  understood  the  advantage  and  disadvantage  of 
Hooker’s  position,  that  the  impenetrable  thickets  by  which  he  was 
shut  in  condemned  him  to  inactivity  ; that  his  cavalry  force  was 
small,  and  that  therefore  he  could  not  venture  upon  movements 
which  in  a more  open  country,  or  with  a large  cavalry  force  as  eyes 
for  his  army,  would  have  been  possible.  So  when  Jackson  proposed 
the  bold  plan  of  making  a great  march  to  strike  the  Union  army  on 
the  exposed  flank,  he  saw  it  was  about  the  only  movement  which 
gave  promise  of  success  against  Hooker’s  position.  For  to  attack 
that  general  in  front  would  be  inviting  defeat,  and  practically  taking 
the  bull  by  the  horns. 


146 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


At  daybreak  May  2d,  Jackson  began  his  march,  with  a force  of 
twenty-six  thousand  men  which,  with  other  dispositions,  left  with 
Lee  on  the  Union  front  only  seven  brigades.  Lee  masked  his  own 
weakness  and  Jackson’s  movement  by  artillery  demonstrations  along 
Hooker’s  entire  front,  as  if  about  to  attack. 

Moving  south  by  a wide  detour  of  by-paths  and  roads  but  little 
used  or  known,  Jackson,  late  in  the  afternoon,  reached  the  Orange 
plank  road.  From  the  top  of  a wooded  hill  in  the  vicinity  he  saw 
the  Eleventh  Corps  spread  out  on  the  plateau  near  Dowdall’s  Tavern, 
and  that  the  plank  road  would  lead  him  to  our  front  instead  of  our 
flank.  Leaving  his  old  brigade,  therefore,  on  this  road,  he  continued 
his  march  until  at  about  five  o’clock  he  reached  the  turnpike  which 
led  him  to  the  desired  point.  Here  in  the  thickets  he  silently  made 
his  preparations  for  the  attack. 

Secretly  as  the  march  had  been  conducted,  it  had  not  been 
unperceived.  As  early  as  nine  o’clock  Birney  had  reported  to 
Hooker  that  his  outposts  had  seen  a large  column  accompanied  by 
trains  about  a mile  and  a half  from  his  front.  While  at  first  Hooker 
thought  this  indicated  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  on  Orange  Court- 
House,  he  at  once  sent  an  order  to  Howard  to  be  prepared  for  the 
enemy  from  whatever  direction  he  might  advance,  and  to  determine 
on  the  position  he  would  take  if  attacked  on  the  flank,  adding:  “No 
artificial  defences  worth  mentioning  have  been  thrown  up,  and  there 
seems  to  be  a scarcity  of  troops  at  that  point.  Please  advance  your 
pickets  for  purposes  of  observation.”1  The  timely  issue  of  this  order 

1 Copy  of  Hooker’s  order  to  Major-General  Slocum  and  Major-General  Howard : 

Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Chancellorsville,  Va.,  May  2d,  1863,  9.30  a.m. 

I am  directed  by  the  Major-General  Commanding,  to  say  that  the  dispositions  you  have 
made  of  your  corps  has  been  with  a view  to  a front  attack  by  the  enemy.  If  he  should 
throw  himself  upon  your  flank,  he  wishes  you  to  examine  the  ground  and  determine  upon 
the  position  you  will  take  in  that  event,  in  order  that  you  may  be  prepared  for  him  in  what- 
ever direction  he  advances.  He  suggests  that  you  have  heavy  reserves  well  in  hand  to  meet 
this  contingency.  The  right  of  your  line  does  not  appear  to  be  strong  enough.  No  artificial 
defences  worth  naming  have  been  thrown  up,  and  there  appears  to  be  a scarcity  of  troops 
at  that  point,  and  not,  in  the  General’s  opinion,  as  favorably  posted  as  might  be.  I have 
good  reasons  to  suppose  the  enemy  is  moving  on  our  right.  Please  advance  your  pickets 
for  purposes  of  observation,  as  far  as  may  be  safe,  in  order  to  obtain  timely  information  of 
their  approach. 

(Signed)  James  H.  Allen, 

Brigadier  and  Aide-de-Camp. 


CHAN  CELL  OKS  VLLLE. 


H7 


by  Hooker,  it  seems  to  us,  shifts  a large  part  of  the  responsi- 
bility for  the  disaster  which  followed,  from  his  own  to  Howard’s 
shoulders.1 

Sickles,  with  two  divisions,  started  out  in  pursuit  of  the  moving 
column  at  one  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  Third  Georgia  was  sur- 
rounded and  captured  by  Berdan’s  sharp-shooters.  From  them 
Sickles  obtained  information  which  showed  that  instead  of  a retreat 
it  was  a menace  against  some  point  in  our  lines.  Pleasanton’s  and 
Sickles’s  scouts  and  spies  came  in  with  information,  which  duly 
reached  Howard,  that  Jackson  was  coming.  General  Schimmel- 
pfennig,  in  command  of  a brigade,  says  the  movement  of  the  enemy 
on  our  flank  was  reported  full  two  hours  before  the  charge.  It  is 
even  reported  that  Howard  censured  the  scouts  for  lying,  and  treated 
them  with  cool  disdain.  Be  that  true  or  false,  although  he  had  had 
plenty  of  time  since  Hooker’s  order  was  issued,  he  had  neither 
strengthened  his  flank  nor  taken  the  ordinary  precautions  demanded 
by  his  situation. 

About  sundown  the  soldiers  of  the  Eleventh  Corps,  with  stacked 
arms,  were  boiling  their  coffee,  smoking  their  pipes,  lounging  in 
groups,  and  playing  cards  among  the  baggage-wagons,  pack-mules 
and  teamsters,  when  rabbits,  deer,  and  other  game,  driven  by  Jack- 
son’s  advance,  came  into  our  lines.  Some  of  the  men  were  chasing 
the  rabbits  with  shouts  and  laughter,  and  all  were  unprepared,  when 
a few  shots  were  heard  along  the  road,  and  Jackson’s  men,  who  had 
preserved  their  organization  even  in  the  dense  thickets  which  tore 
their  clothes  to  tatters,  burst  upon  them  like  a clap  of  thunder  from 
a cloudless  sky.  Before  the  men  could  seize  their  arms  the  rebels 
rushed  upon  all  parts  of  Gilsa’s  brigade,  formed  at  this  part  of  the 
line.  The  slight  intrenchments  were  attacked  in  the  rear,  and  the 
men  driven  in  upon  each  other  in  huddles,  with  no  chance  to  rally. 
Our  men  fought  as  well  as  their  situation  allowed. 

Everything  was  in  confusion.  No  change  of  front  was  possible, 
and  the  officers,  isolated  from  the  rank  and  file,  could  not  rally  them. 
The  impetuosity  of  Jackson’s  attack  was  terrible.  A soldier  of  the 

1 Regarding  this  order,  H.  M.  Kellog,  a clerk  at  the  Adjutant-General’s  office,  of  the 
Eleventh  Corps,  says:  “This  order  was  not  on  record  or  on  file , and  was  not  placed  there 
until  June  30th,  two  days  after  General  Hooker  had  been  relieved.  The  corps  was  then  at 
Emettsburgh,  Md. 


148 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


Eleventh  Corps  said  afterwards  to  me,  “ It  was  a perfect  whirlwind 
of  men.  The  enemy  seemed  to  come  from  every  direction.” 

The  flying  fugitives  disordered  such  lines  as  in  vain  tried  to  form. 
In  ten  minutes  sixteen  hundred  men  of  Deven’s  division,  on  this 
flank,  were  killed,  wounded,  captured,  or  put  to  flight,  and  a confused 
mass  of  flying  men,  pack-mules,  baggage-wagons,  and  riderless  horses, 
broke  through  and  disordered  every  line  which  endeavored  to  make  a 
stand.  In  this  way  they  overran  Schurz’s  division,  occupying  intrench- 
ments  across  the  road  on  which  the  Eleventh  Corps  was  posted. 

Bushbeck,  with  his  brigade,  held  the  extreme  left  of  the  corps, 
preserved  his  line  formation,  and  made  a gallant  fight.  Howard 
rallied  the  fugitives  and  heroically  endeavored  to  stem  the  tide  of 
disaster;  but  the  enemy  enveloped  his  flanks,  took  his  lines  in 
reverse,  and  broke  them  into  a mob.  Bushbeck’s  brigade  alone 
retained  its  formation  and  retired  in  good  order  through  the  crowd 
of  fugitives  now  streaming  to  the  Chancellorsville  plateau.  The  right 
wing  was  being  swept  away  and  disaster  threatened  the  entire  army. 
Jackson,  in  the  midst  of  his  force,  which  now  consisted  of  only  his 
centre  formation  of  four  brigades,  with  the  simple  order  of  “For- 
ward ! Forward ! ” constantly  reiterated,  urged  them  on,  and  took 
our  defences  in  reverse.  Jackson  had  now  reached  the  Mineral 
Springs  road  which  leads  to  United  States  Ford  by  passing  north  of 
Chancellorsville,  and  conceived,  it  is  said,  the  bold  plan  of  out-flanking 
our  army  by  this  route. 


“hazel  grove.” 

At  the  first  attack  of  Jackson,  Howard  sent  to  General  Pleas- 
anton for  a regiment  of  cavalry.  The  aide-de-camp  bearing  this 
message  found  Pleasanton  with  General  Sickles  at  Hazel  Grove,  a 
large  open  clearing  about  a mile  west  from  Chancellorsville,  and 
half  a mile  to  the  left  from  the  plank  road.  Near  the  northwest 
corner  of  this  field  in  open  battery,  were  the  Tenth  and  Eleventh 
New  York  Independent  Batteries,  and  Battery  H,  First  Ohio. 

There  was  so  little  thought  of  an  attack  among  these  artillerymen, 
that  they  had  unbridled  their  horses  and  were  feeding  them.  Mar- 
tin’s horse  battery  occupied  another  part  of  the  field,  while  the 
Eighth  Pennsylvania  Cavalry  here  stood  to  horse  waiting  for  orders. 


“ HAZEL  GROVE. 


149 


To  that  regiment  the  order  to  report  to  General  Howard  came. 
When  Major  Huey  gave  this  order  he  found  several  of  his  officers 
playing  a social  game  of  cards,  and  as  Major  Keenan  mounted  he 
jokingly  said,  “Major,  you’ve  spoiled  a good  game  of  cards!”1 

The  regiment  went  forward  on  a wood  road  towards  the  plank 
road,  with  no  thoughts  of  a present  encounter.  Major  Keenan  and 
other  officers  were  riding  at  the  head  of  the  column.  They  had 
almost  reached  the  plank  road  when  they  discovered  that  they  were 
surrounded  by  the  enemy’s  skirmishers,  who  were  in  the  dense 
thickets  which  skirted  the  road. 

Major  Huey,  without  hesitation,  determining  to  cut  his  way 
through,  gave  the  order,  “ Draw  sabres  and  charge  ! ” Then  ensued 
a scene  that  baffles  description.2 

Led  by  those  officers  who  were  riding  at  the  front,  the  column 
dashed  forward.  Both  horses  and  men  seemed  frenzied  with  excite- 
ment. The  enemy  was  trampled  under  the  horses’  feet,  and  struck 
down  with  the  sabre. 

Reaching  the  plank  road,  a few  yards  distant,  our  men  found  it 
literally  crowded  with  the  enemy.  Here  they  turned  to  the  left  and 
charged  ; shooting,  sabring,  and  trampling  under  their  horses’  feet 
those  who  could  not  escape.3 

In  turn  the  Confederates,  from  the  wood-skirted  sides  of  the  road, 
threw  at  them  their  unloaded  muskets,  and  bayoneted  the  men  on 
the  flank  of  the  charging  column.  Resolved  to  sell  their  lives  as 
dearly  as  possible,  amid  shouts  and  imprecations,  the  clanking  of 

1 Andrew  B.  Wells,  Captain  of  Company  F,  Eighth  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  says:  “This 
was  twenty  minutes  past  six ; I looked  at  my  watch  to  see  how  long  we  had  been  playing 
cards.” 

2 Penncook  Huey,  in  his  book,  “ The  Charge  of  the  Eighth  Pennsylvania  Cavalry  at 
Chancellorsville,”  says,  “ The  regiment  did  not  make  its  charge  at  Hazel  Grove  on  the  2d 
of  May,  1863  (as  the  enemy  did  not  appear  there  until  after  the  regiment  had  left),  the 
charge  having  been  made  before  that  time  on  the  plank  road.  The  woods  in  front  of  Hazel 
Grove,  where  the  charge  is  represented  to  have  been  made,  was  so  thick  that  a bird  could 
scarcely  fly  through  it,  much  less  could  a cavalry  charge  have  been  made,  as  some  writer 
has  stated.” 

3 The  regiment  had  been  forced  to  move  in  column,  on  account  of  the  dense  thickets 
skirting  the  road,  and  the  whole  regiment  therefore  did  not  get  through.  The  rear  squad- 
ron cut  its  way  through  in  another  direction.  The  men  who  were  not  killed  or  dismounted, 
came  out  on  the  other  side  of  this  road,  and  were  re-formed  in  rear  of  the  artillery  that  was 
then  going  into  line  on  the  left  of  the  plank  road,  and  though  it  was  purely  accidental,  they 
materially  assisted  in  checking  the  enemy’s  advance. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


150 

equipments,  and  neighing  of  steeds,  and  the  shrieks  and  yells  of  the 
enemy,  the  column  cut  its  way  through  this  mass  of  men  for  a dis- 
tance of  a hundred  yards,  when  the  enemy  poured  in  a volley  of 
musketry,  killing  many  private  soldiers, 
and  with  them  Major  Keenan,  Captain 
Arrowsmith,  and  Adjutant  Haddock. 

The  position  at  Hazel  Grove  con- 
trolled the  communication  between  our 
advance  force  at  the  Furnace  and  the 
main  army. 

A few  moments 
after  the  departure 
of  the  Eighth  Cav- 
alry from  Hazel 
Grove,  a sharp  fire 
of  musketry  was 
heard  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Eleventh 
Corps.  The  chief 
of  artillery  being 
absent,  Captain  J. 

P.  Huntington, 

First  Ohio  Artil- 
lery, next  in  rank, 
assumed  command. 

The  batteries 
which  were  in  close 
column,  resting  on 
the  wood  through 

which  the  enemy  were  advancing,  were  in  an  awkward  and  perilous 
position.  Every  moment  the  firing  of  the  advancing  enemy  grew  louder. 

While  endeavoring  to  get  his  guns  in  position,  a mob  of  fugitives 
from  the  Eleventh  Corps,  and  a lot  of  Third  Corps’  forges,  battery- 
wagons,  and  ambulances,  broke  through  the  incomplete  formation, 
while  a regiment  of  cavalry  occupied  for  a time  the  ground  on  which 
the  battery  was  forming.1 

1 Captain  Huntington,  in  a note  to  the  writer,  says,  “The  assertion  of  General  Pleas- 
anton, that  the  retreating  and  abandoned  guns  belonging  to  the  Eleventh  Corps  were  put 
in  position  here,  is  not  true.” 


“ HAZEL  GROVE” 


1 5 1 


Soon  Archer’s  brigade,  forming  the  extreme  right  of  the  rebel 
line,  issued  from  the  wood.  Says  Captain  Huntington,  “ They 
probably  did  not  anticipate  resistance  at  this  point,  having  reason  to 
believe  that  everything  in  that  quarter  had  been  well  started  to  the 
rear.  A storm  of  canister  from  our  eighteen  pieces,  and  from 
Martin’s  horse  battery  of  four  pieces,  in 
battery  on  the  south  side  of  the  field,  at 
an  angle  to  our  line,  enlightened  them 
on  the  subject.”  This  was  the  critical 
moment,  and  Captain  Huntington  justly 


Martin’s  Horse  Battery  at  Hazel  Grove. 


says  had  Archer’s  men  reached  this  position, 
the  results  would  have  been  serious.  They  regained 
cover  of  the  woods  and  opened  a heavy  fire  with 
musketry.  Meanwhile  Archer’s  troops  took  possession 
of  our  rifle-pits  in  the  direction  of  the  plank  road,  and 
opened  an  enfilading  fire  on  our  batteries.  Captain  Huntington 
changed  front  with  the  rifle  battery,  and  swept  the  woods,  while 
Martin’s  horse  battery  kept  up  a cross  fire  on  the  enemy. 

This  timely  and  gallant  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  of 
Whipple’s  Artillery,  which  was  unsupported  by  either  infantry  or 
cavalry,  checked  the  enemy’s  advance  in  this  direction. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


152 

The  enemy’s  fire  gradually  slackened,  and  by  the  time  Sickles’s 
troops  reached  Hazel  Grove  the  fighting  at  that  point  was  practically 
over. 

The  plateau  at  Chancellorsville,  where  the  various  roads  intersect, 
contains  not  over  sixty  acres,  and  was  at  this  time  encumbered  with 
parked  artillery  and  wagons  of  every  description.  It  would  be  fatal 
to  the  army  to  have  confusion  and  stampede  occur  here,  for  it  was 
not  only  the  single  means  of  communication  between  the  different 
parts  of  the  army,  but  was  the  one  point  where  the  disorganized 
fragments  coming  in  on  all  the  roads  could  be  rallied  and  re-formed. 

Realizing  this,  Hooker  flamed  out  with  his  old  fighting  spirit. 
He  endeavored  to  stay  the  torrent  of  flying  men.  His  old  division, 
then  under  Berry,  advanced  in  good  order,  while  the  fugitives  swayed 
around  it.  These  tough  old  veterans  formed  on  the  first  crest  west 
of  the  Chancellor  House  plateau,  while  Hayes’s  Brigade  of  the 
Second  Corps  came  up  to  support  his  right,  and  the  Twelfth  Artil- 
lery formed  in  the  rear  of  Fairview.  By  seven  o’clock  thirty-seven 
guns  were  thundering  over  the  heads  of  Berry’s  men  into  the  woods 
beyond. 

In  the  meantime  Birney’s  division  had  formed  on  the  south  of  the 
position  so  magnificently  contested  by  Captain  Huntington,  and  thus 
was  stayed  the  advance  of  Jackson,  which,  like  the  simoon  of  the 
desert,  had  been  sweeping  our  right  wing  into  destruction,  and  threat- 
ening disaster  to  the  whole  army. 

Darkness  came  on  and  comparative  silence  succeeded  this  terrible 
eruption  of  battle.  The  enemy,  after  Huntington’s  cannonade, 
abandoned  the  earthwork  running  southeasterly  across  the  woods, 
and  it  remained  unoccupied.  Jackson  rode  out  to  reconnoitre  this 
position,  which  would  give  him  the  key  to  Hooker’s  interior  defences, 
and  was  returning  with  his  staff,  when  he  rode  accidentally  upon 
some  of  Birney’s  skirmishers,  who  fired  upon  the  group.  He 
wheeled,  and  to  avoid  the  shower  of  bullets,  rode  into  the  thickets, 
where  the  Eighteenth  North  Carolina  formed  his  line.  Mistaking 
them  in  the  darkness  for  Union  cavalry,  they  poured  into  the  group 
a close  volley,  and  Jackson  was  mortally  wounded.  Thus  fell  the 
bravest  and  most  skilful  of  all  Lee’s  lieutenants.  In  his  death  the 
Confederacy  lost  its  greatest  soldier,  and  one  who  had  by  his  dashing 
flank  attacks  hitherto  proved  so  terrible  to  the  Federal  army. 


■;.ri 


'jlKIITMNANT-CoLONKI.  McVlOAK  AT  Sl’OTTSYLVA  N I A . 


“HAZEL  GROVE.' 


153 


It  has  been  fashionable  since,  as  it  was  at  the  time,  to  attribute 
this  disaster  to  the  cowardly  elements  which  were  supposed  to  exist 
in  the  Germans  of  the  Eleventh  Corps,  and  to  their  dissatisfaction 
over  the  displacement  of  Sigel  by  Howard.  This  is  a great  injustice 
to  many  brave  men.  Only  a few  cavalry,  less  than  a company, 
cleared  the  front  of  the  Eleventh  Corps.  There  should  have  been 
at  least  a brigade.  This  was  Hooker’s  mistake.  The  great  weight 
of  blame,  however,  falls  upon  Howard,  who  did  not  take  those  pre- 
cautions so  essential  to  the  situation,  and  allowed  himself  to  be  sur- 
prised. General  Doubleday,  in  his  book  on  the  Civil  War,  justly 
observes  : “ I assert  that  when  a force  is  not  deployed,  but  is  struck 
suddenly  and  violently  on  its  flank,  resistance  is  impracticable.” 
Couch  takes  similar  views,  and  such  are  the  views  of  many  military 
men.  Howard  received  notification  and  definite  instruction  from  his 
commander,  and  yet  failed  to  be  prepared  for  the  menaced  attack.1 
No  general  is  excusable  who  allows  himself  to  be  surprised. 

1 Regarding  the  order  issued  by  Hooker  to  Generals  Slocum  and  Howard,  it  is  but 
justice  to  Howard  to  say  he  denies  ever  receiving  it. 


Note.  — On  the  30th  of  April,  the  Sixth  New  York  Cavalry  was  sent  forward  by  General 
Pleasanton  to  reconnoitre  in  the  direction  of  Spottsylvania.  They  were  returning  by  moon- 
light the  same  night,  when  they  encountered  the  Fifth  Virginia  Cavalry,  barring  their 
passage  to  Chancellorsville.  Lieutenant-Colonel  McVickers,  commanding  the  regiment, 
ordered  a charge  with  sabres,  and  routed  them.  The  brave  McVickers  was  mortally 
wounded  in  this  encounter.  It  was  said  that  Stuart  and  his  staff  were  with  the  defeated 
party. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


chancellorsville  — ( continued ). 

SATURDAY  night  Sickles  had  massed  Birney's  division  near 
Hazel  Grove.  Berry’s  division  and  Hayes’s  brigade  of  Couch’s 
corps  ranged  themselves  north  of  Fairview,  while  Williams,  leaving 
his  artillery  planted  on  Fairview  as  a barrier,  advanced  and  sup- 
ported Sickles.  The  latter,  enthusiastic  and  untiring,  had  requested 
of  Hooker  permission  to  make  a night  attack.1  The  coveted  order 
was  given,  and  at  eleven  o’clock,  while  darkness  enshrouded  the 
thickets,  his  men  cautiously  advanced.  The  mournful  notes  of  the 
whippoorwill,  the  crackling  of  the  underbrush  beneath  the  feet  of 
stealthily  advancing  men,  the  low-toned  command  alone  broke  the 
silence. 

Peering  into  the  darkness,  halting  here  and  there  to  catch  the 
faintest  sound,  the  advancing  line  suddenly  encountered  the  enemy, 
who  were  approaching  cautiously  through  the  thickets  bent  upon 
the  same  errand.  A blinding  flash  illumined  the  darkness  and  the 
terrible  discharge  of  musketry  resounded  through  the  woods.  The 
foes  charged  each  other  with  mutual  yells,  cheers,  and  shouts, 
and  the  Union  artillery,  which  had  hurried  down  the  road  at  the 
first  alarm,  advanced  into  the  thickets  and  opened  within  a hundred 
yards  of  the  enemy’s  lines.  The  dark  wood  was  now  lit  up  with 
lurid  flashes  of  artillery  and  the  fire-fly  sparkle  of  rifles.  From 
the  forest  depths  there  burst  forth  the  terrible  uproar  of  battle. 
The  deep  tones  of  the  cannon  marked  time  to  the  incessant  roll 

1 Captain  Huntington,  whose  artillery  had  defended  Hazel  Grove,  says:  “About  mid- 
night I was  awakened  by  the  passage  of  a column  of  troops  near  our  bivouac.  I asked 
an  officer  what  was  up.  He  replied  that  they  were  going  to  drive  the  enemy  out  of  the 
woods  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  In  reply  to  my  wish  that  they  would  have  a good  time 
doing  it,  he  said,  ‘They  belong  to  Kearney’s  old  division,  that  never  yet  went  back!’ 
The  cold-steel  part  of  the  programme  was  not  long  adhered  to,  for  the  roar  of  musketry 
soon  became  deafening.” 


154 


CHAN  CELL  OKSVILLE. 


1 55 


of  musketry,  which,  like  the  explosion  of  long  strings  of  fire-crackers, 
ran  along  the  whole  line  where  the  contestants  retreated  or  advanced 
to  the  attack. 

The  impossibility  of  giving  orders  in  the  darkness,  among  the 
tangled  thickets,  soon  produced  its  effects.  Brigades  were  broken 
into  regiments,  regiments  into  companies,  and  these  into  smaller 
groups,  while  friend  and  foe  seemed  con- 
fusedly playing  a sanguinary  game  of  hide  and 
seek.  In  this  manner  prisoners  on  each  side 
were  captured.  Friends  encountered  each 
other  as  enemies  and 
each  mistook  foes 
for  friends. 

A comrade  who 
participated  in  this 
attack  afterwards 
related  the  following 
incident:  “About  a 
dozen  of  us  got 
broken  off  as  short 
as  a pipe-stem  from 
our  regiment,  and  we 
weren’t  fools  enough 
to  ‘ halloo  ’ before 
we  got  out  of  the 
woods.  There  were 
six  of  us,  and  Matt 
Jenkins,  a little  cor- 
poral with  a big 
voice,  was  the  rank- 
i n g man  of  the 
squad.  We  had  lost 
the  p’ints  of  the 

compass  as  completely  as  if  there  were  none,  though  there  was  no  mis- 
taking where  the  fight  was.  We  were  cautiously  groping  through  the 
brushwood,  where  the  occasional  flash  of  musketry  only  made  us  all  the 
blinder,  when  a blaze  and  the  roar  of  a volley  on  our  front  showed  us 
that  we  had  encountered  an  enemy.  Their  shot,  however,  had  pattered 


Genera!  Matt. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


*56 

all  around  without  injuring  any  of  us.  Our  little  corporal,  with  his 
big  voice,  which  sounded  for  all  the  world  like  a major-general’s, 
shouted  out  : ‘ Reserve  your  fire,  men  ! ’ and  then  gave  orders  to 
captain  this  and  major  that  and  colonel  some  one  else,  as  if  he  was 
in  command  of  a brigade.  ‘Thunder!  ’ said  some  one  in  the  party  we 
had  encountered,  ‘you  needn’t  make  all  that  fuss;  we’ll  surrender!’ 
and  then,”  said  my  informant,  with  a chuckle,  “about  twenty  of 
our  own  company,  including  the  captain,  came  in  and  surrendered 
to  Matt  Jenkins  ! ” Ever  afterwards  we  called  him  “ General  Matt.” 

The  contestants  were  in  confusion,  running  into  each  other  at 
haphazard.  The  Federals  had  captured  the  intrenchments  lying 
across  the  wood  and  several  cannon  previously  abandoned  by  the 
Eleventh  Corps.  The  battle  gradually  died  away,  only  blazing  out 
here  and  there  fitfully  as  little  squads  encountered  each  other  in 
the  tangled  wilderness. 

It  was  past  midnight  ; the  moon  now  shone  brightly,  and  the 
woods  were  strewn  with  dead  and  wounded,  and  the  wearied  con- 
testants needed  rest.  Silence  succeeded  the  dismal  uproar  and 
lurid  lights  of  midnight  battle.  The  result  of  this  contest  was  that 
the  approach  to  the  ridge,  so  grandly  defended  by  Captain  Hunt- 
ington, was  cleared,  and  the  enemy  driven  from  the  hills  opposite 
Fairview  by  Birney  ; but  Berry  had  not  been  able  to  drive  away  the 
Confederates  holding  the  left  slopes. 

Sunday  morning,  May  3d,  the  situation  was  bjr  no  means  dis- 
couraging, but  for  the  incomprehensible  mental  torpor  of  the  Union 
commander.  We  are  not  able  to  see  anywhere  evidence  of  a master 
mind  during  the  conflict  which  followed.  We  still  held  the  point 
where  the  roads  converged  at  Chancellorsville,  but  our  position 
promised  more  for  offensive  than  defensive  battle. 

We  had  seventy-five  thousand  men  posted  between  the  severed 
wings  of  the  Confederate  army,  who  did  not  number  forty-five 
thousand,  and  from  these  converging  roads  as  a pivot,  we  could  have 
directed  a terrible  blow  upon  either  one  or  the  other  of  these  severed 
wings  of  the  enemy  before  they  could  be  united. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  plateau  was  a cramped  space  and  the 
number  of  its  defenders  was  necessarily  limited  by  its  size.  The 
numerous  roads  running  thereto  enabled  Lee  to  converge  his  forces 
to  crush  its  crowded  defenders.  Had  its  possessors  been  relieved 


CHANCELL  ORSVLLLE. 


157 


constantly  by  fresh  men,  however,  the  result  might  have  been  dif- 
ferent. 

Meanwhile  the  Sixth  Corps,  under  Sedgwick,  still  confronted  the 
rebel  position  at  Fredericksburg.  It  is  a question  among  military 
men  whether  or  not  Hooker  should  have  ordered  Sedgwick  to  join 
him  on  Saturday.  Without  entering  into  the  discussion,  it  seems 
to  the  writer  that  that  procedure  would  have  been  needless,  as 
neither  Reynolds’s  nor  Meade’s  corps  had  as  yet  fired  a shot.  Hooker 
was  not  so  much  lacking  in  men  as  in  the  ability  to  use  them.  The 
common  sense  of  the  situation  would  rather  have  justified  him  in 
sending  the  two  corps  (which  during  the  entire  battle  he  did  not 
use)  to  the  assistance  of  Sedgwick.  Such  a procedure  would  have 
transferred  the  offensive  to  the  left  wing,  and  enabled  us  to  hold 
Marye’s  Heights,  which  had  been  captured  by  Sedgwick. 

When  disaster  fell  upon  the  Eleventh  Corps,  Hooker  ordered 
Sedgwick  to  seize  the  heights  and  advance  by  the  plank  road  with 
his  twenty-two  thousand  men  to  deliver  him  from  the  clutches  of 
the  Confederate  devil-fish  which  was  crushing  him  in  its  embrace. 

This  order  could  be  successfully  executed  only  by  the  continual 
activity  of  Hooker.  A passive  position,  on  his  part,  would  enable 
Lee  to  concentrate  a force  sufficient  to  crush  Sedgwick.  It  seems 
reasonable  that  if,  instead  of  like  a pair  of  horses  where  one  stands 
still  while  the  other  pulls,  they  had  acted  in  unison,  some  of  the 
bones  of  the  Confederate  army  must  have  been  broken. 

On  Sunday  morning  Sedgwick  put  his  forces  in  motion  to  obey 
the  order  of  Hooker,  which  he  received  at  midnight  on  Saturday. 

With  this  remark  we  turn  to  the  battle  about  to  open  at 
Chancellorsville.  During  the  night  of  Saturday  Hooker  had,  in 
the  darkness,  when  he  could  not  fully  understand  all  the  features 
of  the  ground,  laid  out  a new  line  to  which  he  ordered  the  different 
forces  to  fall  back  at  daylight.  Here  occurred  the  fatal  mistake 
which  lost  us  the  Chancellorsville  plateau. 

Outside  of  the  line  to  which  our  army  was  commanded  to  fall 
back,  was  Hazel  Grove  and  the  bare  hillock  occupied  by  the 
artillery,  which  had  so  bravely  contested  its  possession  the  previous 
evening,  and  where  Birney’s  division  was  in  possession  of  the  woods. 
The  hill  of  Hazel  Grove  was  lower  than  that  of  Fairview  opposite, 
but  it  was  the  key  to  the  battle-field,  and  as  it  commanded  the  roads 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


•158 

.converging  here  from  Chancellorsville,  it  would,  if  crowned  with 
artillery,  threaten  every  force  approaching  Sickles.  When  its  im- 
portance was  understood  a request  was  sent  to  Hooker  for  permission 
to  hold  it.  General  Doubleday  says  Hooker  was  asleep,  and  the 
member  of  his  staff  in  charge  positively  refused  to  awaken  him 
until  daylight,  and  that  being  the  hour  the  new  line  was  ordered 
to  be  occupied  would  be  too  late. 

The  batteries,  with  the  exception  of  the  First  Ohio,  had  retired 
at  sunrise.  This  battery,  commanded  by  the  gallant  Huntington, 
was  supported  by  two  regiments  of  infantry,  one  on  the  right  and 
one  in  the  rear.  Just  in  the  rear,  where  the  guns  stood,  the  ground 
descended  by  an  easy  slope,  back  of  which  was  a marsh.  By 
putting  the  guns  just  behind  this  crest,  their  recoil  threw  them 
under  cover,  where  they  could  be  loaded  and  pushed  to  the  front. 

As  all  of  their  canister  had  been  expended  the  previous  evening, 
and  the  work  was  close,  fuse  shrapnel,  with  the  fuse  hole  left  open, 
allowing  them  to  burst  in  the  gun,  were  fired. 

This  intrepid  commander  held  the  position,  firing  rapidly  upon  the 
advancing  rebels,  until  his  attention  was  called  to  the  precipitate 
retreat  of  his  infantry  supports.  Finding  that  the  right  of  Archer’s 
brigade  overlapped  his  flank  and  was  compromising  the  safety  of 
his  guns,  he  coolly  retired  by  piece  from  the  left,  keeping  up  the  fire 
of  each  gun  until  the  instant  before  it  was  limbered,  and  crossed  the 
little  creek  on  a bridge  made  of  rails,  with  the  loss  of  only  one  of  his 
pieces. 

The  drivers  and  horses  of  this  piece  were  killed,  and  while  the 
enemy  closed  in  on  them,  Captain  Huntington  dismounted  to  attempt 
to  extricate  it,  “when  my  horse,”  says  Huntington,  “thinking  he  was 
at  the  wrong  end  of  the  battery,  started  off  at  a gallop,  and  fell  into 
his  accustomed  place  at  the  head  of  the  battery,”  leaving  his  master 
to  retire  by  crawling  on  all  fours.  He  was  the  only  man  with  this 
piece  who  was  lucky  enough  to  escape. 

It  illustrates  the  affection  with  which  an  artilleryman  regards  his 
guns,  that  Captain  Huntington  says:  “Regarding  the  loss  of  the 
piece  we  mourned  bitterly.”  Thus  was  abandoned  this  strong  posi- 
tion which  commanded  the  field.  The  enemy  soon  occupied  it,  for 
Stuart  recognized  it  as  the  master’s  seat,  from  which  he  who  held 
it  could  hold  the  field. 


CHAN  CELL  ORS  VILLE. 


159 


The  new  line  was  formed  perpendicular  to  the  plank  road  on  the 
ridge  occupied  by  Berry’s  division  on  Saturday  evening  ; Williams’s 
division  extended  to  the  left,  connecting  with  Geary,  while  Han- 
cock still  held  his  old  position.  Birney’s  and  Whipple’s  divisions 
strengthened  the  line  in  front  of  Fairview,  while  the  batteries  of  the 
Third  and  Twelfth  Corps,  with  part  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  batteries, 
covered  this  line.  The  Eleventh  Corps  was  now  at  the  extreme  left, 
while  Reynolds’s  corps,  supported  by  Meade’s,  was  covering  the 
United  States  Ford  on  the  Ely  Ford  road.  These  three  corps  were 
practically  out  of  the  fight. 

This,  roughly  outlined,  was  our  position  at  daylight  on  Sunday 
morning.  At  the  same  time  the  Confederates  pressed  forward  to 
possess  Hazel  Grove  a furious  attack  was  made  on  Sickles  by  Jack- 
son’s men  who,  with  fierce  yells  and  cries  of  “ Remember  Jackson  ! ” 
charged  our  lines.  Mott’s  brigade  met  the  attack  and  made  a 
counter-charge,  capturing  colors  and  prisoners,  but  Sickles  was 
attacked  in  front  and  his  lines  enfiladed  by  artillery  fire  from  Hazel 
Hill,  now  crowned  by  Stuart  with  thirty  pieces  of  artillery.  Under 
this  destructive  fire  Sickles  fell  back  to  another  line,  and  then  to 
another.  At  the  same  time,  on  the  right  of  the  woods,  Hill’s 
brigades  came  screaming  over  the  works,  and  our  men,  though 
fighting  stubbornly,  fell  back.  French’s  division  arrived  and  ad- 
vanced to  charge,  driving  back  the  exulting  enemy  in  the  greatest 
confusion,  breaking  their  line  and  swinging  it  back  upon  its  centre. 
They  rallied  and  made  another  attack,  but  our  men  fiercely  drove 
them  down  the  hill  and  even  advanced  and  seized  again  the  old  posi- 
tion from  which  they  had  retired  at  daylight.  O for  the  possession 
of  Hazel  Hill  to  make  these  successes  fruitful ! No  force  can  hold  its 
own,  battered  in  flank  by  artillery  and  assaulted  in  front  by  infantry. 

Stuart’s  guns  at  Hazel  Hill  were  mowing  the  plateau.  The  rebels 
were  attacking  Fairview  on  every  side.  Lee  had  partially  united  his 
severed  wings  and  was  directing  the  attack.  Geary,  almost  sur- 
rounded by  foes,  was  fighting  fiercely,  but  was  dislodged  from  the 
earthworks  at  the  summit  of  the  plateau  where  the  plank  road  de- 
scends on  the  south  side.  The  Confederates  soon  reached  the 
plateau  on  every  side. 

The  ammunition  of  the  Union  men  was  exhausted.  Sickles  sent 
to  Hooker  for  reinforcements  and  ammunition,  but  Hooker  had  been 


i6o 


RECOLLECTIONS  OE  A PRIVATE. 


stunned  by  the  concussion  of  a shell  which  knocked  away  a wooden 
pillar  of  Chancellor  House.  He  was  impotent  from  the  first.  He 
had  previously  declared,  in  response  to  a similar  call,  that  he 
could  not  make  men  nor  ammunition,  and  that,  too,  when  two  corps 
had  not  yet  been  called  into  action.  To  the  supreme  cry  for  aid 
there  came  no  answer.  The  army  was  without  a head. 

The  artillery  of  the  Confederates,  now  posted  on  the  heights, 
struck  the  ranks  of  Hancock,  who  was  holding  McLaw’s  division 
by  the  throat  in  his  front,  with  his  second  line  faced  to  meet  the 
attack  from  his  rear.  He  held  on  with  his  usual  dogged  and  heroic 
firmness.  The  plain  of  Chancellorsville  was  soon  covered  with  flying 
men,  batteries,  wagons,  and  the  disordered  fragments  of  the  fight. 
The  abatis,  filled  with  the  dead  and  wounded  of  both  armies,  was 
in  flames.  Chancellor  House  was  on  fire ; the  trembling  women 
concealed  in  its  cellar  barely  escaped  with  their  lives,  while  the 
Union  wounded  perished  in  the  flames. 

Pressed  on  three  sides,  the  Union  forces  were  falling  back. 
Sickles,  who  had  called  up  all  his  reserve,  appeared  wherever  danger 
threatened  his  lines.  Berry  was  wounded.  Mott  was  killed,  and 
Revere,  next  in  rank,  took  the  brigade  command.  All  was  disaster 
and  confusion,  and  he  ordered  a retreat.  Sickles  halted  them,  but 
too  late.  His  artillery  was  crushed  and  had  fallen  back,  and  the 
Confederates  rushed  in  from  every  direction.  The  field  was  lost 
and  the  Confederate  wings  were  now  fully  united. 

Hancock,  who  had  maintained  his  position  to  the  last,  retired.  It 
was  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning,  and  the  victorious  rebel  army  was 
fully  united  and  in  undisputed  possession  of  Chancellorsville.  The 
Union  army  retired  from  the  ensanguined  field  to  a new  line,  while 
dense  volumes  of  smoke  from  the  burning  woods  rolled  up  between 
the  contestants. 

The  centre  of  the  new  line  was  at  the  Bullock  clearing,  about  a 
mile  from  Chancellorsville,  with  its  left  wing  resting  on  the  Rappa- 
hannock and  its  right  on  the  Rapidan. 

While  the  Union  army  was  falling  back  to  their  new  position, 
Lee  straightened  out,  as  it  were,  his  disordered  and  entangled 
columns.  We  turn  again  to  Sedgwick  before  Fredericksburg.  He 
had  been  slow,  but  he  had  so  arranged  his  lines  as  to  keep  Early’s 
defensive  forces  stretched  out  in  attenuated  line,  not  knowing  where 
the  threatening  blow  would  fall. 


CH AX  CELL  ORS  VILLE. 


1 6 1 


At  eleven  o'clock  the  columns  for  attack  were  formed  by  the 
Seventh  Massachusetts  and  Thirty-sixth  New  York,  led  by  Colonel 
Johns  of  the  Seventh  Massachusetts,  while  Colonel  Spear,  with 
the  Sixty-third  Pennsylvania  and  Forty-third  New  York,  advanced 
on  Cemetery  Hill,  north  of  the  plank  road.  This  movement  was 
supported  by  four  regiments  deployed  south  of  the  road. 

The  storming  column  was  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the 
stone  wall  which  stretched  out  on  either  side  of  the  road.  As  it 
advanced,  its  lines  were  enfiladed  by  grape-shot  from  two  cannon  ; 
but  this  did  not  stop  them.  The  enemy,  under  their  old  de- 
fender, Barksdale,  held  the  hill,  reserving  their  fire  until  they  were 
within  a hundred  yards,  then  opened  with  a terrible  effect,  which 
drove  back  the  head  of  the  assaulting  column.  Again  it  rallied  and 
again  was  driven  back,  but  they  had  almost  scaled  the  intrench- 
ments.  The  regiments  formed  again  and  swept  up  the  hill  with 
resistless  valor.  Nothing  could  stop  them.  Johns  was  wounded 
and  Spear  killed.  Their  colors  went  down,  but  the  columns  went  on 
over  the  wall  into  the  enemy’s  works.  They  captured  the  heights, 
four  cannon,  and  several  hundred  prisoners. 

Colonel  Grant  had  meantime  captured  Lee’s  Hill  after  a sharp 
struggle.  In  twenty  minutes  these  heights,  deemed  impregnable 
since  Burnside’s  failure,  had  been  seized. 

The  time  until  three  o’clock  was  consumed  waiting  for  Brooks’s 
division  to  come  to  the  front  line.  When  the  Sixth  Corps  arrived 
in  the  vicinity  of  Salem  Church  they  found  Wilcox  with  a small 
force  using  this  building  and  a small  schoolhouse  six  yards  from  it 
on  the  edge  of  the  road,  to  hold  the  advancing  column  in  check. 

We  return  again  to  Hooker,  who  had  taken  up  his  new  line, 
partially  intrenched  with  strong  abatis  work,  and  all  its  approaches 
commanded  by  cannon.  He  hoped  Lee  would  attack  him  in  this 
strong  position.  Lee  was  about  to  gratify  this  desire  when  he  re- 
ceived, with  astonishment,  the  intelligence  of  Early’s  defeat  and 
Sedgwick’s  advance  on  the  turnpike.  In  a moment  he  formed  his 
resolution.  Relying  on  the  defeat  Hooker  had  received  to  keep 
him  passive,  and  leaving  only  three  of  Jackson’s  divisions  and  three 
brigades  of  Anderson  to  hold  Hooker’s  whole  army  in  check,  he 
turned  with  the  remainder  to  wipe  out  Sedgwick  from  the  slate  on 
which  he  was  solving  this  problem  of  war. 


I 6 2 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Sedgwick  opened  the  fight  by  planting  artillery  near  the  toll- 
house, and  soon  silenced  the  enemy,  who  were  short  of  ammunition. 
Two  brigades  captured  the  schoolhouse  and  its  defenders,  assaulted 
Wilcox’s  line,  and  routed  it.  Wilcox  led  his  one  remaining  regiment 
forward.  At  this  critical  moment  McLaw  arrived  and  occupied 
Salem  Church ; then  the  whole  Confederate  line  of  five  brigades 
advanced,  and  the  menacing  movement  of  Sedgwick  was  checked, 
for  Hooker  had  not  made  the  slightest  diversion  in  his  favor. 

The  news  of  the  capture  of  Marye’s  Heights  had  restored  con- 
fidence to  the  army.  Hooker’s  new  position  was  so  strong  that  he 
could  have  held  it  with  one  army  corps.  Communications  were  now 
open  by  way  of  Banks’s  Ford,  and  Hooker  could  have  ordered  the 
Sixth  Corps  to  join  him,  or  he  could,  by  a twelve  mile  march  in  the 
night,  have  joined  Sedgwick,  with  his  seventy-five  thousand  men,  at 
Salem  Church.  The  Federal  army  would  then  have  been  in  an 
advantageous  position.  The  heights  of  Fredericksburg  turned  and 
his  army  posted  in  an  open  country,  he  could  have  availed  him- 
self of  his  superior  numbers,  his  fresh  troops,  and  his  out-numbering 
heavy  guns. 

On  Monday  Lee  recaptured  the  heights  around  Fredericksburg 
and  Anderson  attacked  Sedgwick,  attempting  to  cut  off  his  retreat 
to  the  river.  Sedgwick  stubbornly  resisted,  but  yielded  ground  on 
the  left,  where  the  main  effort  of  the  enemy  was  directed.  Night 
intervened,  and  under  cover  of  partial  darkness  (the  moon  shone) 
and  the  heavy  fog,  Sedgwick  recrossed  at  Banks’s  Ford. 

Gathering  up  his  forces,  Lee  now  turned  to  attack  Hooker  in  his 
intrenched  lines.  Hooker’s  position,  now  that  Sedgwick  had  been 
forced  to  cross  the  river,  no  longer  had  any  great  advantages.  The 
rations  of  the  army  had  partially  given  out  ; ammunition  was  scarce; 
the  time  of  service  of  many  of  his  men  had  expired.  The  game 
was  lost ! 

During  the  night  of  Tuesday,  in  a heavy  rain,  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  recrossed  the  river.  They  left  behind  their  dead 
and  wounded,  twenty  thousand  muskets,  fourteen  pieces  of  artillery, 
and  their  confidence  in  Hooker.  Their  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners  was  17, 197  men. 

Stoneman’s  cavalry  operations  during  the  campaign  served  no 
other  purpose  than  to  frighten  the  non-combatants  in  the  interior 


CHAN  CELL  ORS  VILLE.  1 6 3 

of  the  country,  as  he  did  not  get  fairly  to  work  until  the  campaign 
was  over. 

Thus  ended  the  campaign  which  Hooker  opened  as  with  a 
thunderbolt  from  the  hand  of  Mars,  and  ended  as  impotently  as  an 
infant  who  has  not  learned  to  grasp  its  rattle. 

The  wonder  of  the  private  soldiers  was  great.  How  could  they 
have  been  beaten  with  so  little  fighting?  How  had  one  half  of  the 
army  been  defeated  while  the  other  half  had  not  fought  ? “ Uncle 

Joe,”  said  one,  “has  bit  off  more  than  he  could  chew,  and  in  attempt- 
ing to  swallow  it  has  got  choked.” 

Their  muttered  curses  were  prolonged  and  deep  as  they  plodded 
back  in  the  mud  to  their  old  camps.  “ How  is  it  we  have  been  so 
licked?”  said  one.  “What  was  the  matter  with  Pap  Hooker?”  said 
a second.  “ He  hopped  out  of  the  wilderness  like  a parched  pea.” 

“I  know,”  said  one  of  the  jokers;  “when  Uncle  Joe  got  to 
Chancellorsville  it  was  such  a success  that  the  recoil  kicked  him 
over,  and  he  waited  until  Bob  Lee  came  along  and  kicked  him  back!” 
“Oh,  pshaw!  that  ain’t  it,”  said  another.  “When  Uncle  Joe  got  to 
Chancellorsville  it  was  such  a big  thing  it  made  him  feel  like  a dozen 
men,  and  he  stopped  to  ‘ treat  ’ the  whole  dozen." 

This  opinion  tallies  somewhat  with  a saying  reputed  to  President 
Lincoln.  He  is  said  to  have  advised  Hooker,  when  he  sent  him 
West,  “not  to  go  by  the  way  of  Bourbon  County.” 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  cause  of  Hooker’s  mental  condition, 
it  was  certain  that  he  missed  all  the  brilliant  opportunities  presented 
by  his  first  great  move  in  an  incomprehensible  failure  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  them. 

One  of  the  features  of  the  fight  which  seemed  to  strike  the  boys 
with  peculiar  horror  was  the  burning  of  the  wounded.  One  of  the 
wounded  narrated  to  me,  some  months  afterwards,  how  he  watched 
the  flames  and  counted  the  moments  when  it  would  strike  him, 
when  the  progress  of  the  flames  were  arrested  by  a little  stagnant 
pool  of  water. 

A comrade  in  the  hospital  afterwards  related  the  following:  “I 
was  among  the  wounded  just  outside  the  abatis  when  it  got  afire. 
This  leg  you  see  was  as  limp  as  a dish'  rag,  but  I couldn’t  see  the 
poor  devils  burn  up  in  that  way  ; so  using  my  musket  for  a crutch,  I 
began  to  pull  away  the  burning  brushwood,  and  got  some  of  them 


164 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL V ATE. 


out.  I tell  you  it  was  hot ! Them  pines  was  full  of  pitch  and  rosin, 
and  made  a fire  as  hot  as  a furnace ! I was  working  away,  pulling: 
out  Johnnies  and  Yanks,  when  one  of  the  wounded 
Johnnies,  pale  as  a ghost,  toddled  up  and  began  to  " 
help.  He  allowed  he  wa’n’t  goin’  to  have  a d — d ^ 

\ ank  beat  him  at  anything.  The  underbrush  , [ 

crackled  and  roared,  and  the  poor  devils  howled  0 
and  shrieked  when  the  fire  got  at  them  ; and  _ ^ 


Unionists  and  Rebels  trying  to  save  the  Wounded. 


by  and  by  another  reb  (I  guess  he 
was  a straggler)  came  up  and  began 
to  help  too,  and  we  fought  the  fire 
all  together.  We  were  trying  to  rescue  a young 
fellow  in  gray,  — the  fire  was  all  around  him. 
The  last  I saw  of  that  fellow  was  his  face.  It 
was  a handsome  face.  His  eyes  were  big  and  blue,  and  his  hair 


CHAN  CELL  ORS  VLLLE. 


165 

like  raw  silk  surrounded  by  a wreath  of  fire,  and  then  I heard  him 
scream,  ‘O  mother!  O God!’  It  left  me  trembling  all  over  like 
a leaf.  After  it  was  over  my  hands  were  blistered  and  burned  so 
I could  not  open  or  shut  them,  but  me  and  them  rebs  tried  to  shake 
hands.  Them  two  fellers  wer’n’t  so  bad  ; one  of  them  helped  me 
down  to  the  crossing  the  next  night  and  got  a darky  to  set  me 
across  the  river.” 

“ What  ? ” “ Well,  yes  ! I expect  that  leg’s  a goner,  but  what’s 

a leg  if  we’d  only  whipped  them  ! ” 

Another  comrade  told  me  an  incident  of  the  rebel  habit  of 
stripping  the  dead  of  their  clothing.  “We  left  one  of  our  men  out 
there  for  dead.  I thought  I saw  a shell  come  along  and  take  his 
head  off,  but  he  was  only  stunned,  and  by  and  by  he  came  running 
into  our  lines  with  nothing  on  but  his  shirt  and  hat,  and  I don’t 
see  how  the  Johnnies  missed  them.” 

“The  funniest  thing  I saw,”  said  another,  “was  one  of  those 
aides.  The  concussion  of  a shell  tore  all  his  clothes  off  of  him,  but 
didn't  seem  to  have  hurt  him  any.  He  was  running  around  almost 
stark  naked  trying  to  find  his  pocket-book  ! ” 

The  Eleventh  Corps  was  the  butt  of  many  jokes.  One  of  Hooker’s 
aides,  after  the  battle,  could  not  speak  above  a whisper,  he  had  shouted 
so  loud  and  long  in  trying  to  stop  the  stampede.  Some  one  asked 
him  the  next  day  what  the  matter  was  ; he  responded,  “That  d — d 
Eleventh  Corps  ran  away  with  my  voice  ! ” 

The  sober,  mature  opinion  of  the  army,  however,  was  that  some 
one  besides  the  Eleventh  Corps  was  to  blame  for  the  disaster  which 
overtook  it. 

When  the  men  reached  their  old  camps  at  Falmouth  they  were 
tired  and  low-spirited. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


THE  ARMY  MULE. 

I BELIEVE  it  was  General  Hooker  who  first  used  the  mule  as  a 
pack-animal  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  As  the  mule  was  an 
important  factor  in  army  life,  it  does  not  seem  out  of  place  here  to 
depict  some  of  the  characteristics  of  this  animal,  and  the  part  he 
took  in  its  affairs.  Animals,  like  men,  are  moulded  or  modified  by 
their  surroundings,  and  hence  the  mule  who  adapted  himself  to 
army  circumstances  became  unique. 

The  army  mule  was  dun-colored  and  sad.  His  countenance  was 
extremely  solemn,  and  in  length  rivalled  his  ears.  The  sentimental 
in  his  nature  was  wafted  from  the  ends  of  his  ears,  while  his  humor 
worked  out  at  his  heels.  His  voice  was  of  unusual  compass  and 
pitched  mostly  in  the  minor  key,  harmonizing  with  nature  in  a 
remarkable  degree.  It  had  in  it  the  rush  of  waters,  the  sighing  of 
winds,  the  filing  of  saws,  the  grating  of  slate  pencils,  and  as  a whole 
resembled  a clap  of  thunder  drawn  through  a coarse  sieve. 

When  a mule  brays  he  throws  up  his  tail,  and  not  infrequently 
his  heels,  in  a sort  of  ecstasy.  The  darky  drivers  solemnly  declared 
that  a sure  preventive  of  the  second  was  to  tie  a weight  to  the  first; 
that  if  a mule  couldn’t  throw  up  his  tail  ’twas  impossible  for  him  to 
lift  his  voice.  The  difficulty  of  applying  this  knowledge  to  practical 
use,  was  that  the  veteran  army  mule  allowed  no  trifling  with  his 
personality,  and  while  his  tail  was  being  weighted  his  heels  were  dis- 
astrously busy.  Woe  to  any  unthinking  midnight  marauder  who 
approached  his  provender  with  evil  intent ! At  such  a crisis  his  voice 
was  ominous  of  danger,  and  the  victim,  overtaken  by  the  cyclone  of 
his  heels,  got  an  astronomical  perspective  not  outlined  in  the  books. 
He  saw  stars,  if  he  retained  sufficient  consciousness  to  do  so,  which 
if  he  did  would  be  by  no  good  will  of  the  mule. 

The  step  of  the  veteran  army  mule  was  deliberate  and  indicative 
1 66 


Mulk-Dkivuh.  l?aJge  100. 


THE  ARMY  MULE. 


167 


of  both  decision  and  patience,  though  these  qualities  were  never 
exercised  on  trifling  occasions,  and  showed  themselves  to  the  best 
advantage  by  his  coming  to  a dead  halt  when  everything  else  evinced 
a disposition  to  move ; at  such  times  he  seemed  to  have  a monopoly 


The  Army  Mule. 


of  all  the  patience  in  the  army.  A veteran  mule  disdained  so  trifling 
an  incident  as  musket  firing.  I’ve  seen  him,  while  nibbling  at  his 
neighbor’s  tail,  whisk  his  ears  in  modest  disapprobation  of  musketry, 
but  never  lift  his  voice  or  heels  to  emphasize  his  dislike  at  so  trifling 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


1 68 

an  interruption  as  the  buzz  of  a bullet.  Shell  and  shot,  if  they 
struck  the  vehicle  to  which  he  was  attached,  sometimes  called  out 
from  him  tones  of  disapproval,  resembling  a steam  whistle  with  the 
hiccoughs. 

His  manner,  like  that  of  all  personages  of  decision,  was  usually 
quiet  and  patient.  When  provender  was  scarce  he  ate  rubber 
blankets,  rail  fences,  pontoon  boats,  shrubbery,  or  cow-hide  boots, 
with  a resignation  worthy  of  praise.  His  firmness  was  a quality 
much  derided,  but  of  inestimable  value  in  the  miry  clay  of  Virginia, 
where  firmness  was  much  needed  and  not  usually  found. 

His  merits  have  been  but  little  understood.  The  army  could 
never  have  floundered  through  its  oceans  of  mud  but  for  his  indomi- 
table firmness  to  back  it.  Not  least  among  its  martyrs  and  heroes 
was  this  unpretentious,  plodding,  never-flinching  quadruped. 

One  of  our  colored  drivers  had  in  his  team  a mule  of  unusual  size, 
— fat,  sleek,  and  of  inky  blackness,  of  whom  he  was  accustomed  to 
say,  “ dat  ar  mewl  knows  mos’  as  much  as  folkses  ! ” At  one  time 
when  the  driver  was  separated  from  his  team,  the  black  mule  was 
unhappy  and  refused  to  be  comforted.  He  did  not  eat  with  his 
accustomed  appetite,  and  kicked  viciously  at  all  who  approached  from 
front  or  rear.  The  mule  at  last  became  so  unmanageable  that  Jim 
was  sent  for.  Upon  his  arrival  his  muleship  became  quiet,  and 
allowed  himself  to  be  harnessed  and  driven,  with  a humility  quite 
touching  to  those  who  had  seen  him  in  his  refractory  mood.  After 
this  who  says  an  army  mule  is  incapable  of  friendship  ? 

One  of  our  teamsters  used  to  remark  that  one  of  his  mules 
wouldn’t  go  unless  he  did  use  the  whip,  another  stopped  “ right 
plumb  ” when  struck  with  one,  while  still  another  wouldn’t  pull  a 
pound  unless  yelled  at  in  a peculiar  manner.  I asked  him  if  he  knew 
the  reason  of  this,  and  his  answer  was,  “ It’s  de  way  dey’s  been 
druv,  sah  ! ” Profanity  was  considered  indispensable  in  mule  driving. 

At  different  times  when  I attempted  the  difficult  study  of  its 
peculiarities,  the  philosophical  calmness  necessary  to  such  a task 
was  broken  by  various  demonstrations  from  this  incomprehensible 
hybrid. 

A grim  humor,  at  times,  seemed  to  be  his  predominant  trait,  and 
the  suddenness  of  its  exhibition  was  very  disturbing  to  reflective 
moods.  Near  approach  brought  out  a great  many  qualities  of  which 
I had  previously  but  little  conception. 


THE  ARMY  MULE. 


169 


The  mind  of  the  army  mule  seemed  to  pervade  not  only  its  brain, 
but  its  ears,  tail,  and  heels.  He  was  subject  to  sudden  transitions  from 

joy  to  sorrow,  which  were  punc- 
tuated in  his  own  way.  Sometimes 
this  was  done  with  a full  stop,  and 
at  others  with  a prolonged  note 
of  exclamation,  while  his  commas 
were  put  in  with  deliberation  and 
dignity  at  every  step.  He  had  an 
accent  peculiarly  his  own. 

I don’t  know  who  it  was  that 
during  the  war  invented  the  pack- 
mule  system.  The  pack-mule,  when 
loaded  with  a cracker  box  on  each 
side  and  a medley  of  camp  kettles 
and  intrenching  tools  on  top,  was, 
to  express  it  mildly,  grotesque.  At 
times,  when  in  an  over-loaded,  top- 
heavy  condition,  I have  known  him 
to  run  this  side  load  into  a -tree, 
and  in  this  manner  capsize  with 
his  load,  and  it  was  comical  to  see 
him  lying  on  his  back  with  a 
cracker  box  on  each  side,  and  his 
heels  dangling  dejectedly  in  the 
air,  a picture  of  patience  and  dig- 
nity overthrown  ; and  in  this  atti- 


Army  Mules  on  Duty. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


I 70 

tude  looking  like  a huge  grasshopper.  Pack-mules  were  used  for 
working  squads  in  the  winter  of  1864,  on  the  lines  before  Petersburg. 

One  night,  a mule  heavily  laden  and  bristling  with  shovels,  picks, 
and  axes,  broke  loose  from  his  company,  and  with  a terrible  clatter 
and  clamor,  went  charging  into  the  enemy’s  lines,  undaunted  and 
alone.  The  enemy,  believing  they  were  being  charged  by  cavalry, 
were  in  considerable  consternation,  and  hastily  formed  to  resist. 
They  fired  in  volleys  and  at  will,  when  the  mule,  not  fancying  his 
reception,  wheeled,  threw  up  his  heels,  brayed,  and  amid  shouts  and 
laughter,  came  prancing  back  to  his  allegiance,  unhurt.  The  boys 
declared  that  a braver  charge  than  that  of  “ thet  er  muel  ” was 
seldom  made. 

The  value  of  the  mule  in  the  army  was  very  great,  on  account  of 
his  being  less  liable  to  injury  than  the  horse.  A fracas  which  would 
kill  a horse  would  leave  a mule  unscathed.  Sometimes  two  or  more 
teams  coming  from  opposite  directions  became  entangled  in  such  a 
manner  that  it  seemed  impossible  to  tell  to  which  team  the  harness 
and  mules  belonged.  In  these  intricate,  trap-like  entanglements 
the  mule  seemed  to  have  the  instincts  of  self-preservation  to  such  a 
degree  as  to  extricate  himself  from  them  unhurt.  I have  known 
a team  to  be  overturned  down  a steep  hillside,  and  wagon  and  mules 
to  roll  over  each  other  in  a confusion  of  harness,  wagon,  and  mules, 
and  yet  the  beasts  escaped  uninjured. 

Said  a veteran  soldier,  “ It  didn’t  seem  to  hurt  them  any  more 
than  it  would  a lot  of  kittens  rolling  over  each  other  in  play.”  The 
mule  was  more  hardy  and  could  adapt  himself  to  circumstances 
better  than  the  horse. 

An  old  Virginian  once  said  to  me,  “ Before  the  war  I never  saw 
a dead  mule.  I sometimes  thought  them  kind  of  brute  beasts  lived 
forever ! ” Dead  mules  were  plenty  in  the  army.  They  would  live 
on  meagre  fare  with  a humility  and  patience  almost  pathetic.  Under 
adverse  circumstances,  to  his  usual  severe  simplicity  and  melancholy 
reserve,  was  added  an  air  of  defiance. 

He  was  hard  to  kill,  yet  there  were,  sometimes,  circumstances 
under  which  even  this  resolute  creature  died.  When  Burnside  was 
in  Knoxville,  it  was  at  one  time  impossible  to  get  enough  provender 
for  the  mules.  The  hardy  hybrids,  thus  deprived,  made  a resolute 
struggle  for  life,  and  gnawed  at  the  poles  of  the  wagons,  and  the 


THE  ARMY  MULE. 


171 

wagons  themselves.  To  prevent  their  destruction  the  poles  were 
wound  with  hoop  iron,  and  trees  and  brush  were  dragged  in  front  of 
the  wagons,  for  the  mules  to  feed  upon.  The  line  of  march  from 
Camp  Nelson  to  Knoxville  was  strown  with  dead  mules,  and  a 
veteran  soldier  declares  that  in  the  darkest  night  he  could  thereby 
smell  out  his  way  over  that  route. 

The  hardihood  of  the  mule  is  illustrated  by  a saying  of  one  of 
the  drivers,  “ There  is  one  of  three  things  you  must  do  at  the  end 
of  a journey  with  your  mules,  let  them  roll  over  seven  times,  wade 
in  a stream,  or  feed  them.” 

He  bore  hard  usage  and  the  scoffs  and  sneers  at  “thet  ar  meul  ” 
with  uncomplaining  heroism  and  was  found  dead  on  all  the  battle- 
fields of  the  war.  He  was  of  inestimable  value  to  the  army,  and  it  is 
doubtful  if  its  varied  operations  could  have  been  conducted  without 
him. 

Is  it  too  much  to  say  that  to  him,  above  some  other  claimants, 
should  be  given  the  credit  of  having  saved  the  Union  ? 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


BETWEEN  BATTLES. 


HE  ordinary  drill  was  resumed  at  once  upon  our  return  to  the 


1 camps.  Great  sanitary  precautions  were  taken  to  prevent 
disease  and  to  preserve  health.  The  terms  of  service  of  nine  months’ 
men  and  two  years’  men  were  constantly  expiring.  Five  thousand 
of  these  were  mustered  out  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  May 
and  ten  thousand  in  June.  In  this  manner  the  army  was  constantly 
diminishing.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia, 
under  General  Lee,  was  filled  up  by  recruits  and  conscripts,  while 
every  available  rebel  regiment  was  consolidated  with  that  one  army. 

The  sad  experiences  of  the  war  had  failed  to  induce  our  authorities 
to  abandon  a useless  and  wasteful  scattering  of  troops.  They  had 
not  learned,  with  all  our  reverses,  to  discontinue  or  reduce  the  useless 
number  of  posts  and  consolidate  their  men  into  one  army.  As  an 
illustration  of  this,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Gettysburg  campaign, 
when  men  were  so  much  needed,  a whole  army  corps  was  left  at  Port 
Royal,  one  division  at  Newbern,  two  at  Suffolk,  with  no  army  in 
their  front  except  one  of  mosquitoes.  There  were  six  thousand 
cavalry  at  Manassas  and  Milroy’s  division  in  the  Valley  receiving 
orders  from  Halleck,  Hooker  not  even  knowing  what  orders  they 
received,  or  but  vaguely.  Under  this  shiftless  system  of  “how  not 
to  do  it  ” our  superior  numbers  effected  but  little. 

Another  reason,  it  seems  to  me,  for  the  greater  efficiency  of  the 
Southern  army  was  that  they  were  nearly  all  veterans.  When  the 
Southern  army  had  made  a soldier  they  kept  him.  There  was  no 
“ expiration  of  term  of  service”  among  their  men. 

A hundred  veterans,  accustomed  to  hardship  and  battle,  are 
worth  more  than  a thousand  untried  or  partially  tried  men,  because 
it  is  known  almost  to  a certainty  what  can  be  done  with  them.  With 
raw  troops  this  can  never  be  foretold. 


172 


BETWEEN  BATTLES. 


I 73 


Good  officers,  as  a rule,  make  good  men.  Poor  officers  will  make 
the  best  of  men  inefficient  and  worthless.  An  officer  must  com- 
mand confidence  if  he  cannot  secure  love  and  enthusiasm.  The  men 
will  then  do  much  more  than  under  one  on  whose  wisdom  they  do 
not  rely.  When  soldiers  are  once  assured  that  an  officer  commanding 
them  will  exact  no  needless  or  vexatious  service  they  can  be  depended 
upon  for  an  unusual  effort  on  the  strength  of  this  confidence,  whether 
they  understand  its  purport  or  not.  If  he  proves  to  be  brave  and 
cool  in  battle,  his  men  forget  all  minor  faults,  which  they  would 
otherwise  deem  inexcusable  weaknesses. 

At  one  time  one  of  our  regiments  had  an  officer  assigned  to  it 
who  was  such  a martinet  about  military  minutiae  as  to  render  him 
very  unpopular ; he  was  dubbed  by  his  men  “Old  Fuss”!  During 
the  first  fight  into  which  he  went  with  the  regiment  he  preserved  all 
his  characteristics.  Unmindful  of  showers  of  bullets  he  aligned 
his  men  with  as  much  precision  as  if  on  dress  parade.  After  that 
fight  the  boys  of  the  regiment  loved  him  enough  “to  eat  him  up.” 
“I  tell  you,”  said  one  of  them,  “he’s  the  bulliest  old  fighting  cock 
you  ever  saw!  He  got  us  out  there  in  the  fight,  gave  orders  to 
‘ right  dress  ! ’ when  a thundering  old  nail  keg  of  a shell  ploughed 
the  dirt  up  and  burst  not  a foot  from  our  front.  One  of  our  men 
brought  his  head  around  with  a jerk.  That  old  bull-dog  yelled  out 
to  him,  ‘Eyes  right,  there!  you’re  always  gaping  at  some  little  thing!’ 
He’s  the  stuff,  he  is  ! He  didn’t  mind  the  bullets  mor’n  if  they  were 
huckleberries!  I’m  sorry  we  called  him  Old  Fuss!  You  bet  your 
bottom  dollar  he’s  fitin’  breed  ! ” 

Such  officers,  when  once  known  by  their  men,  can  do  anything 
with  them.  During  the  war  much  was  said  about  the  demoralization 
of  regiments.  The  demoralization  usually  began  among  officers  be- 
fore it  got  to  the  men. 

Men  who  fight  don't  like  to  salute  or  pay  respect  to  fine  dandy 
officers  who  remain  in  the  rear  during  a battle.  The  Third  Army 
Corps  (one  of  the  finest  in  the  field)  after  the  Chancellorsville  fight 
was  reported  by  the  Inspecting  General  as  demoralized  and  therefore 
received  no  furloughs.  This  report  was  in  consequence  of  the  con- 
tempt felt  by  many  of  them  for  those  they  termed  “well-dressed 
cowards,”  and  their  failure  to  salute  them  according  to  the  tactics. 

“It  makes  me  mad,”  said  one  of  the  bravest  of  these  veterans, 


i74 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


“to  have  them  dressed-up  gingerbread  soldiers  who  never  see  a battle 
come  riding  around  criticising  fellers  who’ve  just  come  out  of  a big 
fight ! Hang  me,  if  one  of  them  fools  didn’t  give  me  jaw  because 
my  musket  was  battered  with  bullets!  It’s  ’nuf  to  make  a hoss 
sick ! ” 

The  fighting  men  despised  those  showy  officers  who  were  full  of 
war  during  the  intervals  of  peace  and  parade,  but  absent  when 
actual  fighting  was  on  hand.  Officers  who  were  never  seen  during 
a fight  were  often  very  particular  and  fussy  with  their  men  after  one. 
If  their  cartridge-boxes  were  empty  they  were  censured,  while  to 
those  whose  cartridge-boxes  were  full  they  said,  “You  coward,  you 
didn’t  fire  a shot ! ” Such  officers  had  demoralized  regiments.  They 
inspired  only  contempt. 

The  active  infantry  force  of  our  army  was  reduced  in  June  to 
eighty  thousand  men  by  the  causes  before  mentioned.  As  summer 
advanced  our  camps  were  decorated  with  green  shrubs  and  young 
trees  for  the  purpose  of  shade,  and  presented  a real  gala-day 
appearance.  Drill,  baseball,  glee  clubs,  besides  the  inevitable  and 
never  forgotten  or  omitted  “bluff”  occupied  our  time.  Hancock 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Second  Corps,  and  was  very 
popular. 

The  campaign  of  1863  was  about  to  open.  We  constantly  carried 
three  days’  rations  in  our  haversacks;  were  subject  to  rigorous  in- 
spections and  drills,  and  were  in  consequence  not  unprepared  for 
marching  orders. 

The  adjutant  came  with  the  orders  about  one  o’clock,  June  15th, 
and  in  twenty  minutes  we  had  struck  our  tents,  packed  our  knap- 
sacks, and  were  on  the  march.  The  camps  we  left  were  blue  with 
rejected  overcoats  and  strewn  with  garments  left  behind.  Men, 
women,  children,  negroes  of  the  region,  and  whites  began  to  gather 
them  as  if  in  a harvest  field,  when  we  left. 

It  was  intensely  hot.  We  marched  to  a point  near  Acquia  Creek 
and  halted ; on  the  16th  to  Wolf’s  Run  Shoals,  and  next  day  to 
Sanger’s  Station.  Arrived  at  Gainesville  June  21st  ; marched 
through  Thoroughfare  Gap  to  Gum  Springs,  and  camped  here 
until  June  23d. 

The  weather  was  suffocating,  and  in -the  temporary  rests  given 
us  on  the  march  we  sometimes  fixed  bayonets,  thrust  them  into 


BETWEEN  BATTLES. 


1 75 


the  ground  and  hung  upon  the  muskets  our  ponchos  and  blankets  to 
shield  us  from  the  terrible  heat. 

Gum  Spring,  from  which  the  place  takes  its  name,  was  an  ever- 
flowing  spring  of  pure,  cool  water.  An  ancient,  weather-beaten 
gum  tree  stood  like  a sentinel,  with  its  dead  branches  extended 
protectingly  over  it.  One  of  the  citizens,  an  old  man  and  very 
garrulous  (about  the  Revolution  and  subjects  which  were  safe  to 
talk  about  from  the  distance  of  half  a century),  told  me  that  the  name 
was  given  by  Gen- 
eral Braddock,  who 
bivouacked  his  army 
here  while  on  the 
march  to  Fort  Du- 
quesne.  When  I 
mentioned  the  pres- 
ent war,  he  looked 
far  away,  as  if  he  had 
never  heard  of  it  and 
was  living  in  another 
century. 

We  crossed  Ed- 
wards Ferry  June 
26th,  and  the  next 
day  marched  through 
Poolesville,  Mary- 
land, and  halted  at 
Barnesville. 

Not  one  general 
in  fifty  knows  how  to 

. Cooking  under  Difficulties. 

march  troops  prop- 
erly, so  as  to  make  them  cover  long  distances  in  a short  time  without 
needless  fatigue.  Officers,  unencumbered  with  baggage,  with  good 
horses  and  well-filled  flasks,  thoughtlessly  marched  men  to  death. 
The  reason  of  this  was  not  so  much  in  the  distance  covered  in  a day 
as  in  marching  without  frequent  halts.  A general  who  understands 
how  to  move  troops  properly,  halts  them  often,  and  by  this  method- 
makes  long  distances,  and  yet  brings  his  men  in  comparatively  fresh. 

I have  several  times,  in  this  narrative,  spoken  of  little  Day.  He 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


176 

was  not  a handsome  boy,  but  as  brave  a patriot  as  ever  fired  a 
gun.  His  face  was  bronzed  by  long  campaigning,  but  he  was  hollow- 
cheeked, and  his  eyes,  dark  and  expressive,  seemed  the  largest  part 
of  his  face.  Joe  said  there  didn’t  seem  to  be  much  to  him  but  his 
pluck,  yet  he  had  never  reported  sick,  and  was  in  every  fight  with  his 
regiment.  He  had  been  slightly  wounded  twice  in  battle,  but  had 
told  me  that  he  was  hoping  to  come  out  of  the  service  rugged  and 
strong  and  afterward  to  complete  his  education.  “ Then,”  said  he,  “ I 
shall  be  proud  of  having  fought  through  this  war.”  The  marching, 
since  leaving  camp,  had  been  very  hard,  and  our  brigade  had  been 
marched  in  such  a manner  as  needlessly  to  exhaust  the  men.  One 
night,  after  one  of  our  long  marches,  Joe  came  to  me  and  said  : 
“ Little  Day  is  kind  of  petered  out ! I guess  you’d  better  come  and 
see  him ! ” 

I roused  myself  from  a sleep  and  went.  Little  Day  clasped  my 
hand  and  said,  “ I knew  you  would  come  ! ” 

“What’s  the  matter?”  I inquired. 

“ I’m  all  marched  out  ! ” was  the  reply. 

“ Don’t  lose  your  courage,”  said  I,  “and  you’ll  come  up  all  right ! ” 

“ I never  have  lost  my  courage,  but  there  is  no  more  march  in 
me ! ” 

He  was  completely  exhausted,  and  there  was  no  more  endurance 
in  him.  There  is  little  you  can  do  for  a sick  man  on  the  march 
except  to  give  him  sympathy,  so  I stayed  by  him  during  the  night. 
When  I awoke  it  was  broad  daylight.  Little  Day  lay  with  his  eyes 
wide  open,  looking  wistfully  as  if  he  would  make  a request.  “ What 
is  it  ? Is  there  anything  I can  do  for  you  ? ” I inquired. 

“Yes,  turn  me  over  so  I can  see  the  sun  rise!”  he  faintly 
whispered. 

When  I returned  from  roll  call,  rough,  stalwart  Joe,  with  tears  on 
his  cheek,  touched  my  arm  and  softly  said,  “ Little  Day  is  dead  ! ” 

He  had  fallen  asleep  to  wake,  I trust,  to  a more  glorious  sunrise 
than  this.  The  verdict  of  the  boys,  as  they  crossed  his  thin  hands 
over  his  breast  and  closed  his  mournful  eyes  in  their  last  sleep  was  : 
“ Marched  to  death  ! ” 

Long  marches  without  judicious  intervals  of  rest  are  a potent 
cause  of  so-called  straggling.  Thus  poor  officers,  not  inclination, 
often  made  stragglers  of  brave,  true  men. 


BETWEEN  BATTLES. 


177 


On  the  28th  we  marched  through  Liberty  to  Uniontown,  and  were 
once  more  among  God’s  people,  as  the  boys  not  irreverently  termed 
the  Marylanders,  — schoolhouses,  neatly  dressed  children  and  women, 
children  who  smiled,  and  courteous  men  who  intelligently  answered 
our  questions  ; — they  knew  how  many  miles  it  was  to  any  point, 
and  answered_you  when  asked.  We  halted  under  shady  trees  grow- 
ing by  the  roadside  ; broad,  cultivated  fields  stretched 
out  on  every  hand,  and  flowers  grew  around  the  houses. 

The  Marylanders  were  almost  as  much  disgusted  with 
rebels  as  any  0 
“ Greenbacks  ” 
to  Confederate 
money. 

There  was 
a certain  hospi- 
tality and  open- 
handed  liberal- 
ity among  these 
Maryland  ers 
which  present- 
ed a pleasing 
contrast  to  the 
Pennsylvania 
Dutch  farmers 
whom  we  sub- 
sequently met. 

We  found  the 
grist-mills 

grinding  grain  on  Sunday,  as  all  their  flour  had  been  baked  to  make 
bread  for  the  Union  soldiers. 

“Well!”  said  Joe,  “aint  I glad  to  get  out  of  the  wilderness?” 
as  he  threw  himself  down  before  our  stacked  arms  at  Uniontown  ; 
“ but  they  make  everything  awful  hot  down  here,  water  and  weather.” 
“Yes  ! ” said  Wad  Rider,  remembering  Antietam,  “and  the  fighting, 
too  ! ” 

We  heard  vague  rumors  of  the  doings  of  the  rebels  ahead  ; of 
requisitions  they  made  upon  towns  ; and  when  we  got  into  Penn- 
sylvania the  people  told  us,  with  absolute  horror  depicted  in  their 


at  that  time,  and  much  preferred 


t 


i ?8 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


faces,  of  hearing  that  the  rebels  were  buying  everything  they  fancied 
and  paying  in  Confederate  money. 

“ One  of  my  neighbors  over  there,”  said  a Marylander  to  me, 
“was  ,as  big  a rebel  as  I ever  saw.  He  preached  it  and  sung  it 
until  the  rebel  cavalry  came  along  here  and  bought  out  his  horned 
cattle,  horses,  potatoes,  and  general  truck,  and  paid  him  in  Con- 
federate money  ; then  he  sung  a new  tune.  He’s  been  cursing  them 
ever  since.  He  sits  up  nights  to  swear  about  them.  Nothing  like 
that  to  bring  a man  round  right  good,  stranger ! ” And  the  Mary- 
lander haw-hawed  ! 

As  we  marched  over  the  borders  of  Pennsylvania  the  region  grew 
more  and  more  fertile.  Nature  seemed  to  smile  on  every  side.  The 
only  mean  product  of  this  fruitful  country  was  the  Dutch  farmers  — 
selfish,  greedy,  and  unpatriotic. 

One  of  them  on  the  border,  near  Taneytown,  was  whining  and 
saying  fierce  things  about  Yankees  because  one  of  our  men  had  taken 
a few  ears  of  his  corn.  “What  would  your  corn  be  worth,”  said  I, 
“if  Union  soldiers  did  not  protect  your  State  from  the  rebels?” 
With  a stolid  look,  and  with  as  little  patriotic  glow  in  his  face  as 
one  of  his  pumpkins,  he  replied  : “ If  der  rebs  pays  for  vat  dey  has 
in  goot  moneys  I have  dem  here  as  soon  as  Yankees  ! ” 

“Well,  I guess,”  said  an  officer  who  overheard  the  conversation, 
“ we’d  better  leave,  and  let  such  fellows  as  this  do  their  own  fighting ! ” 

“ I pays  mine  taxes  and  you  fights  for  mine  land  ! ” said  one  of 
them,  as  if  he  had  settled  the  national  debt. 

“Why  don’t  you  shoulder  your  gun  and  come  and  help  fight?” 
said  one  of  my  comrades  to  him.  “ I tells  you  some  tings,”  was  his 
reply ; “ I gets  hit  and  gets  killed,  who  takes  care  of  der  childers  and 
mine  vife  ? ” This  language  expressed  that  prudence  which  many 
a man  felt  during  the  rebellion,  but  lacked  the  patriotic  glow  of  the 
men  of  New  England,  of  New  York,  and  the  West.  The  grasping 
selfishness  evinced  by  these  men  to  the  defenders  of  their  soil,  at  a 
time  the  rebels  were  overrunning  it,  I have  not  yet  forgotten. 

Many  of  them  were  “ Copperheads  ” of  the  worst  stripe,  and  Wad 
Rider  said  they  believed  “Stonewall  Jackson”  to  be  the  veritable 
“ Sheneral  Shackson  ” for  whom  they  had  been  regularly  voting 
during  the  last  half-century. 

As  we  marched  from  Taneytown  over  the  broad,  well-kept  roads 


BETWEEN  BATTLES. 


179 


towards  Uniontown  and  Gettysburg,  July  1st,  we  could  hear  in 
the  distance  the  sound  of  artillery,  which  showed  that  our  advance 
had  encountered  the  enemy.  Squads  of  prisoners  now  and  then 
passed  us,  and  the  usual  exchange  of  compliments,  “ How  are  you, 
Johnny  Reb  ? ” “How  are  you,  Blue  Bellies?”  were  received  and 
given.  Citizens  in  farm  wagons  and  hay  carts,  piled  with  furni- 
ture, bedclothes,  and  children,  accompanied  by  horses,  cattle,  and 
hogs,  not  alone  on  four  feet  either,  passed  us  en  route  to  the  rear. 
A few  of  them,  mostly  women,  manifested  some  patriotism,  and 
said:  “Drive  out  the  rebels;  we  don’t  care  if  you  do  destroy  our 
houses ! ” 

An  officer  belonging  to  a Pennsylvania  regiment  said:  “These 
Dutch  farmers  care  for  nothing  but  their  hogs  and  cabbages.”  Even 
after  the  fight  they  took  money  for  bandages  used  for  the  wounded, 
charged  a dollar  for  a loaf  of  bread,  or  a quart  of  milk,  even  set  a 
price  on  water,  and  asked  exorbitant  prices  for  carrying  wounded 
men  to  the  railroad  depot  in  their  hay  carts. 

Then  came  news  from  the  front  that  a battle  was  being  fought  at 
a place  a few  miles  distant  called  Gettysburg.  The  incidents  of  hard 
marching  were  forgotten  as  every  man  recognized  that  at  last  there 
was  to  be  a death  struggle  for  our  homes  and  land. 

The  transfer  of  the  command  of  the  army  from  Hooker  to 
Meade  (then  almost  unknown)  was  not  a popular  one  to  most  of  the 
army.  We  believed  it  unwise  to  swap  horses  while  crossing  a river. 
This  dissatisfaction  was  immediately  counteracted,  by  a general 
circulation  of  the  report  that  McClellan  was  about  to  take  com- 
mand. This  bogus  news  was  publicly  proclaimed,  and  at  that  potent 
name  men  worn  out  with  marching  rallied,  cheered,  and  joined  again 
in  the  march.  General  orders  were  read  from  the  head  of  some  of 
the  brigades,  particularly  those  of  the  Fifth  Corps,  to  the  effect  that 
McClellan  had  been  reinstated  in  command  of  the  army,  and  was 
already  upon  the  field.  No  one  that  has  written  a description  of  the 
battle  of  Gettysburg  has  as  yet  mentioned  the  fact  that  McClellan’s 
name,  and  not  Meade’s,  was  freely  used  to  inspire  the  soldiers. 

Thus  McClellan’s  reputation  and  name  helped  to  win  that  victory, 
though  without  this  the  soldiers  would  have  done  their  best.  The 
feeling  was  intense  that  we  must  win  this  battle  or  our  country  was 
ruined.  Said  Joe,  who  had  been  promoted  to  be  corporal  and  felt 


i8o 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


his  stripes,  “ We’ve  got  ter  lick  them  blasted  rebs,  boys  ; I say  it  as 
an  officer,  this  time  or  never.  If  they  git  us  whar  the  hair  is  short 
this  nip,  it  is  all  up  with  us.  They’ll  be  cutting  up  like  mad  down  in 
Boston,  and  call  the  roll  of  their  niggers  at  Bunker  Hill  and  Beverly.” 
(This  last  was  Joe’s  native  town.)  It  very  well  expressed  the  feeling 
most  of  us  had,  but  we  roared  at  Joe’s  speech  just  the  same. 

The  Pennsylvania  regiments  in  our  brigade  were  full  of  fight. 
“ Mad  all  through  ! ” as  Wad  Rider  said.  They  talked  of  the  rebels 
devastating  their  State,  and  Joe  said  sympathetically,  “It’s  tew 
darned  bad  ! ” 

“No  worse,”  said  Hartshorn,  who  liked  to  set  Joe  going,  “than 
for  us  to  devastate  Virginia.  I don’t  feel  very  bad  about  the  rebs 
skinning  these  Dutchmen  ! ” 

“ It’s  dog  eat  hog  ! ” chimed  in  Wad. 

“There  isn’t  the  leastest  resemblance,”  said  Joe  wrathfully ; 
“them  all-fired  cusses  in  Virginny  ain’t  got  anything  ter  devastate. 
I wouldn’t  give  my  dad’s  shoat  for  every  hog  in  the  State.  It’s  a 
darned  pooty  country  where  all  the  farming  land  is  growed  up  with 
brushwood  ! ” 

“Now  just  look  at  this  country!”  said  Joe,  spreading  out  both 
hands  oratorically. 

It  was  truly  a beautiful  and  fruitful  one ; a delight  to  the  eye,  — 
broad,  cultivated  fields,  overflowing  granaries,  fat  cattle,  neat  houses  ; 
such  a contrast  to  that  country  which  Joe  declared,  with  a show  of 
justice,  was  not  worth  devastating!  In  Maryland  the  people  gave 
food  ; here  in  Pennsylvania  the  greed  and  avidity  with  which  the 
people  took  pay  for  everything  was  a contrast. 

Near  Gettysburg  we  met  a Dutchman  running  away  who  had  his 
pockets  and  hat  full  of  Confederate  money.  “ Vil  der  United  States 
takes  dis  and  gives  me  goot  moneys?”  asked  the  Dutchman.  We 
assured  him  it  would  not  bring  its  weight  in  cord  wood. 

“ Der  rebs  dey  takes  mine  horse  and  cow  and  potatoes  and  says 
we  pays  you  well,  and  gifs  me  dis.  If  der  govment  at  Vashington 
don’t  gives  me  goot  moneys  for  dis,  mine  Gott,  I’m  ruined!”  blub- 
bered the  Dutchman. 

“ Buy  Copperhead  votes  with  it,”  said  Wad  suggestively,  as  we 
marched  by  him. 

We  bivouacked  during  the  first  part  of  the  night  on  the  Taney- 


BETWEEN  BATTLES. 


1S1 


town  road,  and  then,  the  night  being  moonlight,  we  were  marched  to 
Cemetery  Ridge,  where  we  arrived  at  about  seven  o’clock,  on  the 
morning  of  July  2d,  and  looked  down  upon  the  smiling  valley.  Herds 
of  cattle  were  grazing,  flocks  of  tame  pigeons  hovering  about  their 
cotes,  hens  clucking  with  their  chickens  around  the  comfortable  farm- 
houses, and  all  had  an  air  of  serene  peace  as  we  were  drawn  up  in 
line  and  came  to  an  “ Order  arms  ! ” with  the  quiet  town  of  Gettys- 
burg at  our  feet.  The  prelude  to  the  grand  battle  had  been  fought  V 
the  day  before. 

Leaving  individual  experiences,  let  us  return  to  the  Rappahannock 
and  trace  some  of  the  principal  features  of  grand  manoeuvre  which 
precede  every  fight,  and  which  are  often  as  interesting  and  important 
as  the  battle  itself. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


WASHINGTON  TACTICS. 


HE  success  of  the  Confederate  army  in  defeating  Burnside  and 


1 Hooker  had  determined  the  political  leaders  at  Richmond  to 
adopt  a more  aggressive  policy.  By  carrying  the  war  into  the  North, 
one  victory  like  Chancellorsville,  they  believed,  would  enable  them  to 
finish  it  by  dictating  terms  of  peace  on  Northern  soil.  There  was 
much  in  the  situation  to  justify  this  belief.  A large  party  in  the 
North  was  obstructing  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  Increased  taxa- 
tion, the  suspension  of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  the  mistakes  of 
the  administration  at  Washington,  had  created  discontent  in  the 
large  cities.  A faction  of  Copperheads  were  anxious  to  make  com- 
mon cause  with  those  who  were  fighting  the  Union  armies,  when 
they  could  safely  do  so. 

An  invasion  of  the  free  States  would  relieve  the  South  from  a 
grievous  burden ; and,  if  successful,  transfer  the  support  of  the 
invading  army  to  its  enemies. 

A victory  gained  on  Northern  soil  would  be  more  decisive  in  its 
results  than  any  hitherto  fought.  The  capture  of  Baltimore  or 
Philadelphia  would  almost  cut  in  twain  the  Northern  States,  isolate 
the  capital  and  lead  to  its  abandonment  by  the  government.  Recog- 
nition by  England  or  France  or  both,  would  possibly  follow. 

The  Confederate  army,  with  an  almost  unbroken  record  of 
victories,  was  anxious  to  be  let  loose  on  Northern  soil.  Its  undevas- 
tated territory  would  support  and  compensate  them  for  toils  and 
hardships  hitherto  unrequited. 

The  bold  offensive  in  war  is  often  the  best  defensive  policy.  It 
was  by  not  allowing  themselves  to  be  reduced  to  a simple  defensive 
attitude,  that  Frederick  the  Great  and  Napoleon  I.  had  both  made 
head  against  overwhelming  combinations.  Hence  as  a measure  of 
defence  the  invasion  was  dictated  by  sound  military  precedents. 


i 


WASHINGTON  TACTICS. 


IS3 

The  Commissary  General  at  Richmond,  at  this  time,  it  is  said, 
answered  Lee’s  requisition  for  rations  by  endorsing  upon  it,  “If  the 
general  wants  provisions  let  him  go  and  look  for  them  in  Penn- 
sylvania.” And  thus  was  echoed  the  universal  demand  of  the  South, 
that  the  theatre  of  war  should  be  transferred  to  the  soil  of  the  free 
States. 

In  answer  to  this,  and  to  strike  a decisive  blow  against  the 
seemingly  tottering  fabric  of  the  Union,  Lee  set  his  army  in  motion. 
His  first  manoeuvre  was  with  the  purpose  of  disengaging  Hooker 
from  the  Rappahannock.  The  corps  of  A.  P.  Hill  was  left  to  occupy 
that  line,  while  on  June  3d,  4th,  and  5th  the  largest  portion  of  his 
force  was  concentrated  at  Culpeper. 

Hooker,  observing  that  some  movement  was  taking  place,  sent 
forward  a cavalry  force  to  attack  Stuart,  who,  he  was  aware,  had  been 
for  some  time  concentrating  his  force  at  Culpeper.  The  engage- 
ment which  followed  revealed  the  presence  of  Lee’s  infantry,  while 
captured  correspondence  disclosed  his  design  of  invasion. 

Hooker  on  the  nth  threw  forward  his  right  to  Rappahannock 
Station  and  Beverly  Ford  to  meet  this  menace.  It  was  expected 
that  Lee’s  line  of  march  would  follow  the  course  previously  adopted 
against  Pope.  Instead  of  this  Lee  had,  by  a rapid  march  of  seventy 
miles  in  three  days,  thrown  his  left  into  the  valley  of  the  Shenan- 
doah ; Hill  was  at  Fredericksburg,  Longstreet  at  Culpeper,  Ewell 
rapidly  advancing  toward  Winchester. 

Lee’s  army  was  thus  divided  into  three  parts,  separated  from  each 
other  by  a distance  of  thirty-five  miles  on  one  side  and  sixty-six  on 
the  other,  and  stretched  out  over  a hundred  miles.  In  this  daring 
situation  Hooker  planned  to  interpose  a large  force  between  Hill’s 
corps  and  Longstreet,  and  overwhelm  the  former  before  Longstreet 
could  come  to  his  support.  This  bold  and  eminently  proper  move 
would  naturally  result  in  destroying  Hill,  or,  if  not  successful  in 
that,  in  recalling  Lee  from  his  designs  of  invasion. 

Before  this  movement  was  developed,  Hooker  asked  authority  for 
the  execution  of  such  a plan  and  was  denied.  President  Lincoln 
voiced  the  objections  of  Halleck  in  this  quaint  and  striking  allegory  : 
“ I would  not  take  the  risk  of  being  entangled  upon  the  river  like  an 
ox  impaled  upon  a fence  and  liable  to  be  torn  by  dogs  in  front  and 
rear  without  a fair  chance  to  gore  one  way  or  kick  the  other ! ” 


184 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Thus  Hooker’s  hands  were  tied  by  Halleck’s  interference,  at  the 
very  inception  of  the  campaign,  and  the  surest  way  of  recalling  Lee 
from  his  design  of  invasion  rejected.  Instead  of  treading  upon  the 
tail  of  the  Confederate  serpent,  stretched  out  a hundred  miles  along 
the  Potomac,  to  make  him  turn  his  head  in  defence,  Halleck  pro- 
posed that  the  Union  army  follow  in  its  wake,  and  at  the  same  time 
cover  Washington. 

No  one  could  guess  the  direction  Lee  might  take,  and  the  impos- 
sibility of  doing  both  will  be  seen  by  any  military  novice.  Hooker 
had  thus  no  alternative  but  to  modify  his  action.  He  wisely  asked, 
however,  that  all  the  troops  available  for  the  defence  of  the  free 
States  be  placed  under  his  command.  This  was  denied,  and  the 
country  in  the  midst  of  her  peril  witnessed  the  spectacle  of  wise 
measures  defeated  by  those  who  should  have  been  their  chief 
supporters. 

The  forces  under  Milroy  at  Winchester,  and  Tyler  at  Harper’s 
Ferry,  occupied  posts  of  no  strategic  value.  The  enemy  could  pass 
around  these  into  Maryland,  as  had  already  been  demonstrated. 
Halleck  refused  to  be  taught  by  the  disaster  of  Miles,  or  the  defeat 
of  Fremont.  When,  on  the  13th,  the  unlucky  Milroy  found  himself 
threatened  by  a Confederate  force,  he  naturally  concluded  it  was 
simply  a raiding  expedition  of  the  enemy.  How  should  he  imagine 
it  possible  that  he  was  confronted  by  a portion  of  Lee’s  army,  out- 
numbering him  three  to  one,  without  Halleck  having  been  informed 
and  notifying  him?  Yet  Milroy  has  been  blamed  on  the  one  hand 
for  the  feeble  defence  he  made,  and  on  the  other  for  not  retreating 
before  he  did. 

It  was  not  until  he  was  actually  engaged  that  he  learned,  by  pris- 
oners captured,  that  he  was  confronted  by  a corps  of  Lee’s  army. 
On  the  night  of  the  14th  he  retreated,  and  succeeded  by  accident  in 
saving  a portion  of  his  command.  His  loss  by  this  mismanagement 
(to  be  credited  to  Halleck  rather  than  Milroy)  was  not  far  from  four 
thousand  men  out  of  nearly  seven  thousand,  with  twenty-three  pieces 
of  artillery. 

Hooker  was  left  no  choice  but  to  manoeuvre  so  as  to  cover 
Harper’s  Ferry  and  Washington.  He  had  to  guess  at  Lee’s  move- 
ments and  wait  for  them  to  be  developed,  meanwhile  managing 
so  as  not  to  be  taken  in  the  rear  or  allow  himself  to  be  drawn  too  far 


WASHING  TON  TA  CTICS.  1 8 5 

from  Washington,  where  Lee  could  concentrate  his  entire  force  to 
attack  him. 

Hill  and  Longstreet  moved  forward  and  relieved  Ewell  in  the 
Valley,  who,  preceded  by  Jenkins’s  cavalry  one  week  previous,  on 
the  24th,  passed  into  Maryland.  Jenkins  had  already  penetrated  as 
far  as  Chambersburg,  throwing  the  country  into  a turmoil  of  excite- 
ment and  consternation.  The  roads  leading  to  the  Susquehanna 
were  crowded  with  vehicles,  people  and  cattle,  fleeing  before  this 
prelude  to  invasion. 

On  the  24th  and  25th  Longstreet  and  Hill  crossed  the  borders 
into  Maryland.  Hooker  speedily  followed,  and  on  the  27th  his  army 
was  admirably  concentrated  at  the  foot  of  South  Mountain,  in  much 
the  same  position  it  occupied  before  the  battle  of  Antietam.  Lee 
was  meanwhile  in  ignorance  of  Hooker’s  movements.  Pleasanton 
had  succeeded  in  masking  the  movements  of  the  Federal  army  by 
driving  Stuart  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge. 

It  is  thought  that  the  chagrin  produced  by  this  repulse  led  Stuart, 
directly  afterwards,  to  make  a circuit  of  the  Union  army  by  passing 
between  it  and  Washington,  from  which  raid  he  did  not  arrive  in 
season  to  be  of  service  to  Lee  at  Gettysburg.  Lee  was  thus  deprived 
of  the  eyes  of  his  army  at  the  most  critical  period  of  the  campaign. 
It  proved  one  of  the  weights  which  finally  turned  the  scales  of  victory 
against  Lee  in  the  battle  which  followed. 

Hooker  was  admirably  posted  to  march  to  the  defence  of  Wash- 
ington, or  strike  a blow  at  Lee’s  communications,  and  was  anxious  to 
gather  the  forces  needful  for  the  movement. 

Heintzelman  and  Schenck  had  ostensibly  been  put  under  his 
orders.  One  was  in  command  of  the  defences  of  Washington,  now 
covered  by  the  Union  army,  the  other  of  the  forces  at  Harper’s  Ferry. 
When,  however,  he  attempted  to  use  two  thousand  of  the  former 
command  to  hold  the  passes  of  South  Mountain,  Heintzelman  refused 
to  obey,  as  the  service  was  outside  of  his  department.  Hooker  had 
ordered  the  temporary  abandonment  of  Harper’s  Ferry  that  he  might 
add  its  twelve  thousand  men  to  a column  under  Slocum,  for  operating 
on  the  rear  of  the  enemy.  He  hoped  thus  to  compel  Lee  to  return 
from  the  invasion,  or  to  capture  his  ammunition  trains  and  bridges. 

He  was  met  by  Halleck  at  once  with  the  objection  that  Harper’s 
Ferry  had  always  been  regarded  as  an  important  point,  and  much 


iS6 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


expense  and  labor  incurred  in  fortifying  it.  Thus  Hooker’s  power 
over  the  troops  placed  under  his  command  proved  a delusive  myth 
rather  than  a reality. 

In  vain  Hooker  urged  that  Harper’s  Ferry  did  not  defend  any- 
thing, and  that  the  earthworks  remained  after  the  troops  were  with- 
drawn ; that  the  public  property  could  be  secured  and  the  troops 
marched  to  points  where  they  could  be  of  service.  Like  Nero, 
fiddling  when  Rome  was  burning,  Halleck  quibbled  and  obstructed 
while  the  destinies  of  his  country  were  imperilled  by  his  inaction. 

These  objections  may  have  been  made  to  compel  Hooker's  resig- 
nation, or  they  may  have  been  the  result  of  stupidity.  They  were, 
in  any  case,  ill-timed.  Hooker  saw  that  Halleck’s  enmity  was  peril- 
ling the  national  interests,  and  patriotically  resigned  rather  than 
prove  an  obstacle  to  its  success. 

Hooker  has  been  blamed  for  resigning  at  this  critical  period,  but 
obstructed  in  his  action  on  every  side  by  Halleck’s  interference,  he 
preferred  to  sacrifice  his  own  military  career  rather  than  the  interests 
of  his  country. 

Halleck,  on  the  other  hand,  seemed  determined  that  the  army 
should  fail  rather  than  succeed  with  Hooker  in  command.  It  is  shown 
that  Halleck’s  objections  were  made  for  the  purpose  of  obstruction,  as 
he  allowed  Meade  to  do  the  very  things  to  which  he  objected  with 
Hooker.  Hooker  resigned  because  he  recognized,  with  Napoleon, 
that  one  poor  general  was  better  than  two  good  ones.  Let  it  always 
be  remembered  of  Hooker  that  he  sacrificed  his  own  career  in  the 
interests  of  his  country,  and  that  he  was  unwilling  the  personal  ani- 
mosities, of  which  he  was  the  victim,  should  again  compromise  the 
army.  It  was  the  bravest  act  of  his  life. 

Though  Hooker’s  judgment  was  apt  to  become  clouded  and 
muddled  during  the  turmoil  and  confusion  of  action,  he  had  shown 
the  highest  conception  of  what  was  proper  to  be  done  in  all  the 
preliminary  movements  which  he  proposed  or  acted  on,  preceding  the 
battle  of  Gettysburg.  Though  he  is  not  to  be  judged  by  what  he 
did  or  did  not  do,  tied  down  and  hampered  as  he  was  by  the  malice 
and  the  meddling  of  Halleck,  yet  he  had  shown  great  qualities  as  a 
commander. 

Meade  was  appointed  to  the  command  and  all  the  power  withheld 
from  Hooker  quickly  placed  in  his  hands.  The  wisdom  of  Hooker’s 


WASHINGTON  TACTICS. 


187 


design  in  operating  on  Lee’s  communications  is  shown,  in  that  it  was 
this  very  menace  which  led  Lee  to  turn  back  to  Gettysburg  from 
his  forward  march.  Hooker’s  manner  of  handling  his  troops  from 
the  beginning  of  the  campaign  was  deserving  of  the  highest  praise. 

Meade,  who  was  appointed  to  succeed  him,  was  an  officer  who 
had  so  far  filled  every  position  he  had  held  with  steadfast  bravery 
and  cool  ability.  If  he  had  not  the  dash  of  Hooker,  he  was  eminently 
safe  and  cautious.  He  rejected  the  project  of  operating  on  Lee’s  rear, 
retained  Butterfield  as  his  chief  of  staff,  and  concentrated  his  forces 
in  such  a manner  as  to  enable  him  to  fall  back  on  the  line  of  Pipe 
Creek,  and  fight  a defensive  battle  upon  ground  of  his  own  choosing. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


GETTYSBURG,  JULY  I. 


HE  Union  army  was  moving  forward  to  occupy  Emmetsburg, 


1 Hanover,  and  Gettysburg,  with  no  other  purpose  than  to  mask 
the  concentration  of  troops  proposed  by  Meade  along  the  left  bank 
of  Pipe  Creek.  Buford’s  cavalry,  on  our  left  flank,  was  thrown  out 
as  a feeler  over  the  route  by  which  it  was  supposed  the  Confederates 
were  advancing. 

Meanwhile  the  threat  on  Lee’s  rear  had,  on  the  morning  of  the 
29th,  caused  him  to  recall  his  columns  from  Harrisburg. 

Gettysburg  was  Lee’s  natural  point  of  concentration.  It  was  the 
first  point  eastward  that  enabled  him  to  control  direct  lines  of  retreat 
south,  and  was  the  centre  of  all  the  roads  traversing  that  part  of  the 
country.  The  roads  radiate  from  this  point  much  like  spokes  from 
the  hub  of  a wheel. 

Lee  did  not  know,  meanwhile,  that  Meade  was  moving  to  inter- 
cept the  road  from  Chambersburg  to  York.  Thus  we  find  the  two 
armies  approaching  each  other  by  chance,  like  men  groping  in  the 
darkness.  It  was  a gigantic  game  of  blind  man’s  buff.  Buford, 
however,  by  information  gathered  from  prisoners,  and  other  indi- 
cations, quickly  saw  that  the  enemy  were  about  to  concentrate  at 
Gettysburg.  He  said  to  General  Devin,  in  command  of  one  of  his 
brigades,  “The  enemy  will  attack  us  in  the  morning,  and  we  shall 
have  to  fight  like  devils  to  maintain  ourselves  until  the  arrival  of 
the  infantry.”  Thus  anticipating,  he  ambushed  his  cavalry  on 
Willoughby  Creek,  which  runs  south,  about  a mile  west  of  the  town. 

Here  he  awaited  their  approach.  About  nine  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  preceded  by  a close  line  of  skirmishers,  the  Confederate 
columns  descended  the  slopes  of  Willoughby  Run.  A fierce  en- 
counter at  once  took  place  along  the  banks  of  this  stream.  Buford, 
meanwhile,  anxiously  considered  whether  he  would  be  able  to  hold 


188 


GETTYSBURG. 


189 


the  outnumbering  enemy  in  check  until  the  arrival  of  the  infantry. 
At  last  the  signal  officer  on  the  belfry  of  the  Lutheran  Seminary, 
between  him  and  the  town,  signalled  the  approach  of  the  First  Corps. 
He  hastened  to  the  belfry  to  corroborate,  with  his  own  eyes,  this  joyful 
intelligence.  Fie  had  no  sooner  reached  the  belfry  than  he  heard  the 
voice  of  Reynolds 
calling  to  him  be- 
low. That  officer 
had  ardently  hur- 
ried forward  in 
advance  of  his 
corps. 

Buford  went 
down  the  stairs 
from  the  Seminary 
on  the  run,  ex- 
claiming, as  he 
approached  his 
superior,  “The 
devil’s  to  pay,  but 
we  can  hold  on  till 
the  First  Corps 
gets  up  ! ” It  was 
about  ten  o’clock 
in  the  morning. 

Reynolds  ex- 
changed a few 
words  with  Buford, 
went  to  the  belfry, 
at  a glance  under- 
stood the  situation, 
and  sent  messages  to  hurry  up  his  command,  and  to  hasten  Howard, 
who  was  at  Emmetsburg  with  the  Eleventh  Corps.  Through  a shower 
of  bullets  the  two  officers  then  rode  forward  to  encourage  the  men 
and  direct  the  fight.  At  a little  past  ten  two  brigades  of  Reynolds’s 
corps  arrived.  They  were  Cutler’s  brigade,  and  the  “ Iron  Brigade  ” 
under  Meredith. 

The  Confederate  soldiers,  who  had  not  anticipated  encountering 


Reynolds  and  Buford  in  the  Belfry  of  the  Lutheran  Seminary. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


190 


anything  more  than  militia  at  this  point,  recognized  the  distinguishing 
black  hats  of  the  Iron  brigade,  and  were  heard  to  exclaim,  “There 
are  them  d — d black-hatted  fellers  again!  Tain’t  no  militia;  it’s  the 


Army  of  the  Potomac.” 

The  two  brigades  went  into  action  on  the  right  and  left  of  the 
Chambersburg  road.  While  they  were  deploying  into  position  they 
were  savagely  attacked.  The  Fifty-sixth  Pennsylvania  Regiment 

delivered  the  first  infantry  fire  at  this 
battle  of  invasion,  on  the  soil  of  the  free 
States,  July  1st. 

A small  triangular  piece  of  woods, 
its  base  resting  upon  Willoughby  Run, 


Buford's  Cavalry  at  Willoughby  Run. 


lay  along  the  western  slope  of  Seminary  Ridge.  This  was  known 
as  McPherson’s  woods.  If  the  enemy  could  possess  it  they  would 
gain  a foothold  in  the  centre  of  the  Union  lines.  If,  on  the  contrary, 
it  was  held  by  the  Federals,  it  stood  like  a projecting  bastion  from 
which  a flanking  fire  might  be  delivered  upon  all  forces  approaching 
the  lines  extending  from  it,  north  and  south.  While  the  men  were 
going  in  at  this  point  General  Doubleday  urged  them  to  hold  the 
woods  at  all  hazards.  Full  of  patriotic  fervor,  as  they  filed  by  him. 


Death  op  General  Reynolds.  Page  191. 


GETTYSBURG. 


191 

they  proudly  answered,  “If  we  cant  hold  it,  where  will  you  find  men 
who  can  ? ” 

General  Archer,  of  the  Confederates,  had  crossed  the  stream 
south  of  the  Chambersburg  road,  while  a brigade,  under  Davis,  was 
advancing  on  the  north  side.  Archer  was  rushing  his  men  into  the 
woods  described,  in  order  to  reach,  under  its  cover,  the  slopes  of 
Seminary  Ridge,  between  him  and  the  town.  On  the  Cashtown 
road,  Reynolds  in  person  was  leading  his  men  to  a point  in  this  wood 
where  the  Confederate  skirmishers  lay  hid  in  the  brushwood.  While 
thus  encouraging  and  directing  them,  turning  occasionally  to  see  if 
reinforcements  were  in  sight,  not  sixty  paces  from  these  ambushed 
Confederates,  he  was  struck  by  a bullet,  which  passed  through  the 
back  of  his  head  and  came  out  at  the  eye.  He  fell  without  a word, 
dead,  in  this  first  encounter  with  the  enemy,  on  the  soil  of  his  native 
State.  He  was  forty-three  years  of  age,  and  was  regarded  by  his 
associates  as  the  most  remarkable  man  of  the  army,  and  one  destined, 
had  he  lived,  to  the  greatest  measure  of  fame.  His  quick  eye  and 
cool  military  judgment  had,  no  doubt,  comprehended  the  advantage 
of  Cemetery  Ridge  as  a defensive  position  from  which  to  arrest  the 
invasion. 

One  of  Reynolds’s  aides  has  asserted  that  in  his  instructions  to 
Howard  he  had  designated  Cemetery  Hill  as  the  point  to  be  occupied 
by  him.  This  is  plausible  and  probable,  as,  no  doubt,  he  designated 
some  point  to  which  Howard  should  bring  his  troops,  and  that  officer, 
like  a good  soldier,  would  naturally  obey  instructions. 

Howard  saw  its  defensive  advantages,  but  it  was  Hancock  who 
selected  the  position  finally  for  a battle-field,  for  he  was  the  only  one 
authorized  to  so  act. 

Meredith’s  brigade  had  driven  the  enemy  from  McPherson’s 
woods  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  captured  Archer  and  most  of 
his  brigade.  At  the  same  time  the  right  of  our  line  had  experienced 
a check.  It  was  outflanked,  and  fell  back  to  a ridge  which  connects 
Oak  Hill  with  Seminary  Ridge.1 

1 Even  General  Doubleday,  who  was  not  present  on  this  wing,  represents  it  as  falling 
back  to  the  village,  by  order  of  General  Wadsworth.  This  statement  is  disproved  by  Gen- 
eral Cutler’s  report,  which  General  Doubleday  does  not  seem  to  have  read,  and  by  members 
of  the  different  regiments  with  whom  the  writer  has  corresponded.  A comrade  of  the 
Seventy-sixth  New  York  says,  “ Being  there  personally,  of  course  I know  there  was  no  falling 
back  except  a few  rods  to  the  ridge,  first  to  the  woods  and  then  back  of  them.  We  changed 
front  four  times  that  day.” 


192 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


As  but  scanty  justice  has  hitherto  been  done  to  these  brave  men, 
it  seems  proper  here  to  digress  and  to  chronicle  somewhat  more  in 
detail  their  part  in  the  action,  where  every  man  was  a hero.  The 
Ninety-fifth  New  York  and  the  Fourteenth  Brooklyn  having  been 
despatched  to  the  left  by  General  Reynolds,  the  right  wing  was  com- 
posed of  three  skeleton  regiments,  the  One  Hundred  and  Forty- 
seventh  and  the  Seventy-sixth  New  York,  and  the  Fifty-sixth  Penn- 
sylvania, whose  entire  force  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight  aggregated 
only  957  men. 

This  small  force,  formed  in  a single  line,  soon  found  itself  engaged 
with  vastly  superior  numbers,  advancing  at  short  range,  in  double 
line  in  front  and  on  its  right  flank. 

In  thirty  minutes  the  One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  New  York 
Regiment  lost  207  out  of  380  of  its  men.  While  under  this  fierce 
and  murderous  fire,  the  Seventy-sixth  New  York,  in  the  same  time, 
lost  eighteen  officers  (two-thirds  of  their  entire  number,  nine  only 
being  left),  while  1 5 1 enlisted  men  had  fallen.  This  regiment  was 
commanded  by  a captain,  while  some  of  the  companies  were  com- 
manded by  privates.  The  color-bearer  of  the  regiment  fell,  but 
still  thinking  of  his  charge,  cried  out,  “I’m  done  for,  boys,  take 
care  of  the  flag  ! ” 

On  the  right  of  the  Seventy-sixth  was  the  brave  Sergeant 
Hubbard,  who  commanded  the  Provost  Guard  of  eighteen  men.  In 
the  same  time  his  eighteen  men  were  reduced  to  six,  who  fought 
until  the  battle  closed. 

The  loss  of  the  P'ifty-sixth  Pennsylvania  was  proportionally  about 
the  same.  Here  these  devoted  men  stood,  unwaveringly  closing  up 
their  bleeding  ranks,  and  fighting  as  only  veterans  can  fight,  until 
ordered  to  fall  back,  then  retreated  a few  rods  to  a wooded  ridge,  and 
then  back  of  the  woods. 

Even  then  the  One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh,  not  receiving 
the  order  on  account  of  the  fall  of  its  commander,  remained  almost 
surrounded  by  the  enemy. 

Here  the  Sixth  Wisconsin  rushed  from  the  Seminary  to  the  front, 
overtook  the  Fourteenth  Brooklyn  and  the  Ninety-fifth  New  York, 
and  with  a battery  drove  the  enemy  into  the  railroad  cut,  captured 
almost  all  of  Davis’s  rebel  brigade  with  their  colors,  and  rescued  the 
One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  New  York  from  the  terrible  fire 


GETTYSBURG. 


l93 


under  which  it  had  been  melting  away.1  The  color-bearer  of  the 
One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  had  fallen,  but  the  colors  were 
caught  up  by  Sergeant  Wyburn,  who  brought  them  from  the  front, 
and  exclaiming,  “We’ve  saved  the  flag!”  fell  with  them  to  the 
ground. 

It  is  noteworthy  to  say  that  these  regiments,  though  reduced  by 
the  loss  of  half  their  number,  moved  back  again  to  their  old  position. 
Here  they  discovered  the  enemy  putting  a battery  in  position  on  their 
right  flank,  and  moving  forward  a large  body  of  troops,  when  General 
Cutler,  leaving  the  Fourteenth  Brooklyn  and  the  Sixth  Wisconsin  to 
support  his  battery,  changed  front  to  the  right  with  these  regiments, 
and  fought  until  two  o'clock,  with  no  support  on  either  their  right 
or  left  flank. 

Immediately  after  this,  finding  a column  of  the  enemy  moving  on 
the  Second  Division,  the  brigade  pushed  through  the  woods,  came  in 
on  its  flank  and  opened  so  hot  a fire  that  a regiment  of  the  enemy 
surrendered.  Finding  the  enemy  too  close  to  its  left  flank,  the 
brigade  again  changed  front,  and  took  position  on  the  left  of  Robin- 
son’s brigade  (which  had  arrived  while  the  fight  was  progressing) 
where  it  remained  until  it  was  out  of  ammunition. 

Afterwards,  when  the  Eleventh  Corps  was  retreating  in  disorder 
and  rout  through  the  town,  these  regiments,  with  the  Fourteenth 
Brooklyn,  exposed  to  a fire  on  both  flanks,  assisted  in  repelling  a 
charge  of  the  enemy,  then  getting  the  order  to  retreat,  steadily  and 
without  excitement,  exposed  to  the  enemy’s  fire  on  both  flanks,  acted 
as  the  rear-guard.  Their  steady  conduct  brought  the  enemy  to 
a halt. 

“That  this,”  says  a comrade  present  in  the  fight,  “was  no  pleas- 
ure excursion  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  General  Cutler  had  a horse 
killed  on  the  railroad  embankment,  and  -another  wounded  while  pass- 
ing through  the  town.”  It  was  to  the  steadiness  of  these  men,  who 
had  fought  with  such  undaunted  bravery,  that  a panic  and  a rout  were 

1 The  large  number  of  killed  and  wounded  had  almost  destroyed  the  Seventy-sixth  and 
One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  New  York  and  the  Fifty-fourth  Pennsylvania,  and  many 
men  had  been  sent  to  take  the  wounded  back  to  the  village,  and  then  joined  the  line  in  the 
grove.  This  hegira  of  wounded  and  their  assistants  may  have  given  rise  to  the  rumor  that 
the  brigade  had  fallen  back.  In  the  afternoon,  when  out  of  ammunition  and  temporarily 
relieved,  they  fell  back  under  the  hill.  That  is  the  farthest  back  they  were  until  the  final 
retreat  at  night,  when  what  there  was  left  acted  as  a rear-guard. 


194 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


prevented  in  the  retreat.  There  is  no  brighter  instance  of  personal 
heroism,  or  the  bravery  of  private  soldiers  known,  than  is  found  in 
the  history  of  this  one  brigade  on  the  first  day  of  Gettysburg.  It 
might  well  be  the  foundation  of  an  epic,  and  a simple  statement  of 
its  heroism  reads  like  a prose  poem. 

General  Abner  Doubleday,  on  whom  the  command  of  the  First 
Corps  devolved  after  the  fall  of  Reynolds,  was  an  officer  of  great 
ability  and  firmness,  as  marked  by  his  management  of  that  corps 
that  day.  But  Howard  had,  meanwhile,  arrived  at  Gettysburg,  and 
from  the  Seminary  belfry  saw  the  First  Corps  struggling  with  the 
enemy.  Without  making  his  presence  known  to  Doubleday,  or  con- 
sulting him,  he  sent  a message  to  Meade,  saying  that  the  First  Corps 
had  fled  at  the  first  contact  with  the  enemy.  This  was  unworthy  of 
Howard.  It  would  have  been  more  becoming  to  one  in  his  position 
to  have  first  ascertained  the  facts.  It  was  a great  injustice  to  the 
four  weak  but  heroic  brigades  of  the  First  Corps,  confronting  six 
large  Confederate  brigades,  and  grandly  struggling  with  outnumbering 
foes. 

About  eleven  o’clock  the  rest  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  came  up. 
The  enemy  had  meanwhile  seized  all  the  commanding  heights  west, 
and  crowned  them  with  artillery.  The  Chambersburg  road  was  the 
centre  of  the  enemy’s  line.  Doubleday  desired  to  hold  this  road. 
The  enemy  were  advancing  on  both  sides  of  it.  Artillery  was  formed 
behind  a crest,  firing  over  it  into  the  advancing  lines.  Colonel  Roy 
Stone,  with  the  Pennsylvania  Bucktails,  went  into  the  fight  on  the 
left  of  this  pike.  Deeming  it  an  important  position  to  be  held,  they 
exclaimed,  “We’ve  come  to  stay!  ” General  Doubleday  expressively 
says,  “The  greater  portion  did  stay!”  They  never  left  the  ground 
alive.  At  eleven  o’clock  Schurtz  entered  Gettysburg  with  his  divis- 
ion. To  him  Howard  had  turned  over  the  command  of  the  Eleventh 
Corps. 

Other  forces  were,  meanwhile,  advancing  to  take  part  in  the  fight 
on  the  rebel  side.  The  divisions  of  Rhodes  and  Ewell  were  coming 
north  of  Gettysburg,  on  the  roads  from  Carlisle  and  York.  Rhodes, 
unperceived,  was  about  to  seize  Oak  Hill,  northwest  from  the  town,  a 
position  which  menaced  the  right  of  the  Union  line. 

Howard  stretched  out  the  Eleventh  Corps  north  of  Gettysburg, 
and  sent  word  to  Doubleday  to  hold  his  position,  as  the  Eleventh 


GETTYSBURG. 


r95 


Corps  could  repulse  all  attacks  of  the  enemy  on  the  right.  It  was 
easier  said  than  done.  A gap  of  a quarter  of  a mile  had  been  left 
between  the  Eleventh  and  First  Corps,  by  Howard’s  faulty  arrange- 
ment of  troops.  Doubleday  was  obliged  to  weaken  his  already  weak 
line  to  fill  this  gap. 

The  enemy,  advancing  north  of  the  town,  seized  Oak  Hill,  and  the 
first  intimation  Doubleday  had  of  the  fact  was  an  enfilading  artillery 
fire  on  his  lines  from  this  direction.  Schimmelfennig’s  skirmishers, 
moving  in  that  direction  to  take  position  here,  encountered  the  enemy 
in  possession.  Ewell's  whole  division  struck  the  Union  right. 

It  was  half-past  two  o'clock,  and  Howard  found  the  enemy  swarm- 
ing on  the  right.  He  did  not  venture  to  attack.  Schurtz  pushed  his 
force  out  where  it  was  taken  in  flank  by  Oak  Hill,  and  exposed  to 
attacks  on  the  right  from  the  Harrisburg  road. 

At  half-past  two  the  Confederates  attacked  all  of  Doubleday’s 
positions,  while  the  enemy  were  about  to  penetrate  between  him  and 
the  Eleventh  Corps.  To  meet  this  threat  Doubleday  sent  two 
brigades  to  prolong  his  line  on  Cutler’s  right.  The  Confederates 
hurled  a brigade  against  their  flank.  Behind  the  stone  wall  our  men 
skilfully  changed  front,  and  repulsed  the  enemy.  Meredith,  mean- 
while, with  Biddle  on  his  left,  tenaciously  held  McPherson’s  woods. 
The  Union  line  on  our  right  was  meanwhile  extended,  making  a 
wide  curve  north  and  west  of  the  town,  in  the  vain  attempt  to  cover 
and  hold  all  the  approaches  thereto. 

A long  line  is  a weak  one,  and  it  is  the  general  opinion  of  military 
critics  that  Howard’s  mistake  was  in  trying  to  hold  a line  so  thinly 
drawn  out,  instead  of  massing  a heavy  force  of  the  Eleventh  Corps 
on  the  right  of  the  line  already  engaged.  In  this  way  he  could  have 
commanded  the  plain  north  of  the  town. 

Oak  Hill  commanded  the  right  of  the  field,  and  when,  at  three 
o’clock,  the  general  advance  of  the  rebel  lines  took  place,  Rhodes 
broke  through  the  right  of  the  First,  and  left  of  the  Eleventh, 
Corps,  entered  the  breach  and  disrupted  the  entire  line. 

It  was  not  until  the  Eleventh  Corps  was  in  disorderly  flight,  and 
the  enemy  was  closing  upon  the  west,  north,  and  south,  that  the  order 
came  for  retreat.  This  order,  if  it  came  to  the  Eleventh  Corps  at 
that  time,  must  have  seemed  ironical.  Howard,  urged  by  Doubleday 
to  order  his  retreat,  or  to  send  him  reinforcements,  left  the  First 


196 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Corps  to  struggle  against  overwhelming  numbers.  The  unfortunate 
Eleventh  Corps  was  routed,  while  the  First  Corps  was  bravely  main- 
taining itself  in  the  position  it  had  so  tenaciously  defended. 

At  the  risk  of  sacrificing  Doubleday  and  the  magnificent  First 
Corps,  he  did  not  for  some  reason  issue  the  necessary  command. 
When  at  last  an  officer  was  sent  with  the  order,  he  lost  his  way  and 
did  not  reach  the  commander  of  the  First  Corps.  Fortunately, 
Doubleday  understood  his  peril,  recalled  Meredith  and  Stone  to 
Seminary  Ridge,  and  with  this  excellent  support,  gathered  up  his  force 
and  retired  amid  the  confused  masses  of  the  Eleventh  Corps,  in  com- 
paratively good  order,  but  leaving,  as  we  have  seen,  two-thirds  of  his 
numbers  in  dead  and  wounded  on  the  field. 

It  seems  to  the  writer  that  the  fighting  and  management  of  the 
First  Corps  was  beyond  praise. 

As  the  First  Corps  retreated  through  the  town,  it  encountered 
the  flying  fragments  of  the  Eleventh,  while  pale,  frightened  women 
came  out  from  their  houses  and  implored  them  not  to  desert  them. 
As  the  screaming  Confederates  came  in  by  the  roads  at  the  north 
and  west  of  the  town,  they  encountered  the  rear-guard  of  this  corps 
and  the  rabble  of  the  Eleventh,  and  according  to  Fee’s  report,  took 
five  thousand  prisoners  ! The  only  semblance  of  order  preserved 
was  by  the  First  Corps,  who  leisurely  marched  from  the  town  to 
Cemetery  Hill,  where  Howard  had  thoughtfully  left  a reserve  of 
Steinwehr’s  two  brigades.  This  officer  had  made  good  use  of  his 
time  and  men,  by  constructing  earthworks  behind  which  he  had 
posted  artillery  to  afford  a last  rallying  point  to  those  fighting  in 
front. 

It  was  not  far  from  four  o’clock  when  the  defeated  Federals  were 
climbing  Cemetery  Hill.  At  this  critical  moment,  General  Hancock 
arrived  on  the  ground.  He  had  been  sent  forward  by  Meade  to  take 
command  of  the  field.  His  clear  head,  zeal,  and  magnetic  presence, 
put  a new  soul  into  the  fragments  of  the  Federal  army.  He  soon 
restored  confidence,  and  made  such  a disposition  of  the  forces  at  his 
command  as  to  impress  the  enemy  with  the  belief  that  a large  force 
confronted  them  on  the  heights. 

Hancock  saw  at  once  the  advantages  of  the  ground.  He  pointed 
out  to  Doubleday  the  position  he  was  to  occupy  at  the  foot  of  the 
Enunetsburg  road  ; detached  Wadsworth  from  the  First  Corps  and 


) 


GETTYSBURG. 


197 


placed  him  on  Culp’s  Hill,  and  at  five  o’clock  order  had  succeeded 
chaos  in  the  Union  lines.  They  had,  however,  been  an  hour  in 
forming  under  the  eye  of  the  victorious  Confederates.  Why  was  it 
that  the  Confederates,  usually  so  prompt,  did  not  attack  while  the 
Federals,  just  repulsed,  were  in  confusion?  Various  reasons  have 
been  assigned.  One  of  them  is  that  the  Confederate  commander 
believed  a much  larger  force  was  confronting  him  on  the  hills  oppo- 
site than  there  really  was,  and  did  not  wish  to  attack  until  his  entire 
force  came  up. 

This  is  a popular  reason  and  one  flattering  to  the  Federals, 
but  the  author  believes  the  real  reason  to  be  behind  this.  When 
a cat  is  amused  with  a mouse  she  will  not  abandon  it  for  a 
string.  The  Confederate  cat  could  not  be  induced  to  leave  the 
mouse  she  had  just  seized.  In  other  words,  the  Confederate  soldiers 
were  amusing  themselves  with  the  town.  They  were  scattered 
through  the  village,  pillaging  its  houses,  buying  out  its  stores  and 
people  with  Confederate  money  at  their  own  price,  and  could  not  be 
induced  to  leave  this  amusement  in  sufficient  numbers  to  attend  to 
the  less  interesting  affairs  of  Cemetery  Ridge.  We  believe  this  is 
the  reason  why  the  Confederates  did  not  follow  up  their  advantage. 
It  was  not  every  day  the  cat  caught  such  a mouse  ! Sheridan  owed 
his  victory  in  part  to  the  same  cause,  when  our  army  was  over- 
whelmed in  the  morning,  and  defeated  the  enemy  in  the  afternoon. 
On  such  small  circumstances  in  war  often  rests  the  fate  of  empires 
and  the  reputation  of  great  soldiers. 

Amusing  scenes  were  occurring  in  Gettysburg.  General  Schim- 
melfennig  was  hidden  under  a wood-pile.  Some  of  the  Eleventh 
Corps  were  in  the  houses  under  feather-beds,  while  the  rebel  soldiers 
were  racing  through  them  from  cellar  to  attic.  The  women  remaining 
in  town  were  doing  their  best  to  propitiate  the  rebel  soldiers  with  the 
best  they  could  give  them  of  eatables  and  drinkables.  The  chivalrous 
Southerners  had  struck  a bonanza,  and  were  not  in  a hurry  to  leave  it. 
They  were  feasting  and  rejoicing  in  a land  of  milk  and  honey.  Here 
let  us  leave  them  while  we  return  to  Cemetery  Hill  where  the  bright 
moonlight  glistens  on  the  tombs  and  marble  monuments  of  the 
cemetery. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


GETTYSBURG,  JULY  2. 


HE  early  morning  hours  of  July  2cl  were  cloudy,  and  a heavy 


1 vapor  overhung  the  valley.  By  ten  o’clock  the  threatening- 
clouds  vanished  and  the  green  meadows  were  bathed  in  sunlight, 
with  here  and  there  the  shadow  of  transient  clouds  flitting  across  the 
sunlit  valley  and  hills.  Cattle  were  grazing  in  the  fields  below  ; the 
shrill  crowing  of  chanticleer  was  heard  from  neighboring  farmyards  ; 
tame  pigeons  cooed  on  the  hillside,  and  birds  sang  among  the  trees. 

The  crest,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see,  glittered  with  burnished 
arms.  On  our  right  was  the  cemetery  with  its  white  monuments, 
among  which  shone  the  burnished  brass  pieces  of  artillery  and  the 
glittering  bayonets  of  the  infantry.  Beyond  this  were  seen  the  spires 
of  the  town,  while  farther  to  the  left  and  rear  was  Culp’s  Hill. 
Running  across  our  front,  obliquely,  was  the  Emmetsburg  road, 
while  farther  beyond  was  Seminary  Ridge,  on  which  the  enemy  was 
posted.  On  our  left,  over  a mile  distant,  rose  the  sugar-loaf  summits 
of  the  Round  Tops. 

Our  men  were  in  their  usual  moods.  To  the  observant  eye  there 
was  perceptible  beneath  the  mask  of  rough  humor  and  careless  in- 
difference an  undercurrent  of  anxiety  and  gloomy  foreboding.  The 
look  of  earnestness  which  gathers  on  soldiers’  faces  before  a battle 
was,  perhaps,  now  deepened  by  the  thought  that  the  impending 
battle  was  to  be  fought  on  our  own  soil,  and  of  the  consequences  if 
we  met  defeat.  This  expression  was  no  more  obvious  among  the 
men  of  Pennsylvania  regiments  than  those  from  other  States.  At 
no  time  had  there  been  such  intense  feeling  shown  among  all  ranks 
as  then.  It  showed  itself  in  earnest  glances  and  tones  of  voice. 

The  general  feeling  was  well  expressed  by  a sergeant  of  a Penn- 
sylvania regiment,  who  said,  “ We’ve  got  to  fight  our  best  to-day  or 
have  these  rebs  for  our  masters  ! ” 


) 


GETTYSBURG. 


199 


Long  lines  of  skirmishers  were  stretched  out  on  our  centre  and 
left,  where  in  the  green  meadows  the  blue  and  gray  confronted  each 
other.  Here  and  there  along  the  line  little  puffs  of  smoke  curling 
up  and  drifting  away  in  thin  blue  vapor  told  that  the  skirmishers 
were  firing  upon  each  other.  Occasionally  a lightning-like  glimmer 
on  the  opposite  hills  showed  the  reflection  from  the  burnished  arms  of 
the  enemy,  who  were  moving  into  position.  With  a glass,  the  rebel 
soldiers,  clad  in  butternut  and  gray,  as  well  as  the  skirmish  line  in 
front,  could  be  distinctly  seen.  The  Confederate  soldier  wore  a 
slouch  hat,  short  jacket,  and  blanket  strapped  over  his  shoulder 
and  under  his  arm.  This  light  marching  order,  so  invariably  a 
characteristic  of  the  Confederate,  was  one  of  the  features  of  their 
army  which  made  them  so  fleet  of  foot.  Their  poverty  had  its 
compensations,  as  all  poverty  has.  As  individuals,  they  had  but 
little  to  lose  and  much  to  win. 

A sarcastic  Greek  of  olden  times  said  of  the  Helots  as  soldiers, 
“They  fight  well  because  they  had  rather  die  than  go  back  to  their 
black  bread  ! ” The  same  might  be  appropriately  said  of  the  rebel 
soldier  and  his  fare.  Devotion  to  a cause  and  desire  for  better  rations 
and  Yankee  plunder  furnished  a powerful  motive  to  make  them  fight. 
A victory  gave  them  Yankee  boots,  jack-knives,  overcoats,  and  “ Yan- 
kee fixin’s.” 

Occasionally  a shell  would  burst  after  hurrying  over  our  heads  from 
the  opposite  hills.  At  times  the  Confederate  skirmishers  would  rush 
upon  our  lines  with  a yell,  and  then  a shell  from  our  batteries,  in  a 
curved  line,  would  go  spluttering  and  hoarsely  whispering,  like  an 
absent-minded  man  talking  to  himself,  and  burst  in  a seeming  ex- 
clamation of  recognition  on  their  front.  In  rushing  thus  upon  our 
lines  it  was  doubtless  their  intention  to  develop  the  position  of  our 
artillery. 

Our  prospects  never  looked  darker  than  at  the  opening  of  this 
battle.  Even  the  government,  in  whose  defence  this  army  was  to 
pour  out  its  best  blood,  seemed  to  have  conspired  against  it. 

The  general  commanding  was  untried  in  his  position,  having  been 
appointed  only  three  days  previous.  He  had  not  been  long  enough 
in  command  to  gather  the  reins  of  control  into  his  hands,  and  could 
not,  therefore,  exercise  that  quickness  of  perception  and  readiness  of 
decision  so  essential  to  success  on  the  battle-field.  On  the  other 


200 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


side,  Lee  had  held  command  for  thirteen  eventful  months,  and,  with 
victory  upon  victory,  had  won  the  supreme  confidence  and  the  enthu- 
siastic devotion  of  his  soldiers.  He  intimately  knew  the  temper  and 
composition  of  his  battalions,  and  this  knowledge  and  mutual  con- 
fidence was  in  itself  worth  forty  thousand  men  to  him. 

The  Union  army  on  these  hills  was  the  only  barrier  between  them 
and  the  large  cities  of  the  North.  This  battle  was  to  decide  not  only 
the  future  character  of  the  war,  but  of  the  nation  ; whether  the  wave 
of  invasion  was  to  break  upon  this  rocky  barrier  and  recede  across 
the  border,  or  sweep  unchecked  over  the  fertile  fields  and  rich  cities 
of  the  North ; whether  wre  were  to  have  an  undivided  country, 
vital  with  liberty  in  all  its  parts,  or  one  broken  into  puny  groups 
of  States,  warlike  and  despotic,  fighting  against  each  other. 

The  common  soldier  recognized  dimly  that  this  was  the  pivotal 
battle  of  the  war,  and  hence  every  man’s  hand  was  nerved  to  do  his 
best.  The  wonder  is  that  with  ninety  thousand  available  men,  inac- 
tive and  useless,  at  different  posts,  one-half  or  two-thirds  had  not 
been  summoned  to  this  army  to  make  the  overthrow  of  the  invaders 
certain  instead  of  doubtful. 

From  the  first  this  battle  was  an  illustration  of  the  superior 
directing  power  which  men  call  Providence  or  Fate.  The  armies 
had  met  without  design  on  the  part  of  either  of  their  commanders. 
If,  on  the  ist  of  July,  the  Union  army  had  not  been  driven  back, 
we  should  not  have  taken  position  on  the  line  of  heights  which  gave 
us  so  great  an  advantage.  If,  after  a victory,  we  had  fallen  back 
on  these  lines,  Lee  would  have  stood  on  the  defensive  at  Seminary 
Ridge,  and  Meade  would  have  attacked  and  probably  been  defeated. 

It  has  been  asked  why  Lee  fought  the  battle  under  so  many 
disadvantages.  The  answer  is  that  fate  or  circumstances  compelled 
him.  The  temper  of  his  army  was  such,  and  its  confidence  in  its 
ability  to  defeat  the  Yankees  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances 
so  great,  that  Lee  himself,  with  all  his  equipoise  of  character,  caught 
something  of  this  over-confidence.  He  felt  obliged  to  fight  a battle 
to  preserve  his  communications,  threatened  by  Slocum,  to  send  the 
wounded  and  sick  which  encumbered  his  army  into  Virginia  and  to 
receive  ammunition. 

After  the  victory  of  the  ist  of  July  he  was  inclined  to  attack 
rather  than  await  attack.  He  was  subsisting  on  the  country  and 


) 


GETTYSBURG. 


201 


could  feed  his  army  only  by  scattering  it,  hence  could  not  afford 
to  delay.  It  was  a necessity  with  him  to  deal  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  a decisive  blow  before  his  movement  into  the  free  States 
could  be  converted  into  a positive  invasion.  It  has  been  thought 
that  Lee  should  have  manoeuvred  Meade  out  of  his  strong  position. 
Had  he  done  so  the  Union  general  would  have  fallen  back  behind 
Pipe  Creek,  or  some  position  equally  strong.  Delays  would  con- 
stantly strengthen  Meade,  while  they  would  complicate  Lee’s  prob- 
lem of  feeding  a concentrated  army.  It  was  not  so  easy  a task  as  it 
has  been  assumed,  to  manoeuvre  Meade  out  of  his  position.  In  order 
to  do  so  Lee  must  have  menaced  his  base,  and  this  involved  the  aban- 
donment of  Gettysburg  and  its  advantageous  converging  roads,  just 
won  at  the  expense  of  a battle,  and  a flank  movement  on  Westmin- 
ster, southeast  from  Gettysburg.  This  movement,  made  in  an  open 
country,  surrounded  by  numerous  spies  and  a people  unfriendly  to 
his  cause,  would  be  revealed  and  perhaps  defeated.  Every  consid- 
eration, therefore,  impelled  Lee  to  fight. 

Meade  by  rapid  marches  quickly  concentrated  his  army.  The 
Sixth  Corps  was  marched  nearly  a hundred  miles  in  three  days. 
During  the  entire  forenoon  of  the  2d  the  armies  confronted  each 
other  in  comparative  inaction.  It  was  not  until  nearly  four  o’clock 
in  the  afternoon  that  the  terrible  uproar  on  our  left  proclaimed  that 
the  battle  had  begun.  The  Union  army  during  the  last  part  of  the 
second  day,  and  the  last  day,  was  formed  on  the  line  of  heights  ex- 
tending from  Culp’s  Hill  to  the  Round  Tops,  As  then  posted  the 
Union  line  resembled  in  form  the  letter  f.  The  Confederate  army 
was  posted  on  Seminary  Ridge,  in  our  front,  while  its  wings  almost 
encircled  ours.  Their  whole  line  was  not  unlike  a huge  letter  C- 
which  formed  a line  of  over  five  miles  in  extent,  with  its  right  and 
left  wings  facing  each  other  not  three  miles  apart. 

It  will  be  seen  at  a glance  that  this  concave  line  of  the  Con- 
federates made  communication  between  its  different  parts  difficult. 
The  convex  line  of  the  Union  army  made  it  easy  to  reinforce  one 
part  of  the  line  from  another.  In  this  position  Lee,  having  marked 
out  the  work  to  be  done  by  his  corps  commanders,  could  do  little 
but  wait,  without  personal  supervision,  for  results.  At  this  time, 
when  it  was  essential  to  his  success  to  be  able  to  mass  men  at  some 
one  point  to  break  the  Union  lines,  their  form  of  line  presented  a 
great  impediment  to  such  concentration. 


202 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Lee's  plan  was  for  both  wings  of  his  army  to  assault  the  Union 

wings  at  the  same  time  by  a flank  attack,  while  threats  were  kept 

up  along  the  front  to  prevent  reinforcements  to  either  wing.  The 
want  of  connection  between  the  different  parts  of  his  army  is  shown 

by  the  fact  that  the  attack  on  our  left  was  over  on  the  2d  before 

the  attack  on  our  right  was  begun.  General  Doubleday  justly  points 
out  in  this  connection  the  fact  that  converging  columns  on  a given 
point  seldom  succeed  because  of  the  difference  in  the  temper  and 
temperament  of  those  who  lead. 

The  two  armies  were  about  a mile  apart.  Ewell’s  Corps  held  the 
town  and  the  Confederate  left,  Hill  the  centre,  and  Longstreet  the 
right  on  Seminary  Ridge.  Meade’s  army  occupied  the  position  on 
the  line  of  hills  already  described.  At  the  opening  of  the  battle,  and 
during  nearly  the  whole  of  the  day,  our  left  rested  in  part  on  the  Ern- 
metsburg  road  (which  ran  obliquely  from  the  right  of  the  rebel  line 
to  the  right  of  the  Union  line)  and  then  curved  back  to  Round  Top. 
The  Twelfth  Corps  was  on  the  extreme  right  and  one  division  of  the 
First  Corps  on  Culp’s  Hill.  The  Eleventh  Corps  was  at  Cemetery 
Hill,  facing  the  town.  There  were  two  divisions  of  the  First  Corps  at 
Cemetery  Hill,  then  the  Second,  Third,  and  Fifth  Corps  were  ranged 
from  north  to  south  in  the  order  named.  The  Sixth,  which  arrived 
late  from  its  long  march,  was  posted  in  rear  of  Round  Top,  near  the 
Taneytown  road,  which  runs  nearly  the  whole  length  of  this  line  of 
hills  in  our  rear. 

A word  explanatory  of  our  position  on  the  left  is  necessary  to  a 
clear  understanding  of  the  position  of  our  line  at  the  opening  of  the 
battle.  In  the  morning  Geary  had  been  withdrawn  from  Round  Top 
to  strengthen  Culp’s  Hill,  as  Meade  expected  Lee  would  make  his 
main  attack  on  our  right.  By  moonlight,  in  the  early  hours  of 
morning,  Lee  had  already  marked  out  Round  Top  on  our  left  as  the 
position  to  be  captured.  This  would  enable  him  to  enfilade  the 
whole  line  on  the  heights  beyond  with  artillery  and  take  our  line  in 
reverse.  The  result,  if  successful,  must  have  been  disastrous  to  the 
Union  army. 

Upon  the  withdrawal  of  Geary,  Meade  had  given  orders  for 
Sickles  to  take  up  the  abandoned  line.  As  Sickles  did  not  know 
this  position,  and  as  no  one  had  been  left  behind  to  designate  it,  he 
could  only  guess  its  locality.  With  the  advice  of  General  Hunt 


GETTYSBURG. 


203 


he  formed  his  right,  under  General  Humphrey,  along  the  Emmets- 
burg  road,  while  his  left,  under  Birney,  made  a right  angle  at  the 
peach-orchard,  then  curved  back  to  Plum  Run,  covering  the  front 
of  little  Round  Top.  This  eminence,  which  was  the  real  key  of  the 
field,  was  about  a mile  in  rear  of  the  peach-orchard. 

Under  the  misconception  that  our  left 
flank  rested  at  the  peach-orchard,  Lee 
had  ordered  this  attack  in  order,  as  he 
conceived,  to  take  our  line  in  reverse 
and  drive  us  up  the  Emmetsburg  road 
in  confusion  to  Cemetery  Hill.  The 
“ Devil’s  Den  ” was  a 
sunken  spot,  filled  with 
irregular  boulders,  not  far 
from  the  front  of  Little 


Fight  in  Devil's  Den. 


Round  Top.  The  brigade  of  General  Hobart  Ward  rested  its  flank 
on  this  rocky  den,  its  right  extending  beyond  a triangular  wheat- 
field  to  a wooded  ridge  not  far  from  the  peach-orchard. 

I have  described  the  place  thus  minutely  as  it  was  by  an  attack  on 
Ward’s  brigade  that  the  battle  opened,  although  the  skirmish  lines  at 
the  peach-orchard  were  actively  engaged  as  early  as  nine  o’clock. 


204 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


With  flags  flying  and  with  yells  and  shouts,  just  before  four 
o’clock  p.m.,  the  rebels,  under  Law,  advanced  confidently  on  our 
long  drawn  out  line  under  Ward,  who  fought  from  behind  the  rocks 
to  resist  the  furious  attacks  made  by  superior  numbers.  The  Sixth 
New  Jersey,  Fourth  Maine,  and  Fortieth  New  York  intrepidly 
resisted  the  attack.  Hard  pressed,  at  last,  however,  they  lost 
ground  and  uncovered  Little  Round  Top.  In  order  to  cover  their 
retreat  Ward  stripped  his  right,  while  the  Seventeenth  Maine  was 
covered  by  the  wall  in  the  wheat-field,  near  the  woods,  abandoned 
by  Ward. 

The  Confederates,  having  finished  Ward,  climbed  the  hill,  and 
took  possession  of  three  pieces  of  artillery. 

To  show  how  Little  Round  Top,  which  was  about  to  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  Confederates,  was  saved  to  the  Union  army,  it  is 
necessary  to  go  back  to  fifteen  minutes  before  four  o’clock,  when 
General  Warren,  chief  engineer  of  the  army,  the  better  to  examine 
the  line,  had  reached  its  summit. 

In  the  woods  between  him  and  the  Emmetsburg  road  he  caught 
the  reflected  glitter  of  a long  line  of  muskets  flashing  among  the 
trees.  It  at  once  revealed  to  him  that  the  enemy  were  advancing 
to  seize  this  position,  the  importance  of  which  he  fully  understood. 
He  hastened  to  find  troops  to  defend  it.  Barnes’s  division  of  the 
Fifth  Corps  was  about  advancing  to  support  the  now  hard-pressed 
centre  of  Birney’s  line.  On  his  own  responsibility  Warren  detached 
Vincent’s  brigade  and  hurried  it  forward  to  Little  Round  Top.  It 
took  position  on  the  lower  southern  projection  of  this  hill. 

Warren  again  sought  his  elevated  position  of  observation  and 
witnessed  the  attack  on  Ward’s  brigade.  The  Confederates  were 
hastening  on  Little  Round  Top,  while  our  sharp-shooters  blazed 
away  from  behind  the  rocks  at  its  western  base  to  resist  their  ad- 
vance. He  could  not  see  Vincent’s  men,  who  were  below  him,  but 
he  saw  that  this  position  was  about  to  be  lost.  The  shots  of  the 
enemy  reached  this  elevated  position,  and  the  signal  officer  began 
rolling  up  his  flags  to  leave.  Warren  instructed  him  to  continue 
waving  his  flags,  to  disguise  the  fact  that  the  hill  was  otherwise 
unoccupied,  and  hurried  once  more  to  save  it. 

The  first  regiment  he  encountered  was  the  One  Hundred  and  For- 
tieth New  York,  commanded  by  Colonel  O’Rourke,  a personal  friend. 


GETTYSBURG. 


205 


Accompanied  by  Hazlett’s  battery  it  was  hurried  up  the  hill.  Mean- 
while, with  volleys,  yells,  and  shouts,  the  Confederates  rushed  upon 
the  centre  of  Vincent’s  brigade,  who,  covered  in  part  by  the  rocks, 
stubbornly  resisted.  The  Six- 
teenth Michigan,  which  held  the 
north  side  below  the  hill,  was  over- 
powered and  uncovered  the  way 
to  the  summit.  At  this  moment, 
so  critical  in  the  destinies  of 
this  battle,  the  One  Hundred  and 
Fortieth  New  York,  with  the  bat- 
tery of  Hazlett’s,  reached  the 
summit.  Without  time  to  load 
or  fix  bayonets  they  rushed  down 
the  hill  upon  the  advancing  enemy. 

They  captured  those  in  advance 
and  brought  the  rest  to  an  abrupt 
halt.  Vincent  soon  rallied  to 
their  support,  and  Hazlett’s  bat- 
tery on  the  summit,  though  un- 
able to  depress  their  cannon  to 
reach  the  enemy  fighting  on  the 
hillside  and  around  its  base, 
opened  fire  upon  their  reserve 
in  the  valley.  The  rocks  were 
ablaze  with  musketry,  and  in  this 
deadly  struggle  the  young  and 
gifted  O’Rourke  was  killed,  and 
Vincent  and  many  of  his  brave 
soldiers  fell.  On  the  summit 
above  them,  where  men  were  fast 
falling  under  the  deadly  fire,  Gen- 
eral Weed  was  mortally  wounded; 
and  Hazlett,  while  leaning  over 
him,  was  shot  and  fell  dead  across 
the  body  of  his  chief.  The  enemy, 
foiled  in  front  and  on  the  south- 
west, moved  stealthily  farther  Attack  on  Little  Round  Top. 


206 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


around  in  the  valley  between  the  two  Round  Tops  and  suddenly  rushed 
with  deafening  yells  upon  the  Twentieth  Maine,  here  formed.  They 
met  their  match.  This  gallant  regiment  under  the  intrepid  Cham- 
berlain, though  twice  driven  back  over  the  crest,  rallied  again  and 
again,  and  finally  not  only  repulsed  the  enemy  but  drove  them  from 
the  valley,  and  later  in  the  day  took  possession  of  the  other  Round 
Top.  In  this  struggle  Vincent’s  men  captured  a thousand  stand  of 
arms,  seventeen  officers,  and  five  hundred  men. 

Having  seen  how  Little  Round  Top  was  saved,  and  having  faintly 
mirrored  something  of  the  valor  of  its  defence,  we  now  return  towards 
the  Emmetsburg  road  and  the  peach-orchard  where  the  battle  had 
spread  and  had  been  for  some  time  raging. 

Beyond  Little  Round  Top,  towards  the  Emmetsburg  road,  and 
almost  parallel  to  the  cross-road,  desperate  fighting  was  meanwhile 
taking  place.  The  Emmetsburg  road  and  the  cross-road  spoken  of 
may  be  represented  by  a cross.  Ward’s  brigade  fell  back  in  part  to 
the  wheat-field,  though  some  of  the  men  took  shelter  in  “Devil’s 
Den  ” and  were  not  driven  out.  De  Trobriand,  who  had  been  fight- 
ing on  a tributary  about  five  hundred  yards  from  the  road,  represented 
by  the  upright  of  the  cross,  had  been  relieved  by  Zook  and  fell  back 
upon  the  triangular  wheat-field  between  Little  Round  Top  and  the 
peach-orchard.  The  Confederates  flanked  the  Seventeenth  Maine, 
formed  behind  the  stone  wall  which  marks  the  boundary  of  this  field, 
and  compelled  Winslow  to  withdraw  his  guns  to  the  rear.  De  Tro- 
briand's  remaining  veterans  were  driven  back.  The  Union  artillery 
near  the  peach-orchard,  having  retired,  uncovered  his  right,  and  the 
whole  line,  hard  pressed,  was  giving  way,  when  Caldwell’s  division 
of  the  Second  Corps  came  to  the  rescue. 

It  drove  the  attacking  forces  of  Kershaw  and  Semmes  back  in 
disorder.  Among  those  coming  to  the  support  was  a brigade  com- 
manded by  the  heroic  Cross,  one  of  the  bravest  men  of  the  army, 
who  was  soon  killed  among  the  foremost  of  his  men.  The  gallant 
Irish  Brigade  under  Kelly  also  was  among  them. 

A more  impressive  sight  is  seldom  seen  than  the  one  which  pre- 
ceded their  going  into  action  at  this  time.  The  ranks  knelt,  while 
above  them  their  chaplain  pronounced  the  absolution  of  his  church, 
in  deep  and  solemn  tones.  Prepared  for  death,  these  gallant  Irish- 
men rushed  upon  Anderson’s  brigade,  which  was  advancing,  abruptly 
brought  it  to  a halt,  and  then  drove  it  back. 


GETTYSBURG. 


207 


The  battle  hitherto  going  on  between  Plum  Run  and  its  tributary- 
then  spread  to  the  peach-orchard  and  the  Emmetsburg  road.  Meade, 
seeing  the  peril  of  the  left,  was  hurrying  forward  reinforcements. 
The  Sixth  Corps  came  to  relieve  the  hard-pressed  Fifth.  The  Con- 
federate artillery  forming  on  the  left-hand  upper  corner  of  the 
cross,  converged  a terrible  fire  upon  the  lower  angle  of  the  peach- 
orchard. 

A battery  formed  across  the  Emmetsburg  road  at  the  position 
represented  by  the  extremity  of  the  left  arm  of  the  cross,  enfiladed 
Humphrey’s  troops  formed  on  this  road  beyond.  The  angle  of  the 
peach  orchard,  represented  by  the  lower  left  angle  of  the  cross,  was 
defended  by  two  brigades  under  Graham. 

As  the  artillery  slackened  fire,  Barkesdale  with  his  rebel  regi- 
ment advanced  to  the  attack  at  the  upper  right  angle  formed  by  the 
roads.  The  brigade  of  Kershaw  had  recovered  from  the  defeat 
inflicted  by  Caldwell,  and  now  attacked  the  line  forming  the  southern 
angle  of  the  peach-orchard. 

Wrapped  in  the  smoke  on  which  was  reflected  the  flash  of  mus- 
ketry and  artillery,  the  two  Union  brigades  melted  away  before  the 
converging  fire  of  the  Confederates,  and  the  peach-orchard  was 
captured.  Barkesdale,  followed  closely  by  his  artillery,  crowded  in 
between  Humphrey  and  Barnes,  through  this  break  in  our  lines,  and 
the  whole  aspect  of  the  fight  was  against  us. 

Humphrey,  enfiladed  by  artillery  on  his  left  flank,  and  furiously 
attacked  in  front,  was  ordered  to  form  a line  oblique  to  the  ridge  in 
connection  with  Birney’s  division.  Following  this  the  rebel  general, 
Woodford,  attacked  the  line  now  held  by  Zook  and  Sweitzer,  captured 
from  Kershaw  by  Caldwell.  Barnes’s  two  brigades  were  soon  driven 
out  from  their  position  in  the  woods  and  wheat- field.  The  losses 
were  frightful,  and  our  whole  line  at  this  point  was  soon  broken. 
Humphrey  had  meanwhile  completed  his  movement. 

Hancock,  in  command  of  the  entire  left  since  Sickles  had  been 
wounded,  was  endeavoring  to  unite  the  line.  Biglow’s  battery,  with- 
out even  an  infantry  support,  was  in  front  of  the  Trostle  House,  near 
the  left  bank  of  Plum  Run,  and  opened  fire  upon  the  enemy,  now 
advancing  from  the  west  and  south  to  make  this  break  irreparable, 
and  for  a time  checked  their  advance. 

The  crowding  back  of  Barnes  and  Caldwell  had  uncovered  Ward’s 


208 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


right,  and  after  a loss  of  nine  hundred  out  of  two  thousand  men,  he 
fell  back  and  formed  near  the  northern  base  of  Little  Round  Top. 

The  Union  troops,  in  order  to  close  the  gap  in  our  line,  re-formed 
on  a rise  of  land  commanded  by  the  Emmetsburg  road,  abandoned 
early  in  the  day  by  Sickles.  They  must  hold  this  position  at  all 
hazards,  as  its  loss  would  give  the  rebels  possession  of  our  communi- 
cations, and  prove  our  defeat.  The  batteries  of  McGilvery,  consist- 
ing of  thirty  or  forty  pieces,  were  hurried  into  position,  with  their 
front  at  the  Trostle  House,  on  the  left  banks  of  Plum  Run.  They 
opened  on  the  enemy,  and,  together  with  Hancock’s  other  batteries, 
got  a cross  fire  upon  the  advancing,  yelling  enemy. 

Not  to  follow  in  minutiae  the  kaleidoscopic  changes  of  the  fight, 
Hancock  stripped  his  right  and  brought  up  troops  to  strengthen  this 
line.  A part  of  the  Sixth  Corps  reinforced  the  line  formed  from 
Round  Top  to  the  Trostle  House.  Humphrey  had  meanwhile  fallen 
back  upon  the  heights  and  turned  at  bay. 

Anderson’s  rebel  division  scaled  the  slopes  along  which  Gibbon 
was  posted  at  Cemetery  Ridge.  Wright  had  reached  the  heights  on 
our  centre  and  captured  several  guns  above  Gibbon’s  front.  Here  a 
terrible  struggle  took  place  with  Webb’s  brigade,  which  came  up  to 
dispute  possession  of  these  guns. 

The  rebels  had  broken  our  line  in  the  centre,  and  had  they  been 
reinforced  in  season,  would  have  secured  the  possession  of  Zeigler’s 
Grove,  which  projects  down  Cemetery  Ridge  like  a salient  where  the 
“f”  is  crossed.  Encouraged  by  the  situation,  they  fought  desper- 
ately, but  were  finally  compelled  to  fall  back  with  a loss  of  two-thirds 
of  their  force. 

About  dark  Early’s  rebel  division  attacked  the  eastern  and  north- 
ern fronts  of  Cemetery  Hill.  Here  several  guns  were  captured,  but 
the  enemy,  late  that  night,  were  driven  back. 

Johnson’s  division  of  Confederates  on  our  extreme  right  was  iso- 
lated by  this  defeat  from  the  main  line,  yet  as  Geary  had,  in  the  after- 
noon, been  withdrawn  from  the  works  at  Culp’s  Hill  to  reinforce  our 
endangered  left  at  Round  Top,  at  nine  o’clock  in  the  evening  John- 
son’s division,  finding  it  unoccupied,  quietly  took  possession.  Thus 
while  our  left,  through  terrible  fignting,  was  in  the  main  successful, 
and  the  attack  of  Wright  on  our  centre  had  been  finally  repulsed,  yet 
on  our  extreme  right,  at  Culp’s  Hill  (represented  by  the  dot  at  the 


GETTYSBURG. 


209 


upper  part  of  the  “ f ”)  the  rebels  had  effected  a lodgment  and  formed, 
with  a part  of  a division,  a continuation  of  our  line  not  far  from 
Meade’s  headquarters. 

Thus,  to  sum  up,  while  repulsed  at  every  other  part  of  our  line, 
the  Confederates  held  possession  of  our  works  at  Culp’s  Hill  on  our 
extreme  right.  Thus  ended  the  second  day  of  the  bloody  struggle 
at  Gettysburg. 

That  night  Meade  called  his  generals  together  to  determine 
whether  they  should  continue  on  that  line  and  fight  it  out  on  the 
morrow,  or  retreat.  The  verdict  was  to  fight  it  out,  and  Hancock,  in 
giving  his  vote,  pertinently  remarked  that  the  Union  army  had 
retreated  too  often  already. 


CHAPTER  XXL 


GETTYSBURG,  JULY  3. 

AS  the  gray  of  dawn  crept  over  the  fields  of  Gettysburg,  the  storm 
of  battle  broke  out  afresh  upon  our  right  and  rear  at  Culp’s 
Hill.  All  along  our  front  the  enemy  opened  fire  from  their  artillery, 
though  it  soon  died  away.  During  the  night  Geary  had  returned 
with  his  division,  and  was  astonished  to  find  the  enemy  in  possession 
of  the  works  he  had  left  on  the  afternoon  of  the  2d,  when  ordered  to 
support  our  endangered  left. 

The  Confederates  had  been  unable  to  get  artillery  up  the  steep 
hill,  yet  Ewell,  having  got  a foothold,  was  obstinately  determined  not 
to  be  driven  from  the  position.  With  this  purpose  he  reinforced 
Johnston,  in  command  of  the  forces  there,  with  two  brigades  from 
Rhodes’s  division. 

These  works  at  Culp’s  Hill,  if  held  by  them,  would  seriously 
menace  our  rear,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  to  discern 
objects  our  artillery  opened  fire  upon  the  audacious  occupants.  Our 
guns  soon  demolished  the  weak  barricades.  They  then  slackened 
fire,  and  the  infantry  prepared  for  a charge ; but  the  Confederates 
forestalled  the  movement. 

They  rushed  forward  determinedly  to  seize  the  road,  and  a des^ 
perate  struggle  took  place  among  the  rocks  which  cover  the  ground 
thickly  at  this  point.  The  batteries  of  Meade’s  reserve  concentrated 
their  fire  upon  the  slopes  occupied  by  the  Confederates,  who  had  no 
artillery  with  which  to  reply.  But  Jackson’s  old  soldiers  were  not 
accustomed  to  be  driven  from  a field  once  won,  and  continued  the 
struggle.  All  in  vain  their  obstinate  valor ! They  were  pushed 
back,  and  finally,  finding  their  retreat  threatened  by  a force  of 
Federals  sent  to  Rock  Creek,  and  being  at  the  same  time  charged 
by  Geary,  they  slowly  retired  beyond  the  creek,  where  they  remained 
during  the  day. 


210 


GETTYSBURG. 


21 1 


It  was  now  eleven  o’clock  on  the  forenoon  of  the  3d  of  July,  and 
our  lines  were  once  more  intact.  The  battle  was  over  on  our  left, 
and  as  yet  the  enemy  had  not  attacked  our  front.  This  want  of  con- 
certed action  on  the  part  of  Lee  was  due  to  the  concave  form  of  his 
line  of  battle,  where  communication  was 
difficult  and  the  route  swept  at  every  point 
by  Union  guns. 

o’clock, 


Shortly  after  eleven 
the  Confederates  set  fire 
to  some  buildings  and 
hay  stacks  in  our  front, 
on  the  Emmetsburg 
road,  to  clear  away  ob- 
structions in  the  way  of 
their  artillery  fire.  The 


pop ! pop ! pop ! of  the 
skirmish  lines  briskly 
engaged,  was  heard  on 
the  ridge. 


Farnsworth  crossing  Plum  Run. 


During  this  time  the  Union  cavalry  made  its  appearance  on  our 
left  in  rear  of  Hood’s  division.  Kilpatrick  sent  Farnsworth  forward 


2 12 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


across  Plum  Run.  He  charged  the  infantry,  and  endeavored  to 
capture  their  reserve  artillery  and  supplies.  Though  unsuccessful, 
and  its  leader  and  many  of  his  men  were  killed  and  many  made  pris- 
oners, yet  it  proved  a useful  diversion.  It  told  upon  the  final  issue 
of  the  battle  by  preventing  Longstreet  from  reinforcing  the  rebel 
centre,  to  assist  in  the  final  and  main  attack  which  Lee  was  maturing. 
It  also  spoiled  the  execution  of  a plan  Hood  had  formed  to  capture 
our  supply  trains. 

Lee  had  failed  in  his  projected  attacks  on  our  right  and  left,  and 
it  remained  for  him  either  to  retreat  or  attempt  to  break  our  centre. 
This  was  hazardous  in  the  extreme,  as  our  convex  lines  enabled  us  to 
quickly  concentrate  a superior  force  to  repel  the  attack. 

Our  brigade  held  a position  on  the  right  of  the  grove  which  pro- 
jects like  a salient  down  the  slopes  of  Cemetery  Ridge. 

Stannard’s  Vermont  brigade  held  post  in  this  grove,  and  was 
thereby  able  to  deliver  a flank  fire  on  the  enemy  as  he  charged  up 
the  hill.  Webb’s  and  Hall’s  brigades  were  on  our  immediate  left; 
Hayes’s  on  our  right.  The  Third  Corps  was  posted  on  the  ridge 
beyond  the  grove,  on  our  left ; Doubleday  in  the  rear  of  the  grove. 

Two  hours  had  passed  with  scarcely  a sound  of  battle  to  interrupt 
the  stillness.  It  was  in  the  heat  of  the  day,  about  one  o’clock,  when 
the  strange  silence  which  betokened  the  coming  storm  was  broken 
by  a signal  gun  on  the  left.  A minute  elapsed,  another  signal  gun, 
and  then  from  the  whole  of  the  Confederate  line  in  our  front,  there 
burst  forth  the  most  terrific  cannonade  ever  known  upon  the  conti- 
nent ; a cannonade  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  brazen  throats.  The 
solid  earth  seemed  to  rock  with  the  terrible  explosions.  From  Oak 
Ridge  to  the  peach-orchard,  hill  and  valley  were  a flame  of  fire ; all 
alone:  the  crest  in  our  front  a volcano  of  death. 

This  fire  was  converged  upon  Cemetery  Ridge.  The  enemy  fired 
by  volleys  in  order  to  obtain  a more  decisive  effect.  Right,  left,  and 
rear  of  us,  caissons  were  exploded ; scudding  fragments  of  wheels, 
wood-work,  shell  and  shot  sent  a hundred  feet  into  the  air,  like  the 
eruption  of  a volcano.  Eleven  caissons  were  thus  exploded. 

We  were  sheltered  behind  a stone  wall  surmounted  by  a post  and 
rail  fence,  which  was  struck,  splintered,  and  crushed.  The  men  clung 
close  to  the  ground,  taking  advantage  of  its  inequalities  for  pro- 
tection. When  a caisson  was  exploded  yells  of  exultation  were  heard 


GETTYSBURG. 


213 


along  the  whole  rebel  lines.  Only  eighty  guns  of  the  Union  artillery 
could  be  crowded  upon  the  ridge  with  which  to  make  reply.  For  an 
hour  and  a half  crash  followed  crash  and  “ embowelled  with  out- 
rageous noise  the  air.”  The  enemy  used  railroad  iron  and  various 
other  missiles  besides  the  ordinary  ones.  Shells  from  the  Wentworth 
guns  came  with  a humming  sound  like  a spinning-wheel  in  motion. 
Some  of  the  shot  shrieked  and  hissed  ; some  whistled ; some  came 
with  muffled  growl ; some  with  howls  like  rushing,  circling  winds. 
Some  spit  and  sputtered  ; others  uttered  unearthly  groans  or  hoarsely 
howled  their  mission  of  death.  If  a constellation  of  meteoric  worlds 
had  exploded  above  our  heads,  it  would  have  scarcely  been  more 
terrible  than  this  iron  rain  of  death  furiously  hurled  upon  us.  Over 
all  these  sounds  were  heard  the  shrieks  and  groans  of  the  wounded 
and  dying.  The  uproar  of  the  day  previous  seemed  silence  when 
compared  to  this  Inferno  of  sounds. 

Cemetery  Hill  and  Ridge  were  ploughed  and  furrowed  by  shell 
and  shot,  and  every  description  of  missile  known  to  modern  war. 
Holes,  like  graves,  were  gouged  in  the  earth  by  exploding  shells. 
The  flowers  in  bloom  upon  the  graves  at  the  Cemetery  were  shot 
away.  Tombs  and  monuments  were  knocked  to  pieces,  and  ordi- 
nary gravestones  shattered  in  rows.  So  the  din  and  destruction 
went  on. 

At  last,  at  about  three  o’clock,  the  Union  guns,  by  order  of  Gen- 
eral Hunt,  gradually  ceased  their  fire.  It  was  to  cool  the  guns  and  to 
reserve  ammunition  for  the  contest  at  close  quarters  about  to  take 
place.  The  enemy,  believing  they  had  at  last  silenced  our  guns, 
moved  forward  upon  the  plain.  Pickett’s  division  of  Longstreet’s 
corps,  formed  in  double  line  of  battle,  led  the  advance.  It  was  com- 
posed of  Virginians  who,  having  up  to  this  time  taken  no  part  in  the 
conflict,  were  full  of  ardor  for  the  attack.  On  Pickett’s  left  was 
Heth’s  division,  under  Pettigrew;  on  his  right,  Wilcox’s  and  Perry’s 
brigades  under  Lang.  Both  of  these  forces  were  formed  and  marched 
in  rear  of  Pickett.  A swarm  of  skirmishers  covered  their  front.  Such 
was  the  imposing  force,  numbering  not  far  from  sixteen  thousand 
men,  which  moved  forward  to  the  grand  assault  on  our  left  centre 
at  Cemetery  Ridge. 

They  had  a mile  and  a half  to  march  before  reaching  our  lines. 
They  came  on  in  magnificent  order,  with  the  step  of  men  who 


214 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


believed  themselves  invincible.  The  firing  of  the  enemy  along  our 
front  now  ceased,  and  the  bluish  white  smoke  rolled  up  like  a storm 
cloud  when  swept  from  the  mountain-side.  A light  wind  sprang 
up,  and  the  smoke  of  their  guns  drifted  over  the  valley  towards  the 
cemetery.  For  a moment  it  threatened  to  obscure  the  charging 
columns  from  the  sight  of  those  who  were  about  to  encounter  them 
in  the  grapple  of  death  on  Cemetery  Ridge.  It  was  but  for  a 
moment.  The  smoke  drifted  lazily  away  to  the  westward,  revealing 
to  us  the  gray  lines  steadily  advancing. 

The  Union  guns  along  the  Ridge,  silent  for  awhile,  now  replenish 
their  ammunition  boxes,  while  injured  batteries  give  place  to  fresh 
ones  which  now  open  fire  on  the  advancing  lines.  Solid  shot  ploughs 
huge  lanes  in  their  close  columns.  As  the  enemy  approach  still 
nearer,  shell  burst  upon  their  compact  masses.  Their  shattered  lines 
do  not  waver,  but  steadily  closing  up  the  gaps  of  death,  come  on  in 
magnificent  order. 

With  banners  waving,  with  steady  step  they  sweep  on  like  an 
irresistible  wave  of  fate.  In  their  tread  is  the  fate  of  empire,  the 
destinies  of  the  great  Republic  ! 

The  Union  soldiers  on  Cemetery  Ridge  clutch  their  muskets 
confidently.  On  each  face  rests  grim  resolve  and  the  nervous  pallor 
of  suspense.  They  believe  they  will  at  last  be  avenged  for  former 
defeats.  On  come  the  rebel  lines  with  bayonets  glistening  like  the 
crest  of  a mighty  wave.  Now  the  Union  guns  open  with  canister 
at  close  range  upon  this  line  of  human  targets.  Pickett  changes  the 
direction  of  his  march  obliquely  towards  our  left,  while  Pettigrew  is 
far  off  on  the  right,  and  Wilcox,  keeping  straight  on,  disappears  in 
the  smoke  to  the  left  of  the  grove  where  Stannard  is  ambushed. 
Pickett’s  men  are  alone. 

As  they  come  on  they  leave  behind  them  a trail  of  dead  and 
dying,  like  a swath  from  the  scythe  of  a mower.  Now  they  are 
at  close  musket  range,  and  from  behind  the  stone  wall  a wave  of 
flame,  perceivable  even  in  this  noonday  light,  springs  from  the 
muzzles  of  the  line  of  Union  muskets.  Volley  after  volley  is  poured 
in  with  deadly  effect  upon  them.  We  see  them  halt  and  align  their 
men,  like  a shadowy  column  through  the  smoke.  They  return  our 
fire  and  rush  upon  the  wall.  As  they  are  about  to  close  in  upon  us 
they  are  met  by  a volley.  On  they  come  over  the  wall ; the  shock  is 


GETTYSBURG. 


215 


terrible  and  its  full  strength  falls  upon  Webb's  brigade.  Our  men 
are  shot  with  the  rebel  muskets  touching  their  breasts.  A fierce 
encounter  now  takes  place.  Great  God  ! the  line  at  the  stone  wall 
gives  way ! 

Before  their  first  line  reaches  a second  fence  and  stone  wall, 
where  our  second  line  is  posted,  Stannard’s  Vermont  brigade  and  the 
Twentieth  New  York  State  Militia,  form  perpendicular  to  the  rebel 
line  of  march,  and  open  upon  them  a flank  fire  from  the  grove. 
This,  and  the  deadly  fire  in  their  front,  cause  them  to  surrender 
in  masses.  The  heroic  rebel,  General  Armistead,  determined  to 
conquer  or  die,  waving  his  hat  on  the  point  of  his  sword,  jumps  the 
wall,  followed  by  his  men,  rushes  forward  and  seizes  a Union  battery. 

Troops  are  now  rushing  in  upon  them  from  every  side.  The 
cannoneers  fight  with  their  rammers  and  hand  spikes.  Armistead 
falls  mortally  wounded  among  the  artillery  he  has  captured,  at  the 
foot  of  a clump  of  trees.  Near  him  lies  our  young  and  heroic 
Cushing  who,  while  mortally  wounded,  has  fired  his  only  serviceable 
gun,  exclaiming,  “Webb,  I will  give  them  one  more  shot  ! ” and  falls 
dead  by  his  guns. 

Groups  of  Federals  are  surrounded  by  Confederates,  — Confed- 
erates surrounded  by  Federals.  Shots,  shrieks,  imprecations,  shouts 
and  yells ; fierce  calls  for  surrender  with  defiant  answers,  all  mingle 
together  in  a devilish  uproar  of  sounds.  Men  fight  with  clubbed 
muskets,  rifles,  pistols,  bayonets,  and  color  staffs. 

A few  regiments  from  Pettigrew’s  command  of  Archer’s  and 
Scales’s  brigades  reinforce  Pickett.  There  is  soon  no  order  in  the 
ranks  of  invaders  or  defenders.  At  last  the  rebels  surrender  and 
give  way  at  every  point.  A hoarse  shout  of  triumph  goes  up  from 
the  confused  groups  of  Union  men. 

Fifteen  terrible  minutes,  which  seemed  as  many  hours,  had 
passed  since  the  attack  at  close  quarters  began,  and  Pickett's  rebels, 
who  so  proudly  marched  over  the  plain,  were  dead  or  wounded,  had 
fled  or  surrendered.  Two-thirds  of  Pickett's  command  were  killed, 
wounded,  or  captured,  and  every  brigade  commander  but  one  fell. 
It  did  not  retreat,  — it  was  annihilated. 

While  yet  Pickett  was  fighting,  Pettigrew,  with  his  command, 
attacked  Hayes’s  impregnable  lines  on  our  right.  The  fight  was  at 
short  range  and  the  Confederates  were  swept  away  in  masses  by  the 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


2l6 

deadly  fire.  They  attempted  to  retreat,  but  the  terrible  fire  scattered 
them  in  disorder.  The  four  brigades  of  the  Third  Confederate  Corps 
were  thus  repulsed  and  overwhelmed,  leaving  fifteen  stands  of  colors 
and  two  thousand  prisoners  in  our  hands.  A few  of  their  regiments 
had  joined  Pickett  as  mentioned. 

Meanwhile  Wilcox,  who  had  diverged  from  the  line  of  Pickett’s 
march,  attacked  on  the  left  of  the  grove  occupied  by  Stannard’s 
Vermont  brigade,  and  had  met  the  same  fate  as  those  on  the  right. 
After  Pickett’s  defeat  he  reached  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  the  left  of  the 

grove  where  Stan- 
nard’s men  were  am- 
bushed, and  where, 
in  front  of  him  on 
the  crest,  our  Third 
Corps  was  massed. 

Here  he  deployed 
and  advanced,  igno- 
rant of  Pickett’s  fate, 
whom  he  supposed 
was  still  fighting  on 
his  left.  Stannard 
repeated  the  manoeu- 
vre in  this  direction 
which  in  another  had 
been  so  fatal  to  Pick- 
e t t’s  m e n.  He 
opened  a terrible  fire 
on  Wilcox’s  flank, 
while  our  batteries 
rent  and  tore  his 
front  at  short  and  deadly  range.  His  guns  had  no  ammunition  for 
reply,  and  his  men  not  captured  by  Stannard  were  scattered  in  flight. 

Hancock  was  the  very  soul  of  the  defence,  and  his  cool  head  and 
animating  presence  rallied,  and  preserved  the  line  even  after  he  was 
severely  wounded.  The  importance  of  the  actual  presence  of  Han- 
cock cannot  be  over-estimated.  He  did  not  leave  the  field  until 
victory  was  assured,  and  then  from  his  couch  dictated  a note  to 
Meade,  imploring  him  to  make  a counter-attack  upon  the  enemy 


Hancock  Wounded. 


GETTYSBURG. 


2 I 7 


already  weakened  and  almost  destroyed.  Meade,  however,  was  in  no 
mood  to  hazard  the  success  already  gained.  He  had  not  forgotten 
the  encircling  fire  of  artillery  so  lately  turned  upon  Cemetery  Heights, 
and  which  could  sweep  away  his  troops  in  crossing  the  valley.  He 
was  cautiously  inclined  to  let  well  enough  alone.  Little  more 
remains  to  be  said  of  this  terrible  battle. 

A cavalry  attack  had  been  made  on  our  right  rear,  intended  to 
give  to  the  Confederates,  if  successful  in  the  attack  on  Cemetery 
Ridge,  a position  to  intercept  our  retreat.  This  sabre  thrust  was 
parried  by  Custer,  who  drove  Stuart  back. 

The  Union  loss  in  these  three  days’  battles  is  estimated  by  the 
Count  de  Paris  as  2834  killed,  13,709  wounded,  6643  missing;  total, 
23,186.  Lee,  on  the  other  hand,  gives  no  definite  estimate  of  his 
losses.  The  authority  cited,  however,  puts  it  at  a total  of  23,000; 
but  if  such  is  admitted  by  the  Confederates  to  be  their  loss,  it  is  safe 
to  assume  that  it  was  larger. 

Thus  ended  the  bloody  battle  of  Gettysburg,  which  the  Confeder- 
ates began  in  high  hopes  and  ended  in  bloody  defeat. 

Here  the  last  and  most  terrible  wave  of  invasion  beat  on  Ceme- 
tery Ridge  and  rolled  back ! Here  the  tide  of  rebellion  reached  its 
highest  limits,  and  ebbed  from  that  hour ! 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  July  4,  1863,  the  anniversary  of  our 
national  existence,  was  the  turning-point  in  the  war,  and  that  the 
government  of  the  people  received  a new  declaration  and  endorsement 
by  the  blood  of  our  soldiers. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


INCIDENTAL  TO  GETTYSBURG. 


lHE  minor  occurrences  of  a fight,  as  afterward  rehearsed  around 


1 the  camp-fire,  are  too  numerous  and  complicated  for  repetition, 
yet  no  history  of  a battle  is  complete  without  an  intersprinkling  of 
characteristic  incidents. 

Illustrative  of  the  spirit  with  which  our  men  fought  in  this  battle, 
Captain  Blake  of  the  Eleventh  Massachusetts  tells,  in  substance,  the 
following:  After  Humphrey’s  division  was  driven  back  from  the 
Emmetsburg  road,  and  the  rebels  were  falling  back,  a cry  went  down 
the  line,  from  the  private  soldiers,  “Charge  on  them!”  “Charge 
on  them  ! ” With  a shout  the  First  Brigade,  unheeding  the  orders 
of  Humphrey,  charged  upon  the  rebels,  who  fell  back  before  this 
irresistible  advance.  As  a result  of  this  impromptu  movement, 
several  hundred  prisoners  were  captured,  and  several  cannon  retaken. 
The  prisoners  taken  from  the  enemy  cheerfully  assisted  our  men  in 
removing  the  recaptured  artillery  to  a safe  position  in  the  rear. 

After  the  charge,  a brigadier-general  complained  that  he  could 
not  find  his  brigade,  and  sent  word  to  the  front  to  have  his  men 
return.  The  men,  wishing  to  sleep  upon  the  field  they  had  recap- 
tured by  their  bravery,  sent  back  word  that  if  he  would  come  to  the 
front  he  would  find  his  colors  and  men,  and  if  he  was  not  such  a 
d — d coward  he’d  be  there. 

When  Humphrey’s  men  charged,  many  of  the  enemy,  and  our 
own  men  supposed  to  be  dead  or  wounded,  regained  their  feet  on 
the  field  over  which  the  charging  column  had  passed.  The  wcunded 
feebly  hurrahed  and  said,  “ We  don’t  care  for  our  wounds  if  you’ll 
only  go  in  and  whip  the  rebs  ! ” 

Some  of  the  captured  enemy  were  very  doleful  over  the  results 
of  the  fight.  One  of  them  said,  “ Doggoned  if  we’ve  been  any  match 
for  you’n  Yanks  to-day  anyway.  Every  rooster  fights  best  on  his 
own  dunghill  ! ” 


2l3 


INCIDENTAL  TO  GETTYSBURG. 


219 


One  of  them  lamented  that  it  was  no  use  to  fight  now  old 
“Stonewall”  was  dead.  “Anyway  he  war  a powerful  fightin’  and 
prayin’  man,  Stonewall  war ! ” said  he. 

When  the  rebels  penetrated  between  Humphrey’s  and  Barnes’s 
brigades,  after  the  peach-orchard  fight,  as  elsewhere  related,  Barnes’s 
brigade,  pivoting  on  its  left,  swung  back  its  right  to  bring  its 
line  parallel  to  the  yelling,  charging  line  of  the  enemy.  As  the 
rebels  advanced  on  the  brigade  our  men  distinctly  heard  the  order, 


My  Friend  Tom  in  a Fix. 


“Fire  !”  and  instinctively  the  whole  line  crouched  upon  the  ground, 
and  the  volley  went  hurtling  and  zipping  among  the  trees  over  their 
heads,  bringing  down  a perfect  shower  of  leaves  and  twigs. 

My  friend  Tom  says  not  a man  was  hurt  by  this  volley  anywhere 
in  that  part  of  the  line,  but  the  enemy  were  too  numerous  for  them 
to  withstand,  and  they  fell  back  to  a lane,  walled  on  either  side  with 
stone.  While  they  were  reloading  their  muskets  one  of  the  men, 
a little  behind  in  arriving,  in  attempting  to  get  over  this  wall  was 
shot  dead  and  fell  across  Tom,  who,  not  understanding  that  the  man 


220 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


had  been  shot,  began  to  reproach  him  in  language  more  forcible  than 
polite,  as  a dunderhead,  blunderer,  and  coward.  The  limp  form  and 
streams  of  warm  blood  oozing  from  a wound  soon  informed  Tom 
that  the  man  was  dead,  and  he  rolled  the  limp  form  from  him.  The 
incident  had,  however,  so  engaged  his  attention  for  the  moment  that 
he  now  for  the  first  time  perceived  that  his  regiment  had  retreated. 
Saturated  with  blood  he  was  getting  to  his  feet  to  follow,  when  a line 
of  rebel  muskets  was  thrust  over  the  stone  wall  behind  which  he  lay, 
and  a flash  and  volley  followed.  Then  the  enemy  jumped  the  wall 
and  with  a prodigious  yell  pursued  the  retreating  Yanks.  The  rebel 
stretcher-bearers  following  the  line,  soon  came  upon  Tom,  and  seeing 
him  covered  with  blood,  naturally  thought  him  severely  wounded, 
and  asked  him  how  badly  he  was  hurt.  Tom,  thinking  the  role 
of  a wounded  man  preferable  to  chat  of  a prisoner,  faintly  told  them 
that  he  didn’t  think  he  was  long  for  this  life.  “ Keep  up  as  well  as 
you  can  and  we’ll  attend  to  you  after  we’ve  seen  to  our  own  men  ! ” 
they  said.  One  of  them  then  clubbed  and  broke  Tom’s  musket  over 
the  wall  and  departed,  leaving  Tom  to  make  the  best  of  it.  “ I 
couldn’t  tell  how  long  it  was,”  said  Tom,  “perhaps  an  hour  and 
perhaps  ten  minutes,  before  I heard  the  sound  of  battle  approaching 
me  from  the  direction  of  the  Union  lines.”  Not  ambitious  of  being 
shot  by  his  own  comrades,  or  taken  prisoner  by  the  rebels,  he  crawled 
between  two  boulders,  where  he  was  likely  to  be  unobserved  and 
comparatively  safe  from  the  volleys  of  musketry.  In  this  position 
he  awaited  results,  until  the  Pennsylvania  reserves,  like  a lot  of  game 
cocks  repelling  invading  roosters  from  their  dunghill,  came  driving 
the  rebels  over  him  like  a flock  of  sheep.  In  a half  hour  more  Tom 
had  picked  up  a good  musket  for  the  morrow’s  fight,  regained  his 
regiment,  and  reported  for  duty,  where  he  was  welcomed  to  life  by 
comrades  who  had  thought  him  dead. 

Night  came,  and  silence,  interrupted  only  by  the  groans  of  the 
wounded,  succeeded  the  uproar  of  battle.  The  moon  rose  and  looked 
down  with  her  silvery,  kindly  light  upon  the  upturned  pallid  faces 
of  dead  men  lying  upon  this  field  of  strife. 

The  triangular  field  of  wheat  over  which  the  battle  had  raged 
on  our  left  had  been  trampled  in  the  ground,  and  the  dead  lay  thickly 
strown  upon  its  life-giving  grain,  all  reddened  by  their  blood.  Be- 
hind every  rock  in  front  of  Little  Round  Top  lay  the  Union  and 
rebel  wounded. 


INCIDENTAL  TO  GETTYSBURG. 


221 


An  acquaintance  of  mine,  who  had  lost  a comrade  in  the  fight 
at  Little  Round  Top,  had,  in  the  comparative  darkness,  advanced 
beyond  our  pickets  among  the  rocks  to  find  him.  While  cautiously 
advancing  and  stepping  over  the  dead,  thickly  strown  at  this  point, 
a rebel  officer  whom  he  had  thought  dead,  spoke  in  a low  tone  and 
said,  “ Be  careful,  or  you  will  be  shot ! My  men  are  out  there  just 
beyond  ! ” My  friend,  who  had  at  that  moment  no  very  pleasant 
feeling  toward  the  enemy  he  had  been  fighting  all  day,  replied  crisply 
that  he  could  take  care  of  himself  without  any  help  ! He  contin- 
ued to  advance,  looking  into  the  faces  of  the  dead  to  discover  his 
friend,  when  he  was  brought  to  a halt  by  the  challenge  of  the  rebel 
picket  and  the  crack  of  a musket.  Crouching  behind  the  rocks  he 
again  crept  back  to  our  lines.  Arriving  at  the  group  of  dead  where 
the  wounded  officer  had  warned  him,  he  determined  to  see  if  he  could 
return  the  timely  warning  by  some  kindly  act.  He  asked  the  man 
if  he  could  do  anything  to  help  him.  The  rebel  officer  replied  that 
he  was  lying  in  a painful  position  with  a stone  under  him.  Gathering 
some  blankets  from  the  dead,  my  friend  fixed  a comfortable  couch, 
lifted  him  to  it,  and  gave  him  some  hardtack  and  water. 

The  officer  said,  “You  must  have  had  a powerful  line  there 
to-day.  We  Texas  chaps  have  never  been  so  roughly  handled  since 
we’ve  been  in  the  service.” 

My  friend  inquired  of  him  what  officer  it  was  on  a white  horse  he 
had  seen  in  front  of  Little  Round  Top  that  day. 

“ I reckon  that  was  Longstreet.  He  rides  a white  horse,”  was 
the  reply. 

This  simple  incident  is  given  to  illustrate  the  good  feeling  shown 
the  wounded  after  a fight,  and  common  to  both  parties.  Fighting 
men  are  seldom  vindictive.  It  is  the  non-combatants  and  skulkers 
to  whom  that  glory  is  confined. 

Among  the  mortally  wounded  on  the  rebel  side,  was  Barksdale  of 
Mississippi,  who  was  stricken  down  while,  with  his  long  white  hair 
streaming  in  the  wind,  he  was  leading  his  men  in  the  fierce  charge 
on  Humphrey’s  division.  He  lay  within  the  second  line  of  Union 
batteries.  He  told  our  nurses,  who  thought  to  help  him,  that  he  did 
not  need  any  attention  as  his  wound  was  mortal.  He  spoke  sorrow- 
fully of  his  family  and  home  far  away  in  the  Southwest.  He  made 
but  one  allusion  to  the  fight,  when,  with  something  of  his  old  war 


222 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


spirit  he  said,  “General  Lee  will  clean  you  out  of  this  place  to- 
morrow ! ” 

General  Sickles,  who  had  lost  a leg  in  the  engagement,  showed 
constant  anxiety  about  the  fight,  although  desperately  wounded. 

A little  fellow,  wearing  the  rebel  gray,  was  picked  up  by  our 
stretcher-bearers.  He  was  crying  quite  boisterously,  and  when  asked 
what  he  was  crying  for,  said  it  was  because  General  Lee  had  always 
before  put  his  regiment  in  the  front. 

In  the  engagement  on  the  left,  one  of  our  men  stopped  to  assist 
a wounded  comrade  to  the  rear.  “ Don’t  mind  me,”  said  the 
wounded  man;  “go  in  and  lick  the  rebs  ; I’d  give  a hundred  lives 
rather  than  have  them  whip  us  to-day  ! ” 

A number  of  men  badly  wounded  (enough  to  justify  their  being 
sent  to  the  rear)  insisted  on  staying  with  the  line  and  fighting  it  out. 
One  of  Webb’s  men,  wounded  in  the  arm,  was  asked  why  he  didn’t 
go  to  the  rear,  as  he  could  not  shoot  with  one  arm  in  a sling ; he 
replied,  he  guessed  he  could  rest  his  musket  on  a rail,  and  with  a 
twinkle  of  humor  in  his  eye,  hesitatingly  said,  “ Besides,  it’s  so  near 
the  4th  of  July  it  don’t  pay  a feller  who  wants  to  celebrate.” 

Men  who  had  fought  all  day  requested  permission  to  go  upon  the 
battle-field  at  night  and  help  their  wounded  comrades.  Details  took 
the  canteens  of  those  who  remained  behind,  and  carried  water  to  the 
wounded  on  the  field.  They  extemporized  stretchers  of  blankets, 
rails,  and  limbs  of  trees,  and  sometimes  of  muskets,  and  bore  the 
wounded  to  the  hospital. 

The  ambulance  corps  and  stretcher-bearers,  regularly  detailed, 
who  were  supposed  to  attend  to  their  duty,  kept  themselves  in  safe 
positions  in  the  rear,  in  many  cases.  In  one  instance  a stretcher- 
bearer  was  wounded,  and  the  surgeon  spoke  in  terms  of  censure,  as 
though  he  had  been  out  of  place  in  exposing  himself  while  in  per- 
formance of  duty. 

Some  of  the  surgeons  were  unfeeling  wretches  who  always  con- 
sulted their  own  comfort  and  convenience,  rather  than  that  of  the 
wounded  or  sick.  I have  seen  them  refuse  to  attend  wounded  men 
because  they  did  not  belong  to  their  corps  or  division,  and  that  when 
the  need  was  imperative. 

Squads  of  rebels  wandered  over  the  plain  during  the  night  giving 
water  to  the  wounded,  and  one  of  them  who  had  unwittingly  strag- 


INCIDENTAL  TO  GETTYSBURG. 


223 


gled  into  our  lines  said  : “ I’m  your  prisoner  if  you  say  so,  but  I’m 
giving:  water  to  all  alike,”  and  was  released  on  this  assurance. 

The  loss  of  those  engaged  on  our  left  was  enormous.  In  some 
brigades  more  than  half  were  disabled,  killed,  wounded,  or  missing. 
Webb’s  division,  the  second  day,  was  not  attacked  until  sundown, 
when  the  rebels  charged  up  the  hill  on  our  line.  The  yells  and  cheers 
of  the  contestants  mingled  with  the  crackle  of  volleys  and  the  roar  of 
artillery.  The  smoke  hung  over  Webb’s  brigade,  which  contested 
the  possession  of  the  guns  on  the  left  with  Wright’s  rebel  division. 
Cemetery  Hill,  which  must  not  be  confounded  with  Cemetery  Ridge, 
was  on  our  right,  and  the  ridge  on  which  we  were  posted  was  on  its 
left.  We  distinctly  saw  the  fight  in  both  directions. 

When  the  rebels  attacked  Cemetery  Hill  they  got  among  the 
guns  of  Stevens’s  battery;  but  the  gunners  refused  to  surrender,  and 


Biglou/’s  Battery  retiring  with  Prolonges. 


fought  with  their  rammers  and  handspikes,  exclaiming:  “Death  on 
our  soil  rather  than  surrender  these  guns  to  the  rebs  ! ” The  Thirty- 
third  Massachusetts  opened  a destructive  oblique  fire  on  the  rebels 
when  they  were  making  an  attack  on  the  Cemetery  in  the  after- 
noon. One  of  the  sergeants  turned  to  the  men,  as  the  enemy  were 
advancing,  and  said,  “We’ve  got  to  die  here,  men.  It  won’t  do  to  let 
these  rebs  get  up  the  hill.” 

The  incident  is  told  of  Biglow’s  battery,  which  was  in  front  of 
the  Trostle  House,  that  it  was  ordered  to  continue  firing  and  sacri- 
fice the  battery  (which,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  without  infantry 


224 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


supports)  in  order  to  give  the  other  batteries  with  their  supports  time 
to  get  into  position.  The  men  would  not  give  up  their  guns,  but 
fought  with  fixed  prolonges  (as  a sort  of  compromise  with  their 
instructions)  until  the  enemy  were  within  six  feet  of  them,  and  then, 
with  the  loss  of  three  officers  and  twenty-three  men,  retired. 

The  rebel  report  says  one  shell  from  this  battery  killed  and 
wounded  thirty  men  out  of  a company  of  thirty-seven. 

General  Doubleday  gives  us  the  following  incident  on  the  author- 
ity of  Dr.  J.  R.  Wood,  a Georgian,  who  was  in  the  conflict : — 

Wright  had  attained  the  crest  of  the  ridge,  and  the  brigade  of 
Wilcox  was  advancing.  “As  they  approached  the  ridge  a Union 
battery  limbered  up  and  galloped  off.  The  last  gun  was  delayed  and 
the  cannoneer,  with  a long  line  of  muskets  pointing  at  him,  within  a 
few  feet,  deliberately  drove  off  the  field.”  The  Georgians  mani- 
fested their  admiration  by  crying  out,  “Don’t  shoot!”  and  not  a 
musket  was  fired  at  him. 

During  the  long  moonlight  night  of  the  2d  parts  of  our  line 
were  being  strengthened  by  breastworks,  and  there  was  but  little 
rest  given  to  the  wearied  veterans  who  had  fought  through  the  day. 

The  pluck  and  patriotism  of  the  private  soldier  did  more  to  save 
the  battle  to  the  Union  cause  than  grand  manoeuvres  had  done,  and 
had  counteracted  the  blunders  made  during  the  fight. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


AFTER  GETTYSBURG. 

“ JOHNNIE  REB  has  got  all  he  wants  of  fighting  this  time!”  was 
cJ  the  common  expression  among  the  soldiers.  The  feeling  was 
very  general  among  the  rank  and  file  that  we  ought  to  lose  no  time 
in  making  a counter-attack  on  the  rebel  centre  or  flank.  The  sol- 
diers said,  “We’ve  got  them  on  the  run  now,  let’s  follow  them  up  ! ” 
They  believed  we  had  an  opportunity  of  closing  the  war  as  if  with  a 
thunderbolt. 

If  Hancock  had  not  been  wounded,  this  might  have  been  done. 
As  it  was,  Meade  was  evidently  thankful  he  had  not  been  destroyed, 
and  did  not  therefore  care  to  further  tempt  the  Fates  by  an  attack. 
He  was  slow  to  understand  the  damage  done  to  Lee. 

The  expressions  of  admiration  for  the  pluck  displayed  in  the 
attack  on  our  lines  by  the  barefooted  soldiers  in  tattered  gray  were 
very  common.  There  was  a thrill  of  pride  that  these  brave  men 
were,  after  all,  Americans. 

It  is  said  that  the  heroic  General  Armistead,  whose  brigade  was 
the  lance-head  of  the  attack  which  had  penetrated  our  lines,  had, 
early  in  the  war,  fought  on  the  Union  side,  but  had  been  seduced 
from  his  allegiance  by  the  influence  of  his  friends.  Before  he  died, 
he  is  reported  as  having  said,  “Tell  Hancock  I have  wronged  him 
and  my  country  ! ” 

Whatever  may  have  been  his  faults,  however  he  may  have  erred, 
no  braver  man  ever  led  in  a charge.  When  he  broke  through  our 
lines  he  was  followed  by  not  over  a hundred  of  his  men,  and  fell, 
mortally  wounded,  near  the  group  of  trees  which  marked  the  highest 
tide  of  the  invasion. 

It  is  said  that  in  one  of  the  battles  before  Richmond,  he  had  dodged 
behind  the  trunk  of  a poplar  tree.  When  he  was  leading  his  brigade 
across  the  open  plain  to  attack  the  heights,  some  of  his  men  who  dis- 

225 


226 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


liked  him,  sarcastically  said,  “There  are  no  poplar  trees  to  get  behind 
here!”  He  replied  to  their  taunts  by  saying,  “Before  this  charge 
is  over  you  will  wish  there  were  some  poplar  trees  here  ! ” 

At  one  time  in  the  din  of  the  fight  on  the  ridge,  Hall,  of  the  Sec- 
ond Corps,  had  ordered  the  flags  of  his  brigade  forward,  and  the  men 
of  two  regiments  swept  on  towards  their  colors  as  if  by  an  electric 
impulse,  passing  completely  through  Webb’s  brigade  line,  and  engag- 
ing the  enemy  in  a hand-to-hand  attack.  The  brunt  of  the  attack 
had  fallen  upon  Gibbon’s  division.  Webb’s  front  was  the  focus  of 
the  artillery  fire  where  Cushing’s  battery  and  Brown’s  Rhode  Island 
battery  were  almost  annihilated.  Wheeler’s  First  New  York  battery 
that  took  their  place  proved  worthy  to  succeed  them. 

The  Second  Corps,  under  Hancock,  had  covered  itself  with  glory 
by  repelling  this  last  desperate  charge,  and  its  survivors  may  proudly 
say,  as  a criterion  of  their  bravery,  “I  fought  with  Hancock  at  Cem- 
etery Ridge  ! ” 

It  was  said  that  Custer,  at  one  time,  headed  the  First  Michigan 
cavalry  in  repelling  the  cavalry  attack  on  our  left  rear,  exclaiming, 
“Come  on,  you  Wolverines!”  and  with  his  long  hair  flying  in  the 
wind  like  a battle-flag,  led  them  into  the  jaws  of  death. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac,  baffled  and  defeated  in  so  many  con- 
flicts and  campaigns,  had  now,  at  last,  won  a victory  substantial 
and  glorious.  It  had  gained  a great  victory  — but  at  what  cost  of 
human  suffering ! The  smiling  valley  which  looked  so  peaceful  and 
sweet  with  homelike  scenes  on  the  ist  was  now  the  valley  of  death. 
Five  thousand  dead  men  and  thirty -four  thousand  wounded  lay  within 
a circle  of  a few  miles.  Fields  of  grain  were  trampled  into  the  ground, 
and  replaced  by  a harvest  of  wounds  and  death.  Peaceful  dwellings 
were  burned,  crushed,  and  riddled  with  shot  and  bullets.  The  barns 
were  filled  with  dead  and  dying.  Every  shelter  was  a hospital.  The 
space  between  Round  Top  and  the  peach-orchard  and  the  valley  in 
our  front  were  covered  with  wounded  and  dying  men. 

There  are  few  sadder  things  in  life  than  the  morning  after  a great 
battle.  The  nerves  that  have  been  braced  and  strung  to  their  highest 
tension  are  then  relaxed,  and  a depressing  reaction  follows  the  over- 
wrought excitement.  We  then  look  upon  its  scenes  with  different 
eyes. 

Our  regiment,  says  a comrade,  lost  terribly.  The  brigade  had 


Custer's  Charge  at  Gettysburg.  Page  220. 


AFTER  GETTYSBURG. 


227 


lost  two  of  its  regimental  commanders,  while  two  more  were  wounded. 
Among  the  wounded  of  our  company  was  my  friend,  Wad  Rider. 
Down  towards  the  stone  wall,  on  which  stood  the  post  and  rail  fence 
before  mentioned,  the  stretcher-bearers  found  him  faint  from  the  loss 
of  blood;  Pat  Quin  afterwards  said,  “Hobnobbing  and  sympathizing 
with  wounded  rebs  ! ” Wad  afterwards  told  me  the  following  story  : — 

“When  them  rebs  came  piling  over  that  wall  the  first  thing  I knew 
I didn’t  know  anything.  My  clothes  seemed  wet  with  something- 
warm  which  I found  was  blood.  It  made  me  faintish  like.  Right 
side  of  me  was  a big  reb.  He  had  torn  his  clothes  half  off  of  him- 
self, looking  for  his  wound,  and  was  pale  and  wax-like,  and  as  ugly  as 
sin.  I said  : ‘Well,  Johnnie  Reb,  how  do  you  like  it  as  far  as  you 
have  come?'  ‘You  doggoned  mean  Yank,  I’ll  show  yer  ! ’ said  he, 
and  he  drew  a long,  ugly-looking  knife  on  me.  I told  him  to  hold  up 
or  I’d  fix  him,  and  got  my  bayonet  ready  to  prod  him  if  he  showed 
any  more  fight. 

“ I was  awful  dry,  so  with  one  eye  on  that  reb  I took  up  my  can- 
teen for  a drink  of  water.  Darn  me  if  it  wasn’t  whiskey  ! I’d  been 
swapping  canteens,  somehow,  with  an  officer;  but  I took  a drink  just 
the  same,  though  I’d  given  the  whole  canteen  full  for  one  little  drink 
of  water.  I tell  you  when  you  are  awful  dry  nothing  tastes  as  good 
as  water!  When  I was  taking  a drink  that  reb  was  so  pale  and  looked 
so  wistful  like  towards  my  canteen,  I was  so  darned  sorry  for  him 
that  I couldn’t  stand  that  look  of  his,  so  I swung  it  towards  him  by 
the  string  and  said  : ‘ There  ain’t  nothing  small  about  me  except  my 
feet ! Have  a drink?  ’ He  took  out  his  chew  of  tobacco,  uncorked 
the  canteen,  and  gracious  ! you’d  ought  to  have  heard  that  whiskey 
gurgle  down  his  throat ! I thought  he’d  never  let  up  on  it  ! 

“ At  last  he  finished  his  drink,  smacked  his  lips,  and  rolled  his 
eyes,  and  said,  ‘ Stranger,  those  is  right  smart  whiskey  ! ’ 

“ Then  we  ’gan  to  talk.  ‘ I’ve  got  my  bellyful  of  fightin’,  I have  ! ’ 
said  he.  I told  him  we  were  dreadful  willing  to  fill  all  the  rebs  full 
of  them  rations  if  they’d  hold  still  and  let  us.  He  kinder  chuckled, 
and  said  he,  ‘Well,  I reckon  so,  Yank!  but  you’ll  find  we’uns  have 
got  a powerful  sight  of  fight  left.  I’ve  a right  smart  for  my  use  tho’ ! 
This  is  the  rich  man’s  war  and  the  poor  man’s  fight.’  ‘That’s  so,’ 
said  I.  ‘ You  don’t  own  a darned  nigger,  I suppose,  and  are  fighting 
to  keep  them  for  rich  men  ? ’ 


228 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


“ ‘ I reckon  you’uns  ar  fightin’  over  niggers  yer  don’t  own  either,’ 
said  he. 

“ By  and  by  Pat  Quin  and  Bill  Pendleton  come  along  with  a 
stretcher  and  that  darned  Irishman  Quin,  blubbered  right  out  when 
he  see  me.  ‘ God  bless  yer  darlint  rid  hed  ! ’ says  he. 

“ They  were  going  to  put  me  on  a stretcher,  but  I told  them  to 
take  up  the  reb  and  I’d  walk,  with  a little  help,  up  to  the  doctor’s 
butcher  shop. 

“ Pat  he  growled,  and  said,  “’Twas  like  lambs  trying  to  help  wolves 
that  had  just  been  trying  to  eat  ’em.’  ” 

“Pat  was  such  a lamb,  you  know!”  here  interrupted  Joe,  with  a 
grin. 

“Yes,”  said  Wad,  “this  darned  soft-hearted,  lunkheaded  Joe  here 

wanted  to  take  me 
up  and  carry  me  like 
a baby  ! After  I 
fainted  I guess  you 
had  to,  didn’t  you, 
old  fellow?”  address- 
ing Joe. 

“ Well,  that  John- 
nie and  I got  to  be 
pretty  good  friends 
after  you  boys 
marched  off.  We 
lay  under  a fly  to- 
gether. The  surgeon 
most  killed  me  prob- 
ing around  for  a bul- 
let — hurt  me  worse 

Taming  a Reb.  than  the  bullet  did! 

The  sanitary  folks 

were  always  coming  around  doing  something  for  us,  after  the  4th. 

“One  real  kind  old  maid  came  around  and  said,  ‘Is  there  any- 
thing I can  do  for  you,  my  poor  boy  ? ’ 

“‘I’m  pretty  well,  I thank  ye!’  said  I,  ‘butther’s  a fellow  ye 
might  help,’  pointing  to  my  reb,  who  was  sick  and  ‘womblecrop' 
like  ! 


AFTER  GETTYSBURG. 


229 

i 

“ ‘ But  he’s  a rebel,’  said  she.  That  reb  pretended  he  was  sleeping, 
but  I knew  he  heared  every  word.  ‘ Yes,’  said  I,  ‘ but  he’s  a pretty 
good  fellow,  tho’,  and  hain’t  got  no  friends  here,  and  I have.  There’s 
just  as  much  human  nature  in  a reb  as  in  anybody ! ’ 

“ So  she  went  over  and  spoke  to  him,  but  he  wouldn’t  open  his 
eyes.  So  she  took  out  a clean  handkerchief  and  a bottle  of  some  bay 
rum  or  something,  and  began  bathing  his  head  and  smoothing  back 
his  hair  and  fixing  him  up.  Then  she  took  a lot  of  goodies  out  of 
her  gripsack,  an  orange  and  other  things,  and  dreadful  kind  like,  said  : 
‘ My  poor  boy,  is  there  nothing  more  I can  do  ? Would  you  like  me 
to  write  to  your  mother  ? ’ 

“The  tears  began  to  come  through  his  closed  eyelids,  and  some- 
thing like  a lump  came  up  in  his  throat,  and  he  blubbered  right  out, 
he  did,  ‘ Doggoned  if  I’d  a thought  you'uns  would  be  so  kind  to 
we’uns  ! ’ I never  heard  him  say  anything  ugly  or  bitter  like  after  that 
about  our  folks.” 

“Well,”  said  Joe,  with  a sympathetic  tear  in  his  eye  at  this  nar- 
ration, “yer  all  right  neow,  Wad  ? ” 

“Yes,”  said  Wad,  with  a twinkle  of  humor  in  his  eye,  “and  I 
want  to  catch  some  more  rebs  to  tame  ! ” 

“ What  ? ” 

“Yes,  I s’pose  I blubbered  a little,  too  ! ” 

“ Ye’s  no  more  fit  to  be  a soldier  than  the  divil’s  risidence  is  to 
keep  ice-wather  in.  Ye’s  too  aisy  wid  ’um,  me  bye  ! ” said  Quin. . 

“ Go  away,  lamb  ! ” said  Wad,  and  after  that  we  called  Quin  “ the 
lamb  ! ” 

I have  tried  to  tell  this  simple  story  of  Wad  Rider  as  I heard  it 
from  his  lips  because  it  illustrates  the  inherent  kindness  among  sol- 
diers for  each  other,  whether  friends  or  foes.  Soldiering  makes  men 
rough,  but  generous,  brave,  and  kind. 

“The  morning  after  the  battle,  the  saddest  sight  I saw,”  said  a 
comrade,  “was  men  calling  upon  me  piteously  to  kill  them  to  relieve 
them  from  their  terrible  agony.”  “It  seems  a pity,”  said  Joe,  “you 
can’t  put  a man  out  of  misery  as  yer  can  a horse  ! ” 

One  of  our  wounded  men  was  found  near  a house  on  the  Emmets- 
burg  road.  He  told  us  it  was  his  father’s  house,  and  when  his  company 
fell  back  he  stayed  behind  to  have  a little  private  shooting  of  his  own. 
“Got  the  worst  of  it,  too  ! ” said  Joe. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


230 

“Well,  I don’  know,”  said  he.  “I  wollenteered  to  fight  and  it 
made  me  mad  to  see  ’um  prowling  round  our  house.  I plugged  some 
of  ’um  ! Ven  they  cum  on  I shust  hold  de  fort.  I ain’t  saw  no 
’casion  to  be  sorry  yet  ! ” 

The  rebel  prisoners  seemed  surprised  at  the  richness  of  the 
Northern  country  through  which  they  were  marched.  Said  one  : — 

“ I’ve  been  totin’  round  all  over  this  doggoned  Yankee  country, 
and  you’uns  has  got  a heap  more  of  truck  and  fixin’s  to  live  on  than 
we’uns  have  ! ” One  of  them  remarked  to  me  that  as  the  rebel  army 
approached,  the  Dutchmen  ran  away,  but  the  women  stayed  in  their 
houses.  “ I reckon  your  women  are  the  best  men  ye’ve  got  up  here ! ” 
A tribute  which  the  Pennsylvania  women  richly  deserved. 

It  rained  very  hard  on  the  4th,  and  the  day  was  passed  in  assisting 
the  wounded,  re-forming  the  lines,  and  waiting  for  an  attack.  We 
knew  when  the  rebel  army  had  retreated,  by  the  arrival  of  non-com- 
batants, red-tape  handlers,  gilt-edged  brigadier-generals,  sutlers,  and 
regimental  bands. 

On  the  5th  we  got  marching  orders.  All  through  Maryland  we 
were  welcomed  with  enthusiasm  by  the  loyal  people,  and  treated 
hospitably  by  all. 

There  has  been  much  discussion  as  to  why  the  Union  army  did 
not  attack  the  rebels  at  Williamsport.  It  is  unquestionable  that 
Meade’s  timidity  prevented  it.  Nature  herself  seemed  to  fight  on 
our  side. 

The  retreat  of  Lee  was  cautious  and  masterly,  but  circumstances, 
so  often  averse  to  our  army,  seemed  to  invite  the  Union  army  to  win 
another  victory.  Meade  was  slow  in  pursuit.  The  5th  and  6th  of 
July  were  wasted. 

It  was  the  6th  before  he  was  convinced  that  Lee  really  was 
retreating,  and  learned  that  his  head  column  had  passed  beyond 
Hagerstown.  On  the  6th  the  Potomac,  swollen  by  rains,  had  risen 
seven  feet.  Lee  was  blockaded.  The  bridge  at  Falling  Waters  was 
destroyed  by  our  force  under  French. 

Meade  knew  these  facts,  and  it  seemed  as  if  Providence  was 
urging  him  to  attack  by  stretching  out  a hand  filled  with  oppor- 
tunities. He  simply  followed  step  by  step,  with  his  cavalry.  Lee 
was  meanwhile  watchful  to  know  when  he  was  to  be  attacked,  in 
order  to  select  a strong  defensive  position. 


AFTER  GETTYSBURG. 


231 


Halleck,  who  had  been  surprised  into  promptness,  placed  at  his 
disposal  the  garrisons  of  Washington  and  Baltimore.  With  the 
swollen  condition  of  the  river,  why  could  not  this,  or  some  other 
force  taken  from  our  superior  numbers,  have  been  sent  by  the 
way  of  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  confronted  Lee  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Potomac,  cut  off  his  ammunition  and  supplies  and  checked  his 
retreat  ? 

Lee  was  defeated  and  in  retreat,  with  a swollen,  impassable  river 
between  him  and  his  base.  The  Union  army  was  well  equipped, 
flushed  with  victory,  superior  in  numbers,  confident,  and  anxious  to 
put  an  end  to  the  war.  It  might  have  been  defeated  ; that  is  pos- 
sible with  an  army  at  any  time,  but  the  probabilities  were  much 
in  favor  of  its  being  victorious.  Was  not  the  promise  worth  the 
risk  ? 

Kilpatrick  kept  close  upon  the  heels  of  the  enemy,  leaving  two 
regiments  and  one  battery  at  Harper’s  Ferry  to  delay  the  rebel 
cavalry.  Stuart  was  on  his  track.  At  four  o’clock  p.m.  of  the  6th 
Kilpatrick  arrived  in  sight  of  the  Potomac,  and  advanced  against  the 
Confederates  there  formed.  He  boldly  attacked,  but  was  repulsed. 
Meade  left  Gettysburg  the  same  day.  He  was  informed  of  Kil- 
patrick’s repulse  as  well  as  of  the  rise  of  the  river. 

On  the  8th  Meade  had  pushed  his  infantry  to  South  Mountain. 
He  was  in  no  hurry,  and  did  not  intend  that  the  battle-field  should 
be  left  to  chance.  Meade  had  men  enough.  The  corps  of  eleven 
thousand,  under  Baldy  Smith,  was  fresh  and  well  equipped.  The 
garrisons  of  Baltimore  and  Washington,  besides  four  thousand  men 
under  French,  were  placed  at  his  command. 

But,  after  learning  Lee’s  situation,  Meade  allowed  him  five  days 
in  which  to  choose  a position,  fortify  it,  and  renew  his  supplies. 
The  manner  in  which  Meade  should  have  attacked  Lee  may  be 
always  a question  of  an  honest  difference  of  opinion,  involving 
special  tactical  knowledge,  but  that  he  should  have  attacked  him 
before  he  was  able  to  cross  the  Potomac  upon  one  single  pontoon 
bridge  is  a matter  of  common  sense.  He  had  no  excuse  for  hesi- 
tation, since  he  had  received  repeated  orders  from  President  Lincoln 
to  attack  at  once  ; the  responsibility,  therefore,  in  case  of  defeat, 
would  not  have  been  his. 

On  the  9th  our  left  advance  was  on  Antietam  Creek,  and  the 


232 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


right  near  Funkstown.  On  the  nth  our  left  advanced  to  Jones’s 
Cross  Roads.  On  the  13th  it  was  in  front  of  the  position  occu- 
pied by  Lee,  to  cover  the  passage  of  the  Potomac.  On  the  14th, 
when  Meade  had  determined  to  attack,  it  was  discovered  that  the 
rebel  army  had  crossed  the  Potomac  into  Virginia.  Thus  ended  the 
invasion. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


VIRGINIA  AGAIN. 


THE  contrast  between  the  loyal  and  disloyal  States  was  fairly  pre- 
sented by  Virginia  and  Maryland.  “ That  sounds  dreadful  nat- 
ural ! ” said  Joe,  as  a frowsy  red-headed  woman  came  to  the  door  of 
a dilapidated  man- 
sion, where  we  were 
drawing  water  from 
the  well,  furiously 
exclaiming,  “If  I 
was  a man  I'd  git  a 
gun  and  shoot  bul- 
lets inter  your 
heads ! ” 

“ And  if  ye  was 
a man  an’  sure  I'd 
knock  yer  head  off, 
or  knock  some  sinse 
inter  it  ! ” wrath- 
fully  growled  Pat 
Quinn,  exasperated 
at  such  uncalled-for 
bitterness. 

The  contrast  be- 
tween Maryland  and 
Virginia  was  so 
great  as  to  be  noted' 
at  once  by  the  most 

J Welcome  bach  to  Virginia. 

obtuse  observer, 

upon  crossing  the  borders.  At  one  place,  where  the  boys  were 
pumping  water,  the  burly  owner  removed  the  handle  of  the  pump 


233 


234 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


and  carried  it  into  the  house,  and  then  asked  the  commanding  gen- 
eral for  a guard  to  protect  his  property  ! 

The  change  in  sentiment  and  manner,  from  courtesy  to  crustiness, 
surly  disrespect,  and  hate,  was  as  noticeable  as  the  change  in  con- 
dition from  thrift  to  shiftlessness. 

The  women  manifested  more  bitterness  than  the  men,  perhaps 
for  the  reason  that  they  had  learned  by  experience  how  tolerant  our 
men  were  to  disloyalty  when  simply  manifested  in  words.  It  was 
natural,  after  all,  to  hate  those  whom  they  had  been  taught  to  con- 
sider the  impersonation  of  every  mean  quality  possessed  by  mankind. 
Yet  it  seems  singular  to  me,  even  at  this  day,  that  those  so  little 
capable  of  appreciating  generous  treatment  should  claim  for  them- 
selves all  the  qualities  of  chivalry,  and  stigmatize  their  enemies  with 
every  epithet  of  meanness  known  to  their  vocabulary. 

I have  assisted  in  issuing  rations  to  destitute  Southern  families, 
and  have  afterwards,  when  marching  by  their  homes,  under  other 
circumstances,  been  taunted  with  hateful,  envenomed  epithets.  These 
viragoes  of  the  Virginia  borders,  who  scolded  so  furiously,  were, 
perhaps,  entitled  to  respect  as  mothers  of  brave  and  tenacious 
fighters,  and  no  one  will  deny  to  them  the  quality  of  being  good 
haters,  whatever  other  virtues  they  may  have  lacked. 

In  Maryland  or  Pennsylvania  it  was  unusual  to  put  guards  over 
property,  and  the  citizens  of  Maryland  seldom  complained  of  our 
men.  Upon  our  arrival  on  the  Virginia  side  of  the  Potomac  the 
owners  of  property  clamored  for  guards. 

At  one  time,  during  the  marches  in  Virginia  which  followed 
Gettysburg,  our  men  were  prohibited  from  using  fence  rails  for  fire- 
wood. This  order  was  finally  qualified  by  allowing  them  to  take  the 
top  rails.  This  was  interpreted  in  so  liberal  a manner  by  our  boys, 
that  each  man  took  the  rail  he  found  on  top,  until  the  bottom  rail 
was  the  top  one. 

Passing  through  the  Virginia  towns,  along  the  base  of  the  Blue 
Ridge,  we  noticed  a great  many  cripples,  who  had  evidently  been 
in  the  Southern  army.  Some  good-naturedly  avowed  the  fact,  or  at 
least  did  not  deny  it. 

“Where  did  you  lose  yer  leg  ? ’’  inquired  Joe  (who  was  in  pursuit 
of  all  kinds  of  information),  of  one  of  these  maimed  men. 

“In  a thrashing-machine!”  was  the  reply.  “Yis,”  said  Quinn, 


VIRGINIA  AGAIN. 


235 


“ and  it  is  quite  a number  of  your  gintlemen  who  have  lost  their 
legs,  bedad,  in  that  same  kind  of  a Yankee  thrashing-machine  at 
Gettysburg.” 

“Well,  stranger,”  said  the  reb,  “I  reckon  we  uns  have  helped  run 
a right  smart  of  them  machines  up  hyer  ! ” Joe  looked  crestfallen  in 
having  his  friend  Quinn  outwitted  by  the  reb  ; but  candidly  said  in 
an  undertone,  as  if  to  himself,  “ I guess  that’s  so  ! ” 

Blackberries  grew  abundantly  by  the  roadside  and  in  the  fields, 
and  at  every  halt  our  men  exhibited  an  amusing  anxiety  to  break 
ranks  for  the  blackberry  patches.  The  berries  were  certainly  very 
refreshing,  and  contributed  not  a little,  at  the  time,  toward  preserving 
the  health  of  men  whose  diet  was  confined  usually  to  a few  articles 
of  food. 

While  it  was  next  to  impossible  to  buy  food  of  the  inhabitants, 
there  was  one  form  of  persuasion  they  were  not  proof  against.  The 
most  hardened  secesh  would  trade  for  coffee,  and  I believe  the 
women  would  for  a little  snuff  have  sold  even  their  right  to  abuse 
Yankees.  It  is  not  impossible  Joe  was  right,  when  he  declared 
that  the  cheapest  way  to  settle  the  war  was  to  buy  off  the  women 
with  snuff  and  coffee. 

The  safe  retreat  of  Lee  into  Virginia  necessitated  our  pursuit. 
Meade’s  plan  of  manoeuvre  was  confessedly  modelled  in  imitation  of 
that  pursued  by  McClellan  after  Antietam.  A direct  advance  up 
the  Shenandoah  was  not  considered  practicable  on  account  of  the 
difficulty  of  subsisting  so  vast  an  army  by  the  means  available  in  that 
direction.  By  pursuing  a line  of  march  which  clung  close  to  the 
base  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  he  hoped  to  be  able  to  attack  Lee’s  army 
advantageously  before  it  could  break  through  the  mountain  barriers. 
We  marched  so  rapidly  that  our  advance  reached  Manassas  Gap  on 
the  22d,  while  the  Confederate  column  was  still  passing. 

Meade  ordered  French  to  make  a flank  attack  on  Lee’s  long- 
drawn-out  column.  The  commander  of  the  Third  Corps  had,  thus 
far,  shown  very  few  of  the  qualities  necessary  for  command,  and  was, 
as  the  sequel  proved,  unfitted  for  it.  He  was  almost  universally 
hated  by  the  private  soldiers  serving  under  him,  and  many  of  them 
declared  him  to  be  a drunkard  and  a coward. 

His  advance  consisted  of  some  of  Hooker’s  veterans  who,  as  they 
moved  forward  towards  the  top  of  the  crest  where  the  rebels  were 


236 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


posted,  loaded  and  fired  coolly,  picking,  meanwhile,  the  blackberries 
which  grew  abundantly  on  the  side  of  the  hill. 

They  had  driven  the  enemy  from  this  hill,  when  “ Old  Blinky,” 
as  some  of  the  soldiers  contemptuously  dubbed  a certain  general,  was 
seen  riding  along  surrounded  by  his  staff  and  a number  of  non- 
combatants.  The  soldiers  declared,  with  the  greatest  confidence, 
either  that  there  would  be  no  more  fighting,  or  that  their  general 
would  be  in  the  rear. 

Some  of  the  men  engaged  in  the  affair  have  declared  that  he  was 
half  drunk  at  the  time  mentioned.  His  promotion  was  said  to  be 
due  to  Halleck  with  whom  he  was  a favorite.  Whether  the  sayings 
and  opinions  of  the  soldiers  were  founded  on  fact  or  prejudice,  it  is 
certain  that  this  general  had,  by  his  mismanagement,  deprived  the 
hard-marched  Union  army  of  all  those  advantages  gained  by  their 
legs,  to  strike  a decisive  blow  at  the  enemy. 

General  Warren,  in  his  evidence  before  the  War  Committee,  says, 
“ He  made  a feeble  attack  with  one  brigade,  and  wasted  the  whole 
day  ! ” He  allowed  the  weak  rebel  rear-guard  to  delay  him  for  hours, 
and  did  not  come  at  their  line  of  battle  at  Front  Royal  until 
evening. 

The  army  had  now  been  marching  and  fighting  for  fifty  days. 
They  had  been  balked  by  the  tardy  action  of  this  misplaced  favorite 
of  General  Halleck,  but  were  now  about  to  enter  upon  a period  of 
much-needed  rest. 

The  view  from  the  hills  at  the  Gap  was  one  of  the  most  magnifi- 
cent possible.  Fields  of  grain,  forests  green  with  summer  foliage, 
undulating  or  rugged  hills  met  the  eye  on  every  side.  The  situation 
reminded  me  of  those  lines  in  the  “Missionary  Hymn”  : — 

“ Every  prospect  pleases  and  only  man  is  vile.” 

“The  cheek  of  these  rebs  ! ” said  Joe;  “they  sell  every  darned 
thing  they  raise  on  their  farms  to  the  rebel  army,  or  down  South, 
and  then  we  feed  'um  ! ” It  was  true  : those  who  had  sons  in  the 
rebel  army,  and  had  sold  their  produce,  hay,  and  grain,  South,  often 
called  upon  our  quartermaster  to  save  them  from  starvation. 

Negro  servants  were  not  common,  and  had  evidently  escaped  to 
the  Union  lines,  or  been  sent  farther  south  for  safety.  The  estates 
of  noted  rebels  were  protected  by  the  provost  guard. 


VIRGINIA  AGAIN. 


2 37 


Balked  in  the  purpose  of  our  pursuit,  we  leisurely  fell  back  to  the 
Rappahannock,  and  entered  upon  a season  of  rest  amid  the  beautiful 
forests  and  blossom-laden  trees  of  Virginia. 

Men  soon  began  to  leave  the  army  by  regiments,  corps,  and 
divisions.  Many  regiments  were  sent  to  New  York  to  pacify  those 
sportive  individuals  who,  by  hanging  inoffensive  negroes  to  lamp- 
posts,  burning  public  halls  and  charitable  buildings,  and  by  other 
graceful  acts  showed  their  patriotic  appreciation  of  the  draft,  and 
other  free  institutions.  They  were  endeavoring  to  imitate  their 
models  in  chivalry,  and  needed  attention  from  our  boys. 

One  division  of  the  army  was  also  sent  to  North  Carolina.  Thus 
began  again  the  policy  of  breaking  a noble  whole  into  fragments, 
apparently  for  the  convenience  of  those  in  rebellion. 

Meade  waited  for  the  return  of  the  different  regiments  sent  to 
New  York,  before  making  any  new  moves  on  the  chess-board  of 
war.  Learning  that  Longstreet  had  been  sent  to  Tennessee,  Meade, 
occupying  with  the  army  an  advantageous  position  on  the  south 
banks  of  the  Rapidan,  projected  a flanking  movement. 

. He  was  all  ready  to  move  when  informed  from  Washington  that 
the  Eleventh  and  Twelfth  Corps,  under  Hooker,  were  to  be  sent 
to  Tennessee  to  retrieve,  if  possible,  the  defeat  of  Rosecrans  at 
Chickamauga.  Lee  did  not,  however,  wait  for  Meade,  but  by  a bold 
initiative  threw  him  upon  the  defensive.  Aware  that  the  ranks  of 
the  Union  army  had  been  thinned  by  the  causes  already  narrated,  on 
the  9th  of  October  he  crossed  the  Rapidan  to  move  around  the  right 
flank  of  our  army. 

He  hoped  by  this  manoeuvre  to  drive  Meade  from  the  line  of  the 
Rappahannock.  The  first  intimation  Meade  had  of  these  intentions 
of  Lee,  was  an  attack  on  his  advance  post  at  James  City.  Finding 
his  right  flank  turned,  he  fell  back  across  the  Rappahannock,  and 
when,  on  the  13th,  Lee  advanced,  he  found  Meade  more  circumspect 
than  Pope  had  been  under  similar  conditions,  and  too  quick  to  be 
caught  in  the  trap  so  adroitly  contrived.  Meade  was  now  north  of 
the  Rappahannock,  and  receiving  information  that  Lee  was  at  Cul- 
peper Court-House,  on  the  12th,  thought  his  retreat  had  been  pre- 
mature. He  therefore  counter-marched  the  main  portion  of  the 
army  to  the  south  bank  of  the  river,  and  marched  towards  Culpeper, 
where  he  proposed  to  fight  Lee  if  he  was  there. 


238 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


But  the  rebel  commander  had  other  views  and  arrangements. 
While  the  Union  army  was  marching  south,  the  Confederate  army 
was  marching,  by  parallel  lines,  northward  to  cut  off  Meade’s  retreat 
towards  Washington.  An  attack  was  made,  near  the  crossing  of  the 
Rappahannock,  on  Gregg,  by  the  van  of  Lee’s  army  advancing  towards 
Warrenton.  This  attack  showed  Meade  Lee’s  intentions,  and  he  at 
once  began  a rapid  retreat.  Fortunately  for  Meade,  Lee  remained 
ignorant  of  the  real  situation,  or  the  Third  Corps,  isolated  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  river,  might  have  been  destroyed. 

On  the  13th  the  army  was  again  concentrated  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  Rappahannock.  An  exciting  race  then  began  between 
the  two  armies.  Lee,  on  the  one  hand,  was  trying  to  strike  in  on 
Meade’s  line  of  retreat  by  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad, 
while  Meade,  on  the  other,  was  attempting  to  checkmate  by  out- 
marching him.  Failing  in  this,  the  Confederate  general  endeavored 
to  reach  Bristow  Station  before  his  antagonist.  He  began  his  march 
on  the  14th,  but  again  the  Union  army,  marching  by  interior  lines, 
beat  in  the  race. 

In  this  retrograde  movement  Warren,  who  was  now  in  command 
of  our  Second  Corps,  was  instructed  to  halt  at  Fayetteville  until  the 
Third,  under  French,  was  able  to  withdraw.  Says  a comrade,  “We 
were  the  rear-guard  covering  the  retreat.  Our  route  was  by  the  way 
of  Auburn  to  Catlett’s  Station.  Kilpatrick’s  division  of  cavalry 
acted  as  eyes  for  our  force. 

“ We  had  reached  Auburn,  and  Warren,  suspecting  that  Lee  was 
at  Warrenton,  placed  three  batteries  on  the  hills  at  Cedar  Run  to 
protect  our  rear  from  attack.  While  the  men  of  these  batteries  were 
kindling  fires  to  cook  their  breakfast,  at  early  dawn,  Stuart’s  cavalry, 
which  had  been  driven  off  from  its  regular  line  of  march  by  French, 
in  attempting  to  take  another  route,  had  marched  into  the  valley  of 
Cedar  Run  in  our  rear.  The  gray  mists  of  the  early  morning  con- 
cealed their  presence  from  those  on  the  hill,  yet  the  heights,  illu- 
minated by  a stronger  light,  were  plainly  perceived  by  them. 

“ The  situation  was  all  the  more  complicated,  because  the  head 
of  Ewell’s  advance,  moving  towards  Greenwich,  was  now  on  the 
Warrenton  road  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  hill,  while  Sykes’s  corps, 
moving  up  the  railroad,  formed  another  Union  column  on  the  other 
side  of  Stuart.  He  was  like  a piece  of  ham  sandwiched  in  between 


VIRGINIA  AGAIN. 


239 


two  pieces  of  bread,  while  our  corps  was  sandwiched  between  the 
two  Confederate  forces  of  Stuart  and  Ewell. 

“ Such  was  the  mixed  and  somewhat  amusing  situation  when 
Stuart  opened  with  his  artillery  on  the  rear  of  our  batteries,  posted 
on  the  heights.  They  at  once  sought  to  shelter  themselves  by  get- 
ting over  to  the  other  side  of  the  hill ; but  no  sooner  was  this  done 
than  they  were  surprised  by  a furious  outburst  of  artillery  from  the 
Warrenton  road. 

“ The  situation  was  critical,  but  not  so  bad  as  at  first  sight  it 
would  seem,  as  Stuart  speedily  escaped  from  his  difficult  position 
by  the  rear,  and  Ewell’s  force  was  simply  the  van  of  his  columns, 
composed  principally  of  cavalry.  The  enemy,  under  Ewell,  was 
soon  repulsed,  and  when  the  remainder  of  his  force  arrived  they  were 
skilfully  held  in  check  till  the  rest  of  the  corps  crossed  Cedar  Run. 
We  then  continued  our  march,  Caldwell's  division  covering  our  rear. 
Ewell  did  not  pursue,  but  moved  by  Greenwich  to  join  Hill,  as  pre- 
scribed in  his  instructions.  Our  escape  was  timely,  as  the  Fifty- 
seventh  New  York  was  cut  off  by  the  rebel  infantry,  though  it 
succeeded  in  joining  the  main  column  by  making  a detour  to  the 
right. 

“ Lee’s  intention  of  reaching  Bristow  Station  before  Meade,  caused 
him  to  urge  on  the  advance  of  Hill  and  Ewell.  When  we  reached 
Bristow  Station  we  encountered  the  Confederate  force  under  General 
Hill,  who  was  just  preparing  to  attack  the  rear  of  the  Fifth  Corps, 
under  Sykes,  whom  Warren  had  expected  to  join  at  Bristow’s,  but 
which  had  just  crossed  Broad  Run.  Our  position  was  extremely 
critical,  as  we  (the  Second  Corps)  were  attacked  while  marching,  by 
the  flank,  and  were  isolated  from  our  own,  and  were  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  whole  rebel  army. 

“ The  remarkably  vigorous,  clear-sighted  action  of  Warren,  and  the 
confidence  and  coolness  of  our  men,  alone  gave  us  the  victory,  and 
extricated  us  from  the  position  at  Bristow  Station.  Warren,  with 
the  eye  of  a military  engineer,  quickly  comprehended  the  advantages 
of  the  ground  on  which  the  battle  was  to  be  fought.  As  the  head 
of  our  column  approached,  the  Confederates  formed  a line  of  battle 
towards  the  railroad.  Webb’s  division,  moving  under  cover  of  the 
railroad  cut,  took  position  along  the  embankment,  while  our  division 
double-quicked  for  the  railroad,  in  the  cut  of  which  we  were  enabled 


240 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


to  deploy  unseen  by  the  enemy.  When  the  column  of  Hill  advanced, 
it  was  raked  by  Ricket’s  battery  and  met  by  a terrible  fire  from  the 
embankment,  and  driven  back  in  much  confusion.  Our  regiment 
and  others  were  ordered  forward  in  pursuit,  and  captured  two  stands 
of  colors,  five  pieces  of  artillery,  and  four  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners.” 
Many  of  the  men  captured  were  North  Carolinians. 

In  the  pursuit  a funny  incident  happened  to  our  intrepid  corporal, 
Joe.  His  long  legs  and  his  impetuosity  had  carried  him  in  advance 
of  our  main  line,  when  a dozen  rebels  sprang  out  from  ambush, 
calling  upon  him  to  surrender.  Joe  was  about  to  comply  with  this 
unwelcome  request,  when  he  perceived  on  his  left  a line  of  our 
men  of  another  brigade,  who  had  got  beyond  him.  “ Hello,  here  ! ” 
said  Joe.  “Gosh  dang  it,  you  tarnel  fools!  Don’t  yer  see  yer 
flanked?  Surrender  here,  every  one  of  ye,  or  I’ll  have  yer  shot!” 
“ Most  of  the  Johnnies  didn’t  mind  me  worth  a cent,”  said  Joe,  after- 
wards, “but  cut  like  lightning  for  the  woods.”  Joe  marched  three 
of  them  in,  highly  pleased  to  have  them  instead  of  being  taken  by 
them. 

I have  given  only  the  outlines  of  the  fight  which  reflected  so 
much  credit  on  General  Warren.  Hill  had  not  only  failed  to  close 
the  passage  of  Broad  Run  against  us,  but  had  been  severely  whipped, 
having  five  hundred  men  wounded  besides  losses  already  mentioned. 

Notwithstanding  this,  our  position  was  critical  ; for  as  the  battle 
closed  about  sundown,  Ewell’s  corps,  which  had  been  marching  in 
by-paths  and  obscure  roads,  came  up  between  us  and  Hill,  with 
whom  we  had  been  fighting.  The  entire  rebel  army  was  now  in  our 
front. 

Under  cover  of  darkness  we  made  our  retreat  ; marching  all 
night,  we  rejoined  the  main  force  of  our  army  (now  massed  at  Centre- 
ville),  hungry,  sleepy,  tired,  but  not  despondent,  for  we  had  out- 
witted and  out-manoeuvred  the  enemy  at  every  turn.  Nothing  so 
much  helps  men  to  fight  or  to  march  willingly  as  the  knowledge  that 
they  are  commanded  by  a general  of  superior  intelligence,  skill,  and 
courage.  Poor  officers,  when  placed  in  command  of  the  best  of  men, 
negative  their  bravery  and  discipline.  “ Who  wants  to  win  feathers 
for  such  an  old  devil  as  Blinky  ? ” said  one  of  Hooker’s  veterans  to 
me,  referring  to  a certain  general. 

It  is  aggravating  to  feel  compelled  by  one’s  sense  of  patriotism 


VIRGINIA  AGAIN. 


241 


to  help  win,  with  life  or  blood,  a victory  which  exalts  one  whom  we 
consider  a coward  and  tyrant.  Such  officers  seldom  showed  con- 
sideration for  their  men,  but  treated  them  with  that  cruelty  so 
common  to  cowards  and  sneaks. 

Foiled  in  every  direction,  Lee,  now  seeking  some  advantage  for 
all  his  trouble,  turned  aside  and  destroyed  the  Alexandria  Railroad, 
and  then  retreated. 

While  marching  and  counter-marching  in  this  region,  we  passed 
the  estate  of  John  Minor  Botts,  that  staunch  Union  man,  whom  no 
inducements  could  convert  into  a rebel.  His  plantation  remained  in 
good  condition  amid  the  surrounding  ruin.  The  fences  were  said  to 
have  been  burned  at  one  time,  but  a corps  of  our  army  had  voluntarily 
spent  a day  in  cutting  and  splitting  rails  and  rebuilding  the  fences. 
The  secret  of  its  general  preservation  was  the  respect  the  rebels  had 
for  his  unflinching  integrity  on  the  one  side,  and  his  well-known 
Union  sentiments  on  the  other. 

It  was  said  that  at  one  time  he  was  imprisoned  at  Richmond  in 
company  with  other  Unionists,  sleeping  on  the  hard  boards,  and  fur- 
nished with  but  meagre  food.  Some  prominent  rebels  visited  him, 
and  said  : “ Why  don’t  you  come  over  to  the  side  of  your  State,  Mr. 
Botts  ? You  could  have  any  position  you  desired  ! ” The  old  man’s 
reply,  as  he  straightened  his  bent  form,  was  : “ Sir,  I have  lived 
nearly  sixty  years  under  the  flag  of  my  country  and  was  never 
deprived  of  my  freedom.  The  Confederate  rag  has  now  been  raised 
but  a few  months  and  I have  committed  no  offence,  yet  witness  my 
condition  ! No,  sir  ! I prefer  the  old  flag  ! ” 

On  some  of  the  estates  in  that  part  of  the  country  was  posted 
this  notice : “ British  Property ! Safeguards  placed  by  General 
Meade ! ” 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


MINE  RUN  CAMPAIGN. 

THE  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad,  destroyed  by  Lee,  was,  by 
the  2d  of  November,  reconstructed. 

The  amount  of  work  which  a large  number  of  men  will,  under 
ordinary  circumstances,  accomplish  in  the  army,  was  not  so  great  a 
source  of  wonder  to  me  as  the  small  amount  they,  at  times,  really 
performed.  With  regular  army  officers  the  ability  to  attain  small 
results  with  a large  number  of  men  was  brought  to  a high  degree  of 
perfection.  Anything  attempted  outside  a well-established  routine 
seemed  to  drag  like  a sled  on  bare  ground.  The  same  results  in  civil 
life  would  often  have  been  accomplished  with  one-half  the  number  of 
men.  When  the  Engineer  or  Construction  Corps  got  beyond  their 
accustomed  routine  they  made  a great  ado  over  very  simple  matters, 
which  would  soon  have  been  settled  by  a few  ordinary  mechanics. 

On  the  7th  of  November  the  army,  like  hurried  travellers,  took  an 
early  breakfast,  and  started  out  in  two  columns  to  cross  the 
Rappahannock,  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  They  had  started  so  many 
times  in  that  direction,  and  come  back  again  like  whipped  puppies, 
with  tails  depressed,  that  the  thing  was  getting  to  be  a trifle 
monotonous. 

The  left  wing  was  composed  of  the  First,  Second,  and  Third 
Corps,  and  was  under  the  charge  of  that  master  of  “ how  not  to  do 
it,”  General  French.  The  Fifth  and  Sixth  Corps  were  commanded 
by  that  able  but  cautious  veteran,  General  Sedgwick.  The  Third 
Corps  led  the  advance  of  the  left  wing,  and  soon  arrived  at  Kelley’s 
Ford,  the  point  of  crossing.  The  semi-circular,  rugged  crests  on  the 
north  side  of  the  river,  here  were  seized  by  General  Ward,  then  in 
command  of  Birney’s  old  corps.  From  these  hills  our  artillery  was 
soon  enabled  to  sweep  the  low  and  uncovered  land  of  the  south  banks 
of  the  river.  Under  its  cover  the  sharp-shooters  of  Trep,  and  the 


242 


MINE  RUN  CAMPAIGN. 


243 


brigade  of  infantry,  under  De  Trobriand,  forded  the  stream  and  cap- 
tured the  rifle-pits.  Meanwhile  the  right  column,  under  Sedgwick, 
had  arrived  near  Rappahannock  Station. 

Here,  on  the  north  banks,  the  Confederates  held  two  hills, 
crowned  by  forts,  a hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  each  other,  with 
the  road  passing  between  the  two.  Rifle-pits  ran  back  from  the  forts 
to  the  banks  of  the  river.  A pontoon  bridge  spanned  the  stream  in 
their  rear,  enabling  them  to  communicate  with  their  forces  on  the 
south  banks.  Early’s  division  held  this  position.  On  each  fort  was 
mounted  two  small  pieces  of  artillery. 

The  weather  was  cloudy  and  a furious  wind  was  blowing  from  the 
southwest.  As  night  came  on,  the  preparations  for  attack  were  com- 
pleted, and  under  the  double  cover  of  darkness  and  the  wind,  which 
prevented  the  rebels  from  either  seeing  or  hearing  the  approach  of 
our  troops,  the  attack  was  made. 

On  the  right  the  Sixth  Maine  stealthily  approached  the  enemy’s 
position,  then  with  a sudden  rush  scaled  the  works,  attacked  the 
soldiers  of  Hoke,  hand  to  hand  and  muzzle  to  muzzle,  and  captured 
the  works.  Further  to  the  left  the  Fifth  Wisconsin  seized  the  fort 
with  its  two  pieces  of  artillery,  and  dislodged  its  defenders.  It  was 
a complete  surprise,  but  the  Confederates  soon  rallied  and  attempted 
to  recover  their  works. 

On  the  left  of  the  road,  meanwhile,  two  regiments,  under  Upton, 
advanced  within  twenty-five  yards  of  the  Confederate  intrenchments 
before  they  were  discovered.  The  Fifth  Maine  and  the  One  Hundred 
and  Twenty-first  New  York  received  their  picket  fire,  then  rushed 
upon  them  and  drove  them  from  the  works.  Our  artillery,  though 
they  could  not  see  the  pontoon  bridge  which  spanned  the  Rappahan- 
nock in  the  rebel  rear,  were  yet,  by  their  accurate  gunnery,  enabled 
to  make  the  crossing  dangerous  and  uncomfortable.  The  success  of 
Upton  relieved  the  Sixth  Maine  on  the  right,  where  the  enemy  had 
rallied,  and  were  making  furious  attempts  to  retake  their  captured 
intrenchments.  They  had  been  driven  in  part  from  the  works  when 
two  reserve  regiments  came  up  and  made  our  victory  secure. 

The  Confederates  rallied  around  their  colors  planted  on  the 
parapet,  and  rather  than  to  desert  them,  were  captured  — a good  illus- 
tration of  the  prevalence  of  sentiment  over  sense,  oftentimes  shown 
even  among  fighters.  Our  loss  in  this  affair  was  not  quite  three 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


244 

hundred  men.  The  attacking  party  consisted  of  three  thousand  men, 
and  therefore  did  not  much  outnumber  the  defenders.  The  surprise 
and  success  was  so  great,  that  General  Hayes,  in  his  report,  estimated 
the  assailants  at  twenty-five  thousand  men. 


Preparing  for  the  Charge. 

The  Confederates  were  mostly  cut  off  from  their  retreat  to  the 
bridge,  and  we  captured  sixteen  hundred  prisoners,  eight  flags,  and 
four  cannon.  “ I tell  you,”  said  one  of  the  Maine  men,  who  had  come 
from  the  lumber  district,  “we  boomed  ’em  good  ! ” A large  number 
of  the  enemy,  attempting  to  reach  the  south  bank,  threw  themselves 
into  the  chilling  waters  and  were  drowned.  It  was  Ball’s  Bluff 
reversed  and  avenged. 

Unfortunately,  this  brilliant  opening  of  the  campaign  was  as 
much  a surprise  to  the  methodical  Meade  as  it  was  to  Lee.  The 
Confederate  army,  when  thus  attacked,  lay  in  echelon  from  Kelley’s 
Ford  to  the  west  of  Culpeper.  They  had  lost  their  advanced 
position  and  two  thousand  men  at  this  first  blow,  which  had  struck 
them  on  both  flanks  like  a clap  of  thunder. 

Lee,  at  the  first  news  of  this  most  painful  defeat,  ordered  a 
retreat  beyond  the  Rapidan  ; Meade  could  not  for  a time  believe  his 


MINE  RUN  CAMPAIGN. 


245 


enemy  had  abandoned  his  strong  position  and  his  winter  quarters. 
It  is  thought  by  military  critics  that  Meade  should  have  at  once 
pushed  forward  a heavy  column  towards  Culpeper,  cut  Lee’s 
retreating  army  in  two,  and  defeated  or  destroyed  it  in  detail. 

“You’n  Yanks  are  gettin’  doggoned  smart!  You’ns  have  got 
our  winter  quarters  ! ” exclaimed  some  prisoners  to  some  of  our  men 
at  Kelley’s  Ford.  These  winter  barracks  were  constructed  in  the 
dense  woods  near  Brandy  Station. 

Here  were  found  bushels  of  acorns,  collected,  doubtless,  for  food. 
This  was  shown  by  a dead  Confederate’s  haversack,  which  was 
examined  at  the  time,  and  found  to  contain  nothing  but  acorns  and 
kernels  of  corn.  One  cannot  repress  his  admiration  for  men  who 
were  fighting  so  tenaciously  under  such  conditions.  In  these  bar- 
racks were  found  drinking-cups  made  by  the  enemy  from  tin  cans 
which  had  contained  meats,  milk,  and  other  delicacies  bought  from 
the  sutler  by  our  men,  and  thrown  away  while  formerly  occupying 
this  region.  Some  of  our  acute  newspaper  men  saw  in  this  an  evi- 
dence of  illicit  trade  between  the  North  and  South. 

No  movement  of  any  importance  was  made  up  to  the  26th  of 
November.  General  Meade,  during  this  time,  seems  to  have  gained 
very  accurate  knowledge  of  the  Confederate  position  and  numbers. 
Their  force,  which  was  about  forty-eight  thousand,  was  estimated  by 
him  at  this  time  as  forty-five  thousand.  This  fact  is  noteworthy  as 
it  was  the  first  instance  on  record  where  a commander  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  had  ever  underestimated  the  enemy,  or  approached  so 
near  the  truth. 

Although  the  so-called  Indian  Summer  was  in  season,  the  nights 
were  very  cold,  and  we  all  looked  forward  to  settling  down  into  winter 
quarters. 

“Well,”  said  Joe,  the  night  before  the  move  to  Mine  Run,  stretch- 
ing out  his  long  legs  to  a blazing  fire  in  one  of  the  log  barracks  which 
the  enemy  had  so  kindly  constructed,  “we  are  going  to  have  a little 
peace  and  comfort  now  ! We’ve  been  having  a pesky  hard  time  fur 
the  last  three  months.  When  I’m  going  to  fight  I like  to  fight  and 
have  it  done  with  ; I don’t  like  this  trapesing  all  over  creation,  runnin’ 
'round  after  the  rebs.”  In  most  instances  I have  found  the  rank  and 
file  anxious  to  come  to  blows  without  much  circumlocution. 

The  news  of  General  Grant’s  victory  at  Chattanooga  at  this  time 
was  the  occasion  of  much  rejoicing  and  enthusiasm. 


246 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Thanksgiving  Day  was  approaching,  and  many  of  our  boys  were 
expecting  the  arrival  of  boxes  from  home  crammed  with  goodies  and 
substantials  dear  to  the  hearts  and  stomachs  of  hungry  soldiers. 

The  movement  on  Mine  Run  began  on  the  26th,  and  as  it  had 
been  raining  for  two  or  three  days  previous  to  this  time,  we  private 
soldiers  did  not  consider  it  the  height  of  felicity  to  be  “ trapesing 
’round,”  as  Joe  termed  it,  in  the  mud,  with  eight  days’  rations,  and 
our  baggage  on  our  backs. 

The  campaign  of  Mine  Run  was  celebrated  for  the  fighting  which 
did  not  take  place,  and  for  its  failures.  It  was  a carefully  prepared 
movement,  depending  for  success  on  the  exact  execution  of  its  differ- 
ent parts,  such  as  Napoleon  was  accustomed  to  plan  and  execute. 

Three  columns,  marching  on  different  lines,  were  to  concentrate  at 
a given  point,  and  attack  the  enemy.  Lee’s  right  line  of  defence 
extended  along  the  left  bank  of  Mine  Run  ; his  left  along  the  rail- 
road south  to  Charlottesville.  There  was  an  interval  of  several  miles 
between  these  two  wings.  Meade’s  plan  was  to  cross  the  Rapidan 
by  the  fords,  left  uncovered  by  Lee,  and  by  way  of  the  plank  road  and 
turnpike  to  interpose  between  these  several  wings  and  destroy  them. 

The  Third  Corps,  under  French,  was  to  cross  the  river  at  Jacob’s 
Ford,  and  unite  at  Robertson’s  Tavern  and  Park’s  Store  with  the 
Second  Corps,  which  was  to  form  the  centre  and  cross  the  river  at 
Germania  Ford.  Without  entering  into  the  elaborate  details  of  this 
movement,  French,  with  his  usual  capacity  for  great  failures,  and 
painstaking  care  not  to  be  where  he  was  expected,  managed  to  bungle 
his  part  of  the  programme  with  consummate  want  of  ability.  He  did 
not  get  started  until  three  hours  later  than  he  should,  six  o’clock  a.m. 
being  the  designated  starting  time. 

Gregg’s  cavalry  division  covered  the  left  of  the  army,  which  was 
Sykes’s  corps. 

A recent  rainfall  caused  the  engineers  to  miscalculate  the  number 
of  boats  necessary  for  the  bridges,  and  the  construction  of  log  trestles 
to  lengthen  them  was  one  great  cause  of  delay  in  crossing.  The  halt 
was  all  the  more  tiresome  at  the  fords,  as  the  soldiers  could  not  even 
make  their  coffee  for  fear  of  being  interrupted  by  orders  to  march. 

My  company  forded  the  stream  up  to  their  necks,  wetting  our 
cartridge  boxes  and  ammunition,  and  dampening  our  ardor  with  the 
cold  water. 


MINE  RUN  CAMPAIGN. 


247 


The  bridges  being  ready,  Sykes  on  the  left,  the  Second  Corps 
forming,  the  centre,  and  with  the  Third  on  the  right,  crossed  at  sun- 
set. They  reached  Flat  Run,  four  miles  from  the  Germania,  that 
night.  Outposts  of  rebel  cavalry  were  seen  in  the  vicinity  when  we 
were  crossing  the  river. 

The  next  morning  at  eleven  o’clock  we  reached  Robertson’s  Tav- 
ern on  the  turnpike.  Sykes  performed  his  part  of  the  programme  with 
his  usual  energy.  French  lost  his  way  in  the  thickets  of  the  woods. 
Prince’s  division  marched  through  a tangled  and  unbroken  forest  and, 
as  he  termed  it,  soon  “found  himself  in  the  bowels  of  the  enemy.” 
Weary  and  out  of  temper,  the  men  retraced  their  steps. 

The  next  morning  Meade,  who  accompanied  Warren,  ordered 
French  to  come  to  Robertson’s  Tavern,  as  he  did  not  dare  to  attack 
the  enemy  unless  supported  by  the  thirty  thousand  composing  this 
force.  French  returned  for  his  answer  the  self-evident  falsehood  that 
he  was  on  the  turnpike  waiting  for  Warren. 

It  was  eleven  o’clock ; the  enemy  were  concentrating,  and  the 
game  slipping  from  our  hands,  while  French  still  delayed.  His  sol- 
diers recognized  his  incapacity.  Derisive  laughter  and  epithets 
greeted  his  tardy  arrival  from  the  rear.  “ Tap  old  whiskey  barrel 
with  a bullet  ! ” “Give  his  horse  some  seidlitz  powders.”  “ Hope  a 
cannon  ball  will  knock  his  head  off!  ” are  specimens  of  the  epithets 
of  contempt  that  greeted  him  on  every  side. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th  the  Third  Corps  at  last  came  up.  It 
rained  all  day  persistently.  The  enemy,  whom  Meade  expected  to 
surprise,  had  disappeared,  and  the  valley  of  Mine  Run  was  flooded  by 
the  rains.  When  we  arrived  we  found  the  Confederate  Army  occu- 
pying a line  of  hills  on  the  opposite  banks.  Meade  had  been  baffled 
by  his  incompetent  lieutenant,  not  by  the  enemy. 

The  Southern  army,  now  behind  Mine  Run,  presented  everywhere 
a formidable  front.  Their  artillery  was  displayed  on  all  the  heights 
beyond,  yet  Meade  was  reluctant  to  give  up  the  game.  A few  shot 
and  shell  were  exchanged  with  the  enemy,  and  the  exclamations  from 
our  recruits,  as  the  shot  shrieked  over  their  heads,  were  a source  of 
great  amusement  to  the  veterans.  “That  shot  went  right  over  me!” 
“That  shell  went  within  twenty  feet  of  my  head!”  “Gracious, 
wasn’t  that  a rusher  ? ” were  samples  of  the  exclamations  with  which 
they  greeted  every  shot  and  shell.  They  evidently  thought  it  the 
great  battle  of  the  war. 


248 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Says  a comrade : “ A group  of  recruits  were  boiling  coffee  ; one  of 
them  was  stooping  down  over  his  tin  cup,  with  his  legs  apart,  when 
whiz!  went  his  coffee  cup  into  the  air  like  a shot.  ‘Who  in  thunder 
did  that  ? ’ yelled  the  recruit  angrily.  One  of  the  enemy’s  shot  had 
passed  between  his  legs  and  knocked  his  tin  cup  far  above  party  con- 
tentions ; at  least  he  was  made  to  believe  so,  and  told  the  incident  to 
me  as  an  actual  fact.” 

While  on  picket  in  the  lowland,  our  drummer  gathered  some 
pieces  of  shell,  watched  his  opportunity,  and  when  one  exploded  in 
mid-air,  threw  these  pieces  down  between  the  legs  of  one  of  the 
recruits  who  was  standing  in  some  water.  I never  saw  a man  jump 
quite  so  high.  “Heavenly  kingdom  ! what’s  that  ? ” “A  shell  burst 
right  between  your  legs,”  exclaimed  the  drummer  carelessly,  as  if  that 
were  a common  occurrence.  The  recruit  stooped  down,  pawed  around 
in  the  water,  and  fished  up  the  pieces  ; was  convinced  that  Johnnie  had 
told  the  truth,  and  afterward  sent  them  home.  We  had  forgotten 
our.  own  raw-recruit-hood. 

It  was  cold,  frosty,  shivering  weather,  and  each  of  us  who  had 
thrown  away  his  overcoat  on  the  march  now  bitterly  regretted  the 
improvidence.  My  friend  Tom  witnessed  a curious  freak  of  a shell 
from  the  enemy.  It  struck  the  frozen  ground,  went  below  the  frost, 
and  underneath  a man  who  was  sprawled  at  his  full  length,  its  con- 
cussion tossing  him  four  or  five  feet  into  the  air,  killing  him  instantly 
without  leaving  a mark  of  any  injury  upon  the  body. 

To  have  carried  out  faithfully  the  plan  of  his  campaign,  Meade 
should  have  manoeuvred  still  farther  to  the  south,  but  the  roads  were 
mere  foot-paths  running  east  and  west,  soaked  with  rain,  and  his 
instructions  from  Halleck  necessitated  his  covering  Washington. 

The  enemy,  while  we  were  lying  in  their  front,  were  throwing  up 
earthworks  and  slashing  trees  for  abatis.  It  was  folly  to  assault 
them  here.  On  the  morning  of  the  29th  we  began  another  march  to 
turn  the  valley  of  Mine  Run,  while  approaching  its  source.  Warren 
directed  the  left  wing  while  making  this  move. 

“What  place  is  this  ?”  we  asked  an  old  man  at  a mud-chinked 
cabin. 

“ Ringe  County,”  was  the  reply. 

We  moved  forward  on  by-roads,  the  turnpike  being  crowded  with 
trains  and  troops.  After  a long  and  tedious  march  that  afternoon 


“ Whiz  ! went  his  coffee-cup  into  the  air  like  a shot.”  Page  248. 


MINE  RUN  CAMPAIGN. 


249 


we  arrived  in  front  of  Hill’s  corps  on  Mine  Run.  Warren’s  first 
important  manoeuvre  was  an  attempt  to  outflank  the  Confederate 
right.  Hill  answered  to  the  movement  by  prolonging  his  line  of 
battle.  The  attack  could  not  take  place  until  the  next  day. 

Knapsacks  were  unslung,  fires  kindled,  and  coffee  boiled.  The 
night  was  cold  ; near  the  fires  the  ground  was  wet,  at  a short  dis- 
tance away  from  them,  frozen.  A few  slept  in  a sitting  position  near 
their  fires.  Among  these  was  one  of  our  recruits  with  a large  red 
moustache.  Occasionally,  as  he  dropped  to  sleep,  he  would  pitch 
forward  and  that  ornamental  appendage  would  catch  fire,  and  the 
fu!fn!  fu!  fu!  of  blowing  out  his  ignited  moustache  was  ludicrous. 
Pat  Quin  declared  it  a genuine  case  of  spontaneous  combustion. 
“And  faith,  I expected  to  see  him  go  up  like  a rocket  !”  said  Quin 
jocosely. 

At  last  the  long,  cold,  weary  night  was  over,  and  morning  dawned. 
With  blankets  and  clothing  covered  with  frost,  and  the  water  frozen 
in  our  canteens,  we  roused  ourselves  and  attempted,  by  exercise,  to 
get  up  warmth  and  circulation  in  our  half-frozen  limbs.  Several  wan- 
dering pigs  were  pursued,  and  speedily  converted  into  pork  to  comfort 
our  hungry  stomachs.  Some  of  our  men  found  persimmons,  now 
made  delicious  by  the  frost.  Joe,  who  had  once  been  unfortunate 
enough  to  attempt  to  eat  an  unripe  one,  could  not  be  persuaded  that 
they  were  eatable.  Pat  Quin  offered  him  one,  and  when  six-foot  Joe 
declined,  exclaimed,  “ And  the  devil  take  your  squeamishness  ; faith, 
ye  can  afford  to  shrink  a yard  better  than  any  man  in  the  regiment.” 

As  it  grew  lighter,  we  discovered  that  the  enemy  had  been  at 
work  all  night  throwing  up  breastworks  on  the  heights  beyond  Mine 
Run,  and  were  closed  in  mass  behind  these  formidable  intrenchments, 
completed  during  the  night. 

As  the  sun  came  up,  revealing  the  muddy-looking  works  on  the 
crests  beyond,  gloom  and  apprehension  settled  on  every  face.  The 
word  ran  down  the  line  that  we  were  to  attack  at  eight  o’clock.  “ B’ys,” 
said  Pat  Quin,  “and  we  moight  as  well  say  our  prayers.”  And  then 
kneeling  he  began  to  tell  his  beads.  Watches,  money,  valuables,  and 
keepsakes  were  placed  in  the  hand  of  the  chaplain  and  quartermaster 
and  other  non-combatants.  Some  wrote  their  names  and  pinned 
them  on  their  coats  or  placed  them  in  their  pockets  ; a precaution 
not  uncommon,  however,  when  going  into  a desperate  battle.  It  was 


250 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


so  cold  that  the  skirmishers  on  both  sides  stuck  their  muskets  into 
the  ground  by  the  bayonet,  and  ran  up  and  down,  slapping  their  hands 
to  keep  warm. 

“We  ail  felt,”  says  a comrade,  “that  an  attack  would  be  useless 
and  murderous  ; but,  if  not  willing,  we  were  ready  uncomplainingly  to 
be  offered  as  a sacrifice,  trusting  that  in  some  way  it  would  not  be 
useless.” 

Such  was  the  feeling  as  the  cannonade  opened  at  eight  o’clock,  and 
the  men  were  expecting  to  hear  the  order  given  every  moment,  “ For 
ward ; guide  right ! ” The  enemy,  from  their  works,  defiantly 
shouted  out  invitations,  and  beckoned  to  them  to  come  on. 

Meade  had  planned  to  attack  on  both  flanks,  leaving  the  main 
attack,  however,  to  the  Second  Corps.  He  therefore  waited  impa- 
tiently for  Warren’s  attack.  Warren  had  examined  the  enemy’s 
position,  found  it  impregnable,  and,  though  he  had  previously  declared 
it  possible  to  succeed  in  the  attack,  now  believing  it  to  be  useless, 
conveyed  to  his  commander  the  resolution  he  had  taken  not  to 
assault.  This  act  of  Warren’s  was  real  courage,  more  to  be  com- 
mended than  reckless  disregard  of  life. 

Meade  soon  joined  Warren  and  confirmed  his  judgment.  When 
the  soldiers  understood  this  resolution,  they  felt  that  a great  burden 
had  been  taken  from  their  anxious  but  not  irresolute  hearts. 

Meade  now  resolved  upon  an  attack  on  the  enemy’s  left,  and  with 
this  purpose  concentrated  anew  on  the  turnpike.  The  Confederates 
were,  however,  found  impregnable  all  along  their  lines. 

But  for  positive  orders  to  the  contrary,  Meade  might  now  march 
on  Fredericksburg,  take  possession  of  its  heights,  and  thus  derive  a 
substantial  success.  But  a preposterous  order  from  Halleck  forbade, 
and  there  was  no  choice  left  but  retreat. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  December  the  army  re-entered  its 
old  camps  and  did  not  again  take  the  field  until  the  summer  campaign 
opened  under  Grant. 

The  headquarters  now  occupied  by  Meade  were  the  same  pre- 
viously occupied  by  Lee.  The  telegraph  office  was  said  to  be 
occupied  by  the  same  operator  for  the  fifth  time. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


WINTER  QUARTERS. 


UR  winter  hut  was  very  comfortable.  It  was  built  of  logs,  the 


V_x  chinks  filled  with  mud,  while  the  roof  was  made  from  split 
pieces  lapped  one  over  the  other.  A capacious  chimney,  built  of 
sticks  and  mud,  formed  a picturesque  turret  at  the  end  of  the  hut. 
Its  interior  was  in  keeping  with  its  unpretentious  exterior.  On  each 
side,  at  right  angles  with  a spacious  fireplace,  and  a door,  were 
two  bunks,  one  above  the  other,  each  wide  enough  for  two  men  to 
sleep  in.  The  floor  was  of  earth  beaten  down  hard  and  smooth.  A 
rude  shelf  was  fixed  above  the  wide  fireplace.  On  this  were  pipes, 
matches,  tobacco-pouches,  and  other  conveniences.  A small  rough 
table,  the  top  made  from  cracker-boxes,  with  a rubber  blanket  for  its 
cover,  and  with  knotty  oaks  crossed  for  its  legs,  occupied  the  centre 
of  the  hut.  Our  burnished  muskets,  brasses,  and  bayonets  were  hung 
around  the  interior  on  pegs,  with  picturesque  effect.  The  knapsacks 
were  at  the  head  of  each  bunk  for  pillows,  while  leaves,  and  in  some 
instances  grass  and  straw,  covered  by  the  blankets,  formed  the  beds. 
Eight  men  occupied  this  habitation,  and  were  proud  of  their  quarters. 
A small  aperture  over  the  door,  and  another  at  the  end  near  the 
chimney,  over  which  were  stretched  pieces  of  white  cotton  cloth, 
admitted  light  and  air. 

Let  us  look  at  the  group  in  the  hut  on  a winter  evening.  At  the 
rough  table  described,  four  of  the  inmates  are  playing  bluff,  with 
sutlers’  checks  and  small  change  for  stakes.  Two  or  three  are  sitting 
on  the  edges  of  the  bunks,  with  their  legs  dangling  over  the  sides. 
One  sits  with  his  back  to  the  side  of  the  hut  near  the  fireplace 
smoking,  his  eyes  half  closed  in  deep  revery.  A knock  is  heard  at 
the  door,  and  two  visitors  from  a neighboring  camp  enter.  The  card- 
players  abandon  their  game,  while  all  welcome  the  visitors  with  the 
rough  but  hearty  salutation  common  to  soldiers,  “ How  are  you, 


252 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Tom?”  “Where  did  you  come  from?”  “Have  a pipe?”  “Sit 
down,”  etc. 

Tom  and  his  comrade,  both  from  the th  Massachusetts,  are 

soon  chatting  and  smoking,  and  have  agreed  to  stay  all  night.  The 
conversation  turns  on  Mine  Run  ; each  gives  bits  of  his  individual 
experience.  Referring  to  the  attack  at  Rappahannock  Station,  Tom, 
a beardless  boy,  but  an  old  soldier,  says:  “You  fellows  attribute  the 
success  of  that  affair  to  its  being  made  under  cover  of  the  darkness 
and  the  strong  wind  blowing  from  the  rebel  works.  I’ll  tell  you  how 

it  was.  Our  brigade  was  commanded  by  Colonel of  the th 

Massachusetts.  We  drew  the  fire  of  those  forts  by  marching  in  the 
open  field,  in  line  of  battle,  directly  for  the  forts,  as  if  we  were  the 
only  attacking  party,  while  those  who  made  the  real  attack  were 
masked  in  the  woods  to  our  right  and  rushed  upon  them  and  carried 
the  works  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening. 

“ At  Mine  Run  we  had  only  two  days’  rations,  and  not  big  ones 
either.  Whew  ! wasn’t  the  weather  cold  there  ! Where  were  we  ? 
Why,  our  corps,  Sykes’s,  was  massed  in  the  woods  near  the  enemy  that 
night  before  the  charge  was  to  be  made.  We  could  see  them,  and 
they  could  see  us.  If  they  hadn’t  been  so  confounded  busy  building 
fortifications,  they  could  have  thrown  us  into  confusion  with  shot  and 
shell,  we  were  so  huddled  together.  We  were  not  allowed  to  build 
any  fires  during  that  night.  Some  of  our  pickets  were  frozen  and 
had  to  be  brought  in  on  stretchers.  I don’t  know  how  it  was  where 
you  were,  but  the  rebel  position  in  our  front  was  stronger  than  it  was 
at  Fredericksburg.  We  were  told  that  we  were  to  attack  those  works 
in  the  morning  at  eight  o’clock.  That  night  there  was  fought  in  men’s 
hearts  the  hardest  battle  of  the  whole  war.  I know  some  fellows 
who  made  their  wills  that  night,  and  some  whose  hair  turned  white. 
Look  at  my  hands  ” (showing  them  cramped  and  frostbitten),  “ that’s 
what  I got  there  ! The  next  morning  our  artillery  was  mostly  in 
position.  It  was  as  cold  as  Greenland,  and  there  was  but  little  said, 
and  not  a bit  of  flinching,  but  there  wasn't  a man  who  felt  that  he  had 
any  business  to  find  himself  alive  the  next  day.  It  was  a great  relief 
when  we  got  word  that  the  plan  for  attacking  had  been  abandoned.” 

“Well,”  said  joe,  “I  don’t  like  to  go  inter  a fite  when  there’s  no 
show  at  all.  I tell  yeou,  some  of  the  fellers  in  my  squad  had  faces 
as  long  as  hoe-handles  ! ” 


WINTER  QUARTERS. 


253 


“Yis,”  said  Quin,  “and  Joe  was  so  in  love  with  his  divilish  long 
face  he  wouldn’t  eat  a p’simmon  fur  fear  it  might  pucker  it  up  sum  !” 

“ Darn  ye  ! you  are  always  full  of  jaw  and  jack-knife,  Pat  ! ” said 
Joe,  half  in  anger  at  Ouin’s  joke. 

“And  did  I iver  tell  ye,  bys,  that  I was  one  ov  the  first  prisoners 
this  divilish  rebellion  iver  tuck?”  queried  Hanley,  an  acquaintance 
of  Pat,  who  had  dropped  in  to  smoke  a pipe  and  chat.  “ Tell  us 
about  it ! ” “ Give  us  the  yarn  ! ” was  the  request. 

Hanley,  who  was  an  old  regular,  loaded  his  pipe  afresh,  pulled  his 
hat  down  in  regulation  style,  and  began  : — 

“I’m  not  much  of  a man  fur  a story;  I can’t  git  in  any  fine  pints, 
but  here’s  the  substance  of  it.  I was  a corporal  in  the  Second  United 
States  Artillery,  stationed  at  Fayetteville,  North  Carolina,  in  1 86 1 . 
We  were  commanded  by  ‘Blue  Jim  Anderson.’  The  officers  were 
all  rebels  from  the  first.  They  tried  to  coax  us  non-com' s and  pri- 
vates, and  offered  some  of  us  commissions  to  come  over  and  fight  on 
their  side,  and  the  divil  take  thim  ! 

“ Of  course  it  was  managed  so  it  was  useless  for  us  to  resist. 
So  we  surrendered  (to  the  militia  and  citizen  authorities)  thirty-eight 
thousand  stands  of  arms,  two  batteries,  and  ninety  tons  of  ammunition. 
The  terms  of  our  surrender  were  that  we  should  bring  away  the 
company  property  and  our  own  personal  rigs.  They  put  us  on  board 
of  the  Charles  Dennis,  of  Marblehead,  a schooner  they  had  captured. 
They  had  stolen  the  flag  and  even  the  halliards. 

“Blue  Jim  tried  to  get  us  to  join  their  divilish  Confederacy,  but 
only  one  man,  a private,  was  at  all  inclined  to  do  so.  We  kept  him 
drunk  two  days  for  fear  he’d  disgrace  us  by  enlisting  in  the  rebel 
army.  He  was  the  biggest  drunkard  I ever  knew.  And  faith,  I’v 
been  sorry  iver  since  I didn’t  let  him  join  with  thim.  He  would 
have  drank  the  Confederacy  dry  in  a week ! Why  did  they  call  our 
colonel  Blue  Jim?  Well,  bys,  his  name  was  Jim  Anderson  to  begin 
with,  and  at  the  battle  of  Moliney  del  Ray,  in  Mexico,  he  put  on  a 
soldier’s  blue  overcoat  to  cover  his  uniform,  so  he  would  be  in  no 
danger  of  being  picked  off  as  an  officer.  After  that  the  bys  called 
him  Blue  Jim  ! An’  the  nickname  stuck  to  him  divilish  toight  ! — An 
is  there  anything  else  ye  can  ask  me  to  interrupt  me  story  ? Well, 
then,  I'll  tell  ye  the  rist.  After  we  got  away  on  the  Charles  Dennis 
(which  was  a rattle-ter-bang  old  fishing-schooner,  and  leaked  like  a 


254 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


sieve),  and  sure  the  rebels  fitted  out  another  craft  to  capture  us. 
But  to  make  a long  story  short,  our  captain  was  a Marblehead 
Yankee,  and  was  too  smart  for  thim  ribs,  and  we  got  away.  We 
had  our  garrison  flag  with  us.  We  had  smuggled  that  so  the  ribs 
shouldn't  disgrace  it,  and  we  tied  rope  yarns  together  and  hoisted  it 
at  the  peak. 

“The  last  of  March,  half-full  of  water,  we  sailed  into  New  York 
harbor  with  our  flag  flying  at  the  peak.  There  Commander  Winslow, 
who  reported  us  at  Washington,  gave  us  transportation.  We  arrived 
in  Washington  somewhere  the  first  of  May,  1861  ; marched  the  men 
up  by  the  Capitol ; halted  them,  and  then  Sergeant  Bradley,  and 
meself,  with  the  American  flag  under  me  arm,  went  hunting  all  over 
the  city  to  find  the  United  States  government.  Did  ye  iver  hear 
the  loikes  of  that,  bys  ? Well,  finally  we  found  the  government,  way 
down  by  the  Washington  Monument,  in  a little  old  yellow  building.’’ 

“You  mean  the  War  Department?”  interrupted  Johnson,  whose 
acquaintance  with  the  city  gave  him  the  situation. 

“ Stop  your  botherin’  ! If  yes  know  the  story  bitter  than  meself, 
till  it,  will  yez  ! An’  phat  the  divil  is  the  War  Department  but  the 
government  ? an’  sure,  ye  blockhead  ! ” said  Hanley,  indignantly.  “We 
found  it,  as  I tould  ye,  and  the  bys  who  was  waitin’  to  hear  from  the 
government  was  glad  enough  to  know  that  we  had  found  it.  We 
had  a divil  of  a time,  especially  in  finding  the  government ! So  you 
see,  bys,  that’s  how  it  was  that  I was  one  of  the  first  men  who  sur- 
rendered to  this  murtherin’  rebellion  ! ” 

The  winter  was  passed  with  picket  duty  and  the  usual  routine. 
But  very  little  drill  was  exacted  from  the  veterans,  but  they  were  put 
to  the  duty  of  drilling  the  recruits  and  conscripts.  Visiting  friends 
in  different  regiments  was  one  of  the  pastimes. 

Says  a comrade  : “ In  a large  hut,  with  a capacious  tent  belonging 
to  the  sanitary  commission  forming  the  roof,  I attended,  at  Culpeper, 
an  exhibition  which  was  advertised  as  ‘ A grand  entertainment  by 
the  Star  Troupe.’  Singing  and  dancing  were  interspersed  through 
a farce,  which  gave  more  unbounded  delight  to  those  who  listened 
than  to  any  audience  ever  before  gathered  under  one  roof. 

“ I have  forgotten,  after  the  lapse  of  years,  what  the  so-called  play 
was  all  about,  but  have  a remembrance  of  an  unlimited  amount  of 
burnt  cork  on  the  stage,  and  enjoyment  among  the  audience.  It  was 


WINTER  QUARTERS. 


255 


said  the  agent  of  the  Christian  commission  finally  removed  the 
canvas  from  the  top  of  the  mammoth  hut,  because  an  innocent  dance 
of  enlisted  men  was  held  in  it. 

“A  field-officer,  after  Mine  Run,  showed  his  authority,  and 
gained  the  contempt  of  the  soldiers,  by  dispersing  a meeting  of 
privates  and  non-commissioned  officers  who  had  come  together  to 
devise  ways  and  means  of  sending  home  a comrade  killed  during  that 
movement.” 

Large  numbers  of  substitutes,  conscripts,  bounty-jumpers,  and 
enlisted  ex-rebels  went  through  the  army  during  the  winter  months. 
I say  went  through  ; for  very  few  were  detained.  Those  who  had 
served  in  the  rebel  army  were  sent  West  on  the  frontiers  to  fight  the 
Indians.  The  bounty-jumpers  deserted,  helping  to  fill  other  quotas 
for  communities  not  given  to  love  of  country  or  fighting.  Many, 
unfit  for  the  service,  were  sent  to  hospitals.  Some  were  shot  for 
previous  desertions.  Of  all  who  came  to  the  army  at  this  time,  the 
drafted  men  were  generally  the  best  war  material.  They  were  often 
very  homesick,  but  made  good  soldiers. 

Courts-martial  were  quite  common  during  the  winter.  One  of 
these  tribunals  tried  and  convicted  a chaplain  for  horse-stealing. 
For  some  reason  the  chaplains  of  the  army,  speaking  generally,  were 
not  a great  success.  Their  intercourse  with  whiskey-drinking,  pro- 
fane superiors  soon  contaminated  their  piety,  and  little  acts,  such  as 
selling  postage  stamps  given  them  by  the  sanitary  commission,  at  a 
large  advance  on  the  regular  price,  and  similar  speculations,  brought 
many  of  them  into  contempt  among  the  rank  and  file.  I think 
properly  drilled  and  selected  men  of  mature  years,  in  this  grand 
vocation,  would  have  exerted  a moral  influence  much  needed.  They 
would  also  have  contributed  an  element  not  to  be  despised,  and  much 
needed  in  an  army. 

There  were  many  exceptions  to  this  rule  of  worthlessness,  and 
many  noble  men  “filled  the  bill,”  as  the  boys  termed  it.  I remember 
at  one  time  overhearing  a general  officer  introduce  a new  chaplain  to 
some  brother-officers  as  a “d — d good  fellow  for  a chaplain.”  I 
could  not  help  thinking  that  the  chaplain  might  render  good  service 
to  his  country  and  the  army  by  rebuking  the  unbecoming  manners  of 
his  superior.  A gentleman,  whatever  his  opinions  are,  will  not  show- 
contempt  for  religion. 


256 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


A certain  Brooklyn  regiment  was  the  particular  rival  of  the th 

New  York.  What  was  well  done  by  one,  the  other  was  anxious  to 
do  a little  better.  An  earnest  chaplain  had  been  preaching  with 
good  effect  to  the  Brooklyn  men.  Knowing  the  rivalry  between  the 
regiments,  he  shrewdly  thought  to  score  a point  in  this  way.  With 

this  in  view,  he  went  to  the  colonel  of  the th  New  York  and 

requested  permission  to  hold  divine  services.  “ It  will  not  do  any 
good,”  was  the  gruff  reply.  “You  might  just  as  well  preach  to  the 
horses.  They  are  good  fighters,  but  make  dreadful  poor  saints.  We 
are  a godless  crowd,  but  can  fight  like  devils  ! ” 

The  chaplain  replied,  “ But,  Colonel,  I held  services  several 

times  at  the th  Brooklyn  and  had  quite  a number  of  converts  ; 

baptized  thirteen  of  them  last  Sunday.” 

At  mention  of  the th  Brooklyn  the  colonel  was  all  attention, 

and  his  eyes  sparkled  with  emulation  as  he  gave  his  consent  to  have 
religious  services.  “ Draw  my  regiment  up  in  a hollow  square  for 
divine  service,  at  once!”  was  the  order  given  to  the  adjutant.  “If 
one  of  them  dares  to  wink,  laugh,  or  move,  put  him  in  the  guard- 
house.” 

The  order  was  obeyed  to  the  letter,  for  the  colonel  was  a mag- 
nificent disciplinarian.  The  men  listened  with  automatic  silence  and 
devotion.  The  services  over,  the  last  psalm  sung,  the  colonel 
astounded  the  good  chaplain  by  the  following  order:  “Adjutant, 
detail  twenty  men  and  have  them  baptized ! This  regiment  isn’t 
going  to  let  that  d — d Brooklyn  regiment  beat  them  at  anything!  ” 

Such  were  the  bluff  manners  of  the  army  ; and,  though  the  story 
may  be  a myth,  yet  it  illustrates  both  the  commendable  rivalry 
between  regiments,  and  the  disrespect  of  the  army  for  ordinary 
services  held  by  its  chaplains. 

Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  I believe  there  never  was  a class  of  men 
who  held  proved  piety  in  such  deep  reverence  as  our  common  sol- 
diers. One  man,  consistently  religious,  exerted  a marked  influence 
for  good  in  the  company  or  regiment  which  was  so  fortunate  as  to 
possess  him.  I have  already  spoken  of  two  men  of  this  character. 
They  had  the  confidence  and  respect  of  every  man  in  the  regiment. 
It  was  only  a few  months  ago  that  a former  comrade,  now  a con- 
firmed scoffer,  said,  when  referring  to  them,  “Those  men  made  a 
man  almost  believe  in  religion.”  Such  is  the  influence  of  consistent 
piety. 


Fishing  for  a Furlough.  Page  257. 


WINTER  QUARTERS. 


257 


Many  of  our  bounty-jumpers  exhausted  a great  share  of  their 
mental  force  in  ingenious  devices  to  obtain  a discharge.  The  various 
methods  resorted  to  for  getting  away  from  the  army,  would  in  itself 
make  a chapter  but  little  creditable  to  human  nature.  But  this  was 
the  chaff  among  a mass  of  patriotic  men,  and  was  soon  sifted  in  the 
whirlwind  of  battle. 

One  incident  occurs  to  me  of  a conscript,  who  was  apparently 
demented  on  the  subject  of  fishing.  With  a pin  hook  and  cotton 
line  and  a pole,  he  would  sit  or  stand,  with  a blank  look  of  simplicity 
on  his  face,  before  a mud-puddle  in  the  road  or  by  the  camp,  in  rain 
or  sun,  the  butt  of  many  a joke  and  jeer.  He  was  examined  by  a 
board  of  surgeons  and  pronounced  insane.  His  discharge  was  finally 
ordered,  and  so  little  was  he  esteemed  capable  of  taking  care  of  him- 
self, that  a comrade  was  put  in  charge  of  him  to  see  him  safe  on  his 
way  to  the  cars.  As  his  comrade  got  him  safely  on  the  train,  he 
said,  “Now,  Jim,  go  home  to  your  mother.”  A new  light  filled  the 
blank  in  Jim’s  eyes  as  he  made  reply,  “ That’s  what  I’ve  been  fishing 
for.”  He  had  humbugged  not  only  the  whole  camp,  but  an  able 
board  of  surgeons.  However  funny,  one  can  but  despise  such  a man. 

“My  term  of  service,”  says  a comrade,  “expired  in  the  winter  of 
’64.  As  large  inducements  of  bounty  and  furlough  were  given  to 
such  as  would  return  to  the  field,  I,  like  many  of  my  comrades,  re- 
enlisted and  went  home  on  a thirty  days’  furlough.  Joe  and  Quinn 
were  among  the  number,  and  nearly  all  our  veterans  were  thus 
retained  in  service. 

“It  is  not  my  intention  to  tell  of  the  scenes  of  home;  how  the 
veterans  were  questioned,  petted,  and  lionized  by  the  patriotic  people 
of  the  quiet  villages  to  which  they  returned.  Strange  as  it  may 
appear,  many  of  them  missed  the  excitement  of  camp  life.” 

“Gosh!”  said  Joe  tome  afterwards,  “wasn’t  I lonesome  for  my 
company  ! Seemed  liked  Sunday  at  home.” 

Says  a comrade  : “ On  our  return,  as  we  passed  through  Baltimore, 
a large  number  of  other  veterans  were  on  their  way  to  rejoin  their 
regiments.  A lieutenant-colonel  from  Providence  had  in  charge 
a lot  of  them,  who  were  somewhat  drunk  with  Jersey  lightning. 
After  getting  them  on  board  he  was  anxiously  discussing  with  the 
surgeon,  on  the  platform  of  the  station,  how  they  were  to  get  sober 
men  enough  to  guard  the  drunken  ones  within. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  CATE. 


2 53 


“An  Irishman,  who  was  ‘jes’  comferbel,’  and  hardly  able  to  hold 
up  his  drooping  hand,  languidly  thrust  out  of  the  window,  to  arrest 
attention,  exclaimed,  ‘ Kernel,  dear ! Kernel ! put  the  surgeon  on 
guard  ! Divil  a man  iver  got  by  him  alive.’  The  surgeon  did  not 
enjoy  the  joke  as  much  as  the  colonel  did. 

“ General  Grant  took  up  his  headquarters  with  the  army,  March 
24,  1864,  at  Culpeper  Court-House.  We  had  expected  to  see  a 


My  First  View  of  General  Grant. 


large  man,  broad-shouldered  and  athletic.  His  appearance  to  many 
was  a great  surprise.  ‘ Of  all  the  officers  in  the  group,  where  I saw 
him,’  said  one,  ‘ I should  have  selected  almost  any  one  but  him  as 
the  general  who  won  Vicksburg.  He  was  small  and  slim,  even  to 
under  size;  very  quiet,  and  with  a slight  stoop.  But  for  his  straps, 
which  came  down  too  far  in  front  of  his  shoulders,  on  his  rusty  uni- 


WINTER  QUARTERS. 


259 


form,  I should  have  taken  him  for  a clerk  at  headquarters  rather  than 
a general.  This  was  the  first  impression.  The  second  was  the  look 
of  concentration  shown  in  his  quiet,  self-controlled  face.’ 

“ The  mouth,  as  seen  through  the  closely  trimmed  full  beard, 
made  a straight  line  across  the  face,  and  shut  like  a vice.  The  eyes 
were  earnest  yet  calm;  his  face  was  grave,  and  in  the  whole  expres- 
sion a look  of  calm  concentration.  He  seemed,  as  it  were,  to  centre 
all  his  faculties  on  the  thought  to  which  they  were  at  the  moment 
turned.  Such  was  my  first  impression  of  General  Grant. 

“We  had  heard  of  his  being  a great  smoker,  but  he  had  neither 
pipe  nor  cigar  in  his  mouth  at  that  time,  and  Quin  exclaimed,  ‘And 
where  the  divil  is  his  pipe  ? ’ I saw  him  several  times  afterward 
with  a cigar  in  his  mouth,  but  do  not  remember  ever  seeing  it 
lighted.” 

Much  satisfaction  was  expressed  when  it  was  known  that  General 
Grant  was  to  take  charge  of  the  army.  Meade  was  not  very  popular 
with  the  rank  and  file,  and  his  plan  of  consolidating  regiments,  brig- 
ades, companies,  and  corps,  hurt  the  pride  of  men  who  had  fought 
together  and  had  a regimental,  corps,  or  brigade  history.  It  was  like 
breaking  up  families,  and  did  more  mischief  than  \yould  have  been 
done  by  returning  ten  thousand  men  to  private  life. 

“‘Old  Spectacles’  is  nothing  but  an  upper-adjutant  now,”  said 
Wad  Rider,  who  had  just  returned  to  duty,  with  his  wound  healed, 
and  full  of  good-natured,  odd  fun  as  ever.  Joe  and  Wad  Rider  now 
wore  non-commissioned  officers’  chevrons. 

I must  have  been  somewhat  fond  of  authority,  for  I won  a sobri- 
quet from  the  recruits  at  that  time,  more  enduring  than  any  of  my 
previous  military  titles.  I was  in  the  habit  of  saying  to  the  men, 
somewhat  sharply,  “Turn  out  here  promptly!  ” as  I passed  down  the 
company  street  to  call  the  morning  roll.  One  morning  one  of  the 
waggish  recruits  said,  “ Here  comes  ‘ Promptly  ’ ! ” and  the  nickname 
stuck  with  the  tenacity  of  a burr  to  a long-haired  dog. 

They  called  Joe  “Lengthy,”  having  no  reverence  for  his  exalted 
rank.  “ Gol  darn  ’em!”  said  Joe,  indignantly,  “I’ll  pump  drill 
and  thunder  and  lightning  inter  ’m  if  they  don’t  stop  their  non- 
sense ! ” 

False  alarms  were  quite  common  as  good  weather  came  on.  On 
the  6th  of  February  we  were  ordered  to  prepare  rations  for  another 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


260 

movement.  We  crossed  the  Rapidan  on  the  7th,  recrossed  at  night, 
and  returned  to  our  camps  on  the  8th. 

Several  balls,  in  which  men  were  dressed  to  personate  women, 
with  other  amusements,  took  place  in  large  log  buildings  constructed 
by  the  soldiers.  Our  principal  and  standard  amusement  during  the 
long  winter  months  was  writing  to  the  girls  at  home.  It  was  a poor 
letter-writer  that  did  not  have  several  lady  correspondents.  Another 
amusement  was  fishing.  My  friend  Tom  was  an  inveterate  disciple 
of  Izaak  Walton,  and  carried  .hook,  bob,  and  sinker  as  habitually  as  he 
carried  his  head.  It  was  a poor  day  when  Tom  could  fish  and  didn’t. 

The  Blue  Hills  were  in  sight,  and  the  old  inhabitants  declared 
that  there  would  be  rain  once  in  two  days,  until  the  blue  ridge  took 
off  its  snow  cap.  The  forests  of  the  region  were  converted  into 
stump  lots,  and  one  of  the  old  men  of  that  country  declared  to  me, 
“ After  this  yer  war  ther  will  be  no  fences  nor  stuff  to  build  them 
with.” 

The  frequent  rains  enlarged  small  streams  to  a quarter  of  a mile 
in  width,  and  the  camp  of  the  provost  guard  of  one  of  the  corps  was 
submerged.  Some  of  them  awoke  to  find  the  water  two  feet  deep  in 
their  tents.  As  spring  came  on,  we  took  long  tramps  up  the  moun- 
tain sides,  and  caught  glimpses  of  the  beautiful  country.  Many 
declared  that  after  the  war  they  would  come  here  and  settle.  Lately 
my  friend  Tom  has  informed  me,  that  one  of  his  comrades  had 
returned  to  Beverly  Ford,  married  the  only  daughter  of  a Virginia 
planter,  whose  two  brothers  and  father  were  killed  in  the  Confederate 
army.  He  married  the  plantation  with  the  daughter,  and  by  his 
Yankee  thrift  had  restored  the  land  to  its  original  productiveness. 
The  blue  and  gray  thus  intermixed  will,  without  doubt,  make  a 
worthy  and  patriotic  race,  and  if  need  be,  fighters  that  will  always 
be  found  on  the  right  side.  One  feature  of  winter  camp  life  was  the 
presence  of  real  women.  Often  these  were  officers’  wives,  sometimes 
wives  by  brevet. 

Thousands  of  crows,  sleek,  fat,  and  noisy,  were  constantly  seen 
around  our  camps.  They  performed  the  part  of  scavengers  and  grew 
fat  and  tame.  The  citizens  had  no  ammunition,  and  we  were  not 
allowed  to  waste  it  .on  “nigger  crows,”  as  Pat  Quin  called  them. 

Reviews,  inspections,  and  target  practice  increased  in  frequency 
as  the  spring  advanced,  and  many  other  forerunners  of  an  early 
campaign  began  to  appear. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 


GRANT  IN  COMMAND. 

MUCH  satisfaction  was  expressed  when  Grant  took  command  of 
the  army,  with  his  headquarters  in  the  field.  The  intelligent 
common  soldier  felt  that  Grant’s  influence  and  reputation  would  crush 
out  the  small  jealousies  and  wrangles  for  unearned  promotions  which 
had  thus  far  proved  a powerful  factor  in  bringing  defeat  and  disgrace 
to  the  “Army  of  the  Potomac.”  We  felt  that  officers  must  now  win 
promotion  by  showing  the  lion-like  qualities  of  the  soldier  rather  than 
by  the  fox-like  arts  of  the  politician  ; that  promotions  would  now  be 
won  by  merit  in  the  field,  and  not  by  cringing  flattery  or  favoritism 
at  Washington. 

If  Grant  was  not  identified  with  the  history  of  the  army  he  was  to 
command,  neither  was  he  identified  in  its  entangling  cliques. 

Though  a graduate  of  West  Point,  and  moulded  by  its  military 
instructions,  he  was  not  inspired  by  its  pretence  or  pedantry.  He 
had  faith  in  success,  and  in  the  volunteer  soldiers  who  fought  our 
battles.  His  presence  in  the  field  inspired  confidence  if  it  did  not 
excite  enthusiasm.  While  not  given  to  pretentious  reviews  of  the 
army,  he  knew  all  its  parts. 

He  had  learned  the  modesty  of  a citizen  in  his  struggle  with 
poverty  in  private  life,  and  was  as  unpretentious  at  the  head  of  the 
army  as  when  driving  a wood  team  from  his  farm  to  St.  Louis.  He 
had  thus  far  been  “lucky,”  yet  deservedly  so.  He  owed  his  successes 
to  great  elements  of  character  rather  than  to  great  military  knowledge. 
Had  he  been  subjected  to  competitive  examination  with  prominent 
officers  of  the  Union  army,  he  would,  perhaps,  have  stood  at  the  foot 
of  the  class  and  been  rejected.  He  had,  however,  qualities  which 
made  him  the  peer  of  any  of  them.  He  had  that  indefinable  quality 
called  common  sense,  a faculty  which  is  so  often  superior  to  brilliancy 
in  actual  affairs.  To  this  was  added  a tenacity  of  purpose  which 


262 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


never  wavered  because  of  the  cost  of  that  which  he  deemed  important 
to  grasp.  This  concentration  and  singleness  of  purpose,  which 
moved  inflexibly  for  the  main  point  to  be  attained,  made  him  terrible. 

It  took  a battle  to  wake  up  his  sluggish  temperament,  yet  nothing 
overthrew  his  wonderful  ecpiipoise.  To  think  clearly  and  decide 
promptly,  when  the  turmoil  of  battle  had  thrown  others  from  their 
mental  balance,  was  one  of  his  characteristic  qualities.  The  temper 
of  his  mind  was  such  that  the  most  ready  syllable  on  his  lips  was 
“ Forward,”  and  the  most  familiar  decision  of  his  mind,  “ Fight  ! ” 

Such  was  the  man  called  to  command  the  “Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac,” and  direct  the  general  movements  of  all  our  armies.  Whatever 
criticism  else  I may  deem  it  honest  to  record  in  these  pages,  one  fact 
stands  indelibly  written  by  the  logic  of  events,  — his  success,  not 
favoritism,  secured  for  him  his  great  command ; and  when  this  man 
of  iron,  this  earnest,  inflexible  soldier,  gathered  the  reins  of  control 
in  his  hands,  the  defeat  of  the  Confederacy  was  assured. 

It  was  his  good  fortune  to  reach  his  high  position  when,  instructed 
by  reverses,  the  people,  the  press,  and  the  administration  were  pre- 
pared to  give  him  intelligent  support.  Sustained  by  a patriotic  and 
devoted  people,  and  with  a million  of  men  at  his  back,  he  was  fortu- 
nate in  being  enabled  to  direct  all  our  armies  in  one  systematic  plan. 
The  destructive  incoherence  of  action  hitherto  existing  between  the 
armies  in  the  field  (which  he  aptly  likened  to  a balky  team)  no  longer 
stood  as  a cause  of  our  defeat. 

One  fact,  small  in  itself,  showed  his  common  sense.  Most  mili- 
tary men  would,  if  called  to  general  command,  have  made  their  head- 
quarters at  Washington.  Grant  seems  to  have  comprehended  in- 
stinctively the  importance  of  holding  himself  aloof  from  its  entangling 
political  and  semi-military  influences. 

He  had  the  wisdom  to  direct  and  inspire  the  army  with  his  pres- 
ence and  will.  He  devoted  himself  to  preparation  for  the  death- 
grapple  about  to  ensue,  yet  he  had  a more  difficult  task  than  he  con- 
ceived of.  He  had  thus  far  been  playing  the  game  with  the  less 
skilful  players  of  the  Confederacy.  He  was  now  about  to  encounter 
that  master  of  the  game  who  had  checkmated  so  many  antagonists 
on  the  difficult  chess-board  of  Virginia.  He  was  about  to  encounter 
that  incomparable  infantry  on  whose  undaunted  hearts  the  Confed- 
eracy rested.  He  was  about  to  meet  that  heroic  army  which,  with 


GRANT  TV  COMMAND. 


263 

tattered  garments  and  scanty  food,  for  three  long  years  had  carried 
forward,  upon  its  scarred  and  bleeding  bosom,  the  standard  of  revolt  ; 
that  army  which  on  so  many  bloody  fields  had  successfully  disputed 
the  possession  of  empire  with  its  superb  and  brave  antagonist.  On 
the  one  side  was  discipline  and  intelligence  in  the  ranks,  patriotism 


Our  Friends  the  Enemy. 


and  the  resources  of  a great  people  ; on  the  other,  blind  enthusiasm 
and  devotion  — poverty  of  resource,  but  confidence  in  success,  with 
directing  skill  and  steadfast  purpose  seldom  equalled. 

It  remained  to  be  seen,  when  Grant  should  meet  this  trained  ath- 
lete of  the  rebellion,  whether  he  would  preserve  his  reputation.  Like 


264 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Pope,  Grant  seems  to  have  attributed  the  failure  of  the  “ Army  of  the 
Potomac  ” to  not  being  thoroughly  fought.  He  believed  he  could 
grapple  with  and  crush  the  rebellion  out  of  existence  by  sturdy,  con- 
tinuous, unrelenting  battle. 

In  selecting  the  overland  route  for  the  campaign  before  him,  it 
seems  to  the  writer  that  he  did  not  thoroughly  appreciate  that  ele- 
mentary maxim  of  Frederick  the  Great,  that  “an  army,  like  a serpent, 
moves  on  its  belly  ! ” The  whole  problem  of  that  difficult  field  of 
operations,  ridged  by  mountains,  crossed  by  streams,  and  veiled  by 
tangled  woods,  was  complicated  by  the  difficulty  of  feeding  an  army 
upon  it. 

The  poverty  of  Virginia  — “where  a crow  in  flying  over  it  would 
be  obliged  to  carry  his  rations’’ — was  one  of  its  strong  defensive 
features.  An  army  moving  through  its  labyrinth  of  tangled  woods 
must  be  fed,  and  its  trains  of  supply  protected.  Its  superior  artillery 
could  not  be  brought  into  the  “continuous  hammering”  in  this  wood- 
entangled  region. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Confederates  were  familiar  with  all  its  by- 
paths, its  intricate  and  confusing  mazes.  Its  inhabitants  were  their 
spies  and  scouts. 

To  the  Union  army  it  was  like  a voyage  of  discovery  made  in 
unknown  lands,  among  warlike  enemies  lying  in  ambush.  These 
disadvantages  to  the  Union  army  were  deftly  used  by  its  antagonists 
to  destroy  and  overwhelm  it,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  narrative  which 
follows. 

It  is  shown  that  Grant’s  original  impressions  were  against  the 
overland  route.  I can  but  think  that  he  yielded  his  own  pronounced 
views  in  this  direction  to  the  decided  preference  shown  in  its  favor  by 
Lincoln  and  Halleck.  He  believed  it  unwise  to  excite  antagonism 
by  opposing  long-entertained  and  pet  projects.  Had  he  done  so,  it  is 
plain  to  see  at  this  day  he  would  have  encountered  moral  obstacles 
which,  at  critical  moments,  might  have  proved  the  ruin  of  his  plans 
and  reputation. 

In  yielding  to  these  views  he,  perhaps,  was  wise.  Had  the  army 
met  the  same  murderous  losses  it  sustained  in  the  wilderness  while 
carrying  out  plans  contrary  to  the  prejudices  and  fears  of  those  in 
high  military  circles  at  Washington,  the  chances  are  he  would  not 
have  been  sustained  and  seconded  as  thoroughly  as  he  was. 


GRANT  IN  COMMAND. 


265  ' 

Thus  that  which,  viewed  from  the  pure  military  standpoint,  lacked 
wisdom  was,  perhaps,  wisest  and  best  when  viewed  as  a whole.  Grant 
wisely  forebore  to  antagonize  the  moral  forces  at  work  in  the  field  of 
politics.  He  steered  clear  of  the  dangerous  eddies  and  quicksands, 
refusing  to  mix  and  complicate  the  game  of  war  with  that  of  politics. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


THE  WILDERNESS. 

ABOUT  the  ist  of  May  active  preparations  betokened  a speedy 
move.  The  log  barracks  which  had  sheltered  us  during  the 
winter  were  abandoned  and  destroyed.  To  prevent  delay  in  march- 
ing, the  troops  were  bivouacked  in  the  open  fields. 

On  May  4th,  at  midnight,  the  army  began  its  march  to  open  the 
great  campaign  of  1864.  Breaking  camp  was  like  many  similar  scenes 
in  the  history  of  the  army.  The  march  began  silently,  without  call 
of  bugle  or  beat  of  drum.  The  veterans,  as  a rule,  silently  following 
their  file  leaders,  marched  forward,  reserving  their  strength,  while  the 
recruits  laughed  and  noisily  joked.  “ Laugh  while  you  can,”  is  a wise 
proverb  ; but  this  had  been  tempered  and  modified  in  the  practice  of 
the  veteran  by  many  weary  marches,  many  a terrible  battle,  and  hu- 
miliating defeat.  Their  thoughts  were  moulded  by  former  experi- 
ences. 

Did  their  footsteps  tend  to  victory  or  defeat  ? Would  its  end  give 
them  mutilation,  unknown  graves,  or  honors  and  a safe  return  to 
happy  homes  ? A careless  indifference  outwardly,  with  an  under- 
current of  saddened  forebodings,  often  accompany  the  intelligent 
veteran  soldier,  when  starting  out  for  the  uncertain  adventures  of  the 
battle-field. 

The  bravest  men  known  in  my  experience  are  those  who  are 
neither  blinded  by  hope  nor  indifferent  to  actual  dangers.  Bravery 
is  often  a matter  of  temperament ; often  it  comes  from  familiarity 
with  the  form  of  danger  encountered.  Escaping  unscathed  from 
perils  often  met  makes  men  confident.  They  become  fatalists.  The 
proud  soldier  says  it’s  of  no  use  to  dodge  bullets  or  fate.  Napoleon 
once  uttered  a maxim  well  fitted  to  make  brave  soldiers.  It  was  this  : 
“ Drive  death  into  the  enemy’s  ranks,  and  you  drive  it  out  of  your 
own.” 


266 


THE  WILDERNESS. 


267 


Towards  daylight  the  head  of  our  column  reached  Ely’s  Ford. 
Here  a light  canvas  boat-bridge,  and  a bridge  of  wooden  boats,  were 
quickly  constructed  by  our  skilled  engineers.  A column  of  cavalry 
preceded  the  infantry,  to  watch  every  road  and  path  by  which  the 
enemy  might  be  advancing  to  attack.  At  Germania  Ford  and  the 
fords  above,  three  boat-bridges  spanned  the  Rapidan.  Warren’s  and 
Sedgwick’s  corps  crossed  by  these  bridges.  The  heavy  teams  crossed 
on  the  wooden  boat-bridges  ; the  infantry,  with  the  lighter  fighting 
trains,  on  the  canvas  pontoons.  The  column  on  our  right  was  also 
preceded  by  a division  of  cavalry,  while  another  division  was  in  the 
rear  to  prevent  straggling  and  to  cover  the  trains.  Such  was,  in  sub- 
stance, the  order  of  march  of  this  great  army,  with  its  enormous 
trains  of  four  thousand  wagons  and  a hundred  thousand  men. 

During  the  day  each  of  the  three  corps  marched  twenty  miles, 
threw  out  five  bridges  without  an  accident,  and  with  but  little  delay. 
“It  was  the  stride  of  a giant.”  As  the  march  progressed,  the  sol- 
diers began  to  throw  away  their  overcoats  and  blankets.  “ I could 
have  marched  a mile,”  said  a comrade  afterwards,  who  was  with 
Sedgwick's  column,  “on  these  rejected  garments.”  I have  an  un- 
gratified curiosity  even  to-day  to  know  what  became  of  this  immense 
waste.  Doubtless  wherever  there  was  a harvest  there  were  also  har- 
vesters. 

At  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning  of  the  4th  we  reached  Chancel- 
lorsville  and  bivouacked  near  the  blackened  ruins  of  the  old  Chancellor 
House.  Weather-stained  remnants  of  clothing,  rusty  gun-barrels  and 
bayonets,  tarnished  brasses  and  equipments,  with  bleaching  bones 
and  grinning  skulls,  marked  this  memorable  field. 

In  the  cavity  of  one  of  these  skulls  was  a nest  with  the  three 
speckled  eggs  of  a field-bird.  In  yet  another  was  a wasp-nest.  Fife 
in  embryo  in  the  skull  of  death  ! The  sting  of  the  wasp  and  the 
song  of  the  bird  ! One,  as  it  were,  defending  the  skull  of  the  battle’s 
victim  ; the  other  singing  the  hopeful  paeans  of  a nation  redeemed  by 
their  death. 

Here  a word  of  explanation  is  needful  to  an  understanding  of  that 
which  follows.  When  the  Union  army  began  this  movement,  the 
centre  of  Fee’s  line  was  at  Orange  Court-House.  From  this  point 
two  roads,  the  Orange  plank  road  and  the  Orange  turnpike,  run 
parallel  to  each  other  and  struck  our  line  of  march.  When  Fee 


268 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


found  his  flank  turned,  he  did  not  retreat,  as  Grant  confidently 
expected,  and  as  an  ordinary  general  would  have  done.  By  a rapid 
change  of  front  he  concentrated  his  men  so  as  to  compel  battle  in 
the  dark  and  entangling  depths  of  the  Wilderness.  Here  he  hoped 
either  to  ensnare  and  destroy,  or  to  compel  the  retreat  of  the  Union 
army,  now  hurrying  forward  to  seize  his  communications  with  Rich- 
mond. It  was  a masterly  conception  of  genius  ; a movement  little 
expected  by  either  Meade  or  Grant,  who  believed  the  rebel  army, 
with  its  flank  turned,  had  no  alternative  that  was  safe,  but  retreat. 
Thus  it  was  that  they  made  no  competent  preparation  to  meet  the 
enemy  in  force  at  this  point. 

On  the  night  of  the  4th,  Warren’s  corps  bivouacked  at  the  Wilder- 
ness Tavern,  which  stands  near  the  junction  of  the  Germania  plank 
road  and  the  two  roads  hitherto  mentioned.  At  the  same  time 
Ewell’s  corps  of  the  rebel  army  bivouacked  on  the  Orange  turnpike, 
within  three  miles  of  Warren.  Sedgwick’s  corps  had  as  yet  not 
moved  up  from  Germania  Ford.  Warren  had  thrown  out  Griffin’s 
division  on  the  turnpike,  so  that  the  enemy  might  not  come  in  on 
this  road  and  interrupt  Sedgwick’s  column  while  he  was  moving 
upon  the  Germania  plank  road.  Neither  party  knew  the  presence  of 
the  other  definitely,  yet  like  magnets  they  were  being  irresistibly 
drawn  together  by  the  gravitation  of  war. 

Leading  our  right  column  on  the  morning  of  the  5th,  Warren's 
corps  resumed  its  prescribed  march  towards  Parker’s  Store,  which  is 
on  the  Orange  plank  road.  The  reader  will  see  that  a speedy 
encounter  was  inevitable.  Early  in  the  morning,  Ewell  began  his 
march  on  the  same  road  by  which  Griffin  was  advancing.  They  met. 
The  Union  skirmishers  were  driven  in.  The  intelligence  of  the 
meeting  was  conveyed  to  Grant,  and  orders  suspending  the  move- 
ments prescribed  to  the  different  corps  were  at  once  given. 

Grant  and  Meade  both  arrived  at  the  Wilderness  Tavern  shortly 
after  the  initial  encounter.  Meade  was  heard  to  say  : “ They  have 
left  a division  to  fool  us  here  while  they  concentrate  and  prepare  a 
position  towards  the  North  Anna,  and  what  I want  is  to  prevent 
those  fellows  getting  back  to  Mine  Run.”  Grant,  with  this  mis- 
conception, at  once  ordered  an  attack  to  brush  away  or  capture  this 
obtruding  force. 

The  attack  was  opened  by  Griffin’s  division,  which  at  first  swept 


Grant  and  Meade  in  the  Wilderness.  Page  208, 


THE  WILDERNESS. 


269 


everything  in  its  front.  It  had  simply  encountered  the  van  of  Ewell’s 
column.  Had  the  situation  been  well  understood  by  the  Union 
commander,  a disposition  of  forces  might  have  been  made  which 
would  have  proved  fatal  to  Ewell.  The  means  employed  were 
naturally  incompetent  and  in  keeping  with  the  misunderstanding. 

The  disordered  van  of  Ewell’s  column  re-formed  on  a wooded 
hill,  where  it  was  joined  by  the  remainder  of  the  corps,  and  resumed 
at  once  the  offensive.  It  so  happened  that  the  right  of  Warren’s 
corps  was  at  this  time  uncovered.  Wright’s  division  of  the  Sixth 
Corps,  which  should  have  covered  this  flank,  had  not  come  up,  owing 
to  the  dense  underbrush  through  which  it  was  compelled  to  move. 
On  this  exposed  flank  Ewell  directed  his  attack.  On  Griffin’s  left 
was  Wadsworth’s  division.  This  advanced,  but  while  beating 
through  the  dense  undergrowth  encountered  a terrible  fire  from  an 
unseen  enemy.  It  illustrates  the  difficulty  that  beset  troops  oper- 
ating in  this  tangled  region,  that  there  being  no  other  guides,  their 
directions  were  given  them  by  the  points  of  the  compass.  The 
orders  were  to  advance  due  west.  For  some  unknown  reason  Wads- 
worth advanced  northwest,  and  this  brought  the  fire  of  the  enemy 
on  his  flank.  Under  this  terrible  flank  fire  the  division  broke  in  dis- 
order. The  best  way  to  retreat  was  for  each  man  to  get  to  the  rear, 
and  not  stand  on  the  order  of  his  going.  The  division  of  Wadsworth 
finally  re-formed  in  the  rear  and  did  good  service  during  the  fight 
which  followed. 

Crawford’s  division,  on  the  left  of  Wadsworth’s,  was  nearly  sur- 
rounded, and  was  driven  back  with  the  loss  of  two  regiments.  In 
this  abrupt  encounter  began  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness.  The 
opening  was  not  auspicious.  Warren  had  lost  three  thousand  men. 
The  enemy  was  in  force  in  our  front. 

In  this  initial  encounter  several  of  my  acquaintances  were  made 
prisoners.  Here  my  friend  Tom,  of  whom  I have  often  spoken,  met 
the  enemy  for  the  twenty-second  time,  and  was  theirs  at  last,  and 
lacking  only  fifteen  days  of  the  expiration  of  his  three  years'  service. 
One  of  my  friends  had  captured  a rebel  and  was  marching  him  into 
our  lines.  As  he  came  out  into  a little  cart-path  he  and  his  prisoner 
encountered  a rebel  officer.  “Where  are  you  going?”  said  the 
officer,  with  his  revolver  turned  upon  the  Yankee  soldier.  “To  the 
Yankee  lines  ! ” replied  the  prisoner.  “ Give  that  man  your  musket ! ” 


270 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


imperiously  ordered  the  officer  to  the  Yankee  soldier.  “He  had  me, 
and  I obeyed  ! ” said  my  informant.  No  sooner  had  the  officer  dis- 
appeared than  the  rebel  soldier,  to  the  astonishment  of  my  friend, 
coolly  handed  him  back  his  musket,  saying, 

“Here,  take  your  shooting-iron,  and  march 
me  to  the  Yankee  army.  I’m  done  with 
this  doggoned  Confedercy,  I am  ! ” On  the 
way  into  our  lines  my  informant 
inquired  why  he  had  gone  back  on 


Things  reversed. 

the  Confederacy.  “Well,  stranger,  the  rich  men  made  this  war,  and 
we  poor  men  have  to  do  the  fighting,  and  there’s  too  much  fight,  I 
reckon,  for  my  health.  I’ve  been  fighting  ever  since  this  blamed 
war  began,  and  I can’t  see  no  end  to  it  ! ” 

The  abrupt  encounter  of  arms  already  detailed  had  awakened 
Grant  to  the  fact  that  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  was  in  his 


THE  WILDERNESS . 


271 


front.  He  countermanded  the  previously  ordered  marches,  and  at 
once  accepted  Lee’s  challenge  to  battle.  Here  in  the  gloomy  forest, 
with  dogged  resolution,  he  prepared  to  grapple  with  the  enemy  in 
this  blind  wrestle  to  the  death.  He  at  once  recalled  Hancock’s 
corps  from  its  march  to  Shady  Grove  Church.  Our  corps  had 
advanced  about  ten  miles  when  the  order  reached  us,  and  at  eleven 
o’clock  we  began  our  return  march  up  the  Brock  road.  The  strategic 
point  was  where  the  roads  intersect  around  the  Wilderness  Tavern. 
It  was  this  point  that  Ewell  was  attempting  to  seize  when  the 
encounter  began. 

Getty  had  already  begun  the  fight  before  our  arrival.  Cheers 
went  up  from  our  sweat-begrimed,  dusty  veterans,  as  they  came  up  at 
about  three  o’clock  and  formed  in  double  line  of  battle  in  front  of  the 
Brock  road.  The  road  was  very  narrow,  and  densely  wooded  on  both 
sides.  Here  we  began  to  construct  rifle-pits,  by  piling  up  logs  and 
throwing  up  the  soil  against  them.  For  this  purpose  men  used  their 
tin  drinking-cups,  bayonets,  and  case-knives,  as  well  as  the  few 
shovels  and  picks  which  accompanied  each  division  on  pack-mules. 
We  had  not  completed  our  rifle-pits  when  an  order  came  to  move  on 
the  enemy. 

The  scene  of  savage  fighting  with  the  ambushed  enemy,  which 
followed,  defies  description.  No  one  could  see  the  fight  fifty  feet 
from  him.  The  roll  and  crackle  of  the  musketry  was  something 
terrible,  even  to  the  veterans  of  many  battles.  The  lines  were  very 
near  each  other,  and  from  the  dense  underbrush  and  the  tops  of  the 
trees  came  puffs  of  smoke,  the  “ping!”  of  the  bullets,  and  the  yell 
of  the  enemy.  It  was  a blind  and  bloody  hunt  to  the  death,  in 
bewildering  thickets,  rather  than  a battle. 

Amid  the  tangled,  darkened  woods,  the  “ping!  ping ! ping!”  the 
“pop  ! pop  ! pop  ! ” of  rifles,  and  the  long  roll  and  roar  of  musketry, 
blending  on  our  right  and  left,  were  terrible.  In  advancing  it  was 
next  to  impossible  to  preserve  a distinct  line,  and  we  were  constantly 
broken  into  small  groups.  The  underbrush  and  briars  scratched  our 
faces,  tore  our  clothing,  and  tripped  our  feet  from  under  us,  constantly. 

On  our  left,  a few  pieces  of  artillery,  stationed  on  cleared  high 
ground,  beat  time  to  the  steady  roar  of  musketry.  On  the  Orange 
plank  road,  Rickett’s  battery,  or  Kirby’s,  familiar  to  us  in  so  many 
battles,  was  at  work  with  its  usual  vigor,  adding  to  the  uproar. 


272 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


“We  are  playing  right  into  these  devils’  hands!  Bushwhacking 
is  the  game  ! There  ain't  a tree  in  our  front  twenty  feet  high,  but 
there  is  a reb  up  that  tree!”  said  Wad  Rider.  Two,  three,  and 
four  times  we  rushed  upon  the  enemy,  but  were  met  by  a murderous 
fire  and  with  heavy  loss  from  concealed  enemies.  As  often  as  we 
rushed  forward  we  were  compelled  to  get  back.  It  was  in  the  midst 
of  this  uproar  that  Mott’s  division  gave  way,  and  here  the  brave 
General  Hayes,  in  endeavoring  to  close  the  break  thus  caused  in  the 
line,  fell  pierced  by  an  enemy’s  bullet. 

With  the  intention  of  relieving  this  pressure  on  our  front,  Wads- 
worth’s division  was  sent  from  Warren’s  Corps  southward  through 
the  woods,  to  fall  upon  Hill’s  rear  and  flank.  It  did  not  arrive  in 
time  to  be  of  use,  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  making  its  way  through 
the  underbrush. 

That  night  the  men  of  this  division  lay  on  their  arms,  so  near 
the  enemy  that  during  the  night  several  parties  of  the  rebels,  while 
looking  for  water,  wandered  into  our  lines  and  were  captured,  while 
our  men  straggled  into  the  embraces  of  the  enemy  on  the  same 
errand. 

The  uproar  of  battle  continued  through  the  twilight  hours.  It 
was  eight  o’clock  before  the  deadly  crackle  of  musketry  died  grad- 
ually away,  and  the  sad  shadows  of  night,  like  a pall,  fell  over  the 
dead  in  these  ensanguined  thickets.  The  groans  and  cries  for  water 
or  for  help  from  the  wounded  gave  place  to  the  sounds  of  the  conflict. 

With  the  green  leaves  and  the  darkness  for  their  winding-sheet, 
and  the  mournful  whisper  of  the  tree-tops,  stirred  by  the  breeze,  for 
their  requiem,  the  dead  lay  thick  in  this  wild  and  tangled  wood. 
This  singular  battle  was  a disconnected  series  of  bushwhacking 
encounters,  illustrating  the  tactics  of  savages  rather  than  science  of 
modern  war.  Thus  ended  the  first  day’s  fighting  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  under  Grant. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


THE  WILDERNESS  (SECOND  DAY). 


UR  lines  now  faced  westward.  Burnside’s  corps  had  arrived 


V_y  early  in  the  morning,  and  the  formation  was  north  and  south 
in  the  following  order  : Sedgwick  on  the  right,  then  Warren’s,  Burn- 
side’s, and  Hancock’s  corps,  in  the  order  named.  The  orders  given 
for  the  battle  were  very  simple.  They  were  these : “ Attack  along 
the  entire  line  at  five  o’clock  ! ” 

There  was  no  opportunity  for  grand  manoeuvres  on  this  difficult 
field.  It  so  happened  that  the  commanders  of  both  armies  had 
aggressively  determined  to  assume  the  offensive  early  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  6th.  The  plan  of  the  Confederate  commander  was  to 
overwhelm  our  left  and  compel  us  to  retreat  to  the  Rapidan.  Long- 
street  had,  however,  not  yet  arrived  to  participate  in  the  fight,  and 
Lee  could  not  deliver  his  decisive  blow  until  he  came  up.  Pending 
his  arrival  he  determined  to  call  our  attention  from  our  left  by  a 
movement  against  our  right.  It  thus  fell  out  that  Lee  began  his 
movement  before  the  hour  of  attack  designated  by  Grant. 

Before  five  o’clock  the  roar  of  musketry  on  our  right  told  that 
Sedgwick  was  attacked  by  the  enemy.  Then  Hancock  and  Warren 
joined  in  the  attack,  and  the  whole  line  was  engaged.  Ward's  and 
Hayes’s  brigades,  of  Hancock’s  corps,  were  supported  by  the  brigades 
of  Owens  and  Carrol  of  our  division.  These  advanced  on  the  right 
and  left  of  the  Orange  plank  road,  through  the  same  impediments  of 
underbrush  characteristic  of  previous  advances.  As  Longstreet  had 
not  yet  arrived,  this  was  Lee’s  weak  flank.  Wadsworth’s  men,  whose 
position  the  evening  previous,  on  the  right  of  Birney,  we  have  already 
designated,  fought  their  way  across  the  front  of  that  portion  of 
Hancock’s  corps  which  was  on  the  plank  road,  and  began  to  drive 
the  Confederates  up  that  road.  The  enemy  were  at  once  attacked 
with  such  vigor  that  their  lines  were  broken  at  all  points,  and  they 


273 


274 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE . 


were  driven  confusedly  through  the  woods.  Their  dead  and  wounded 
lay  thick  in  the  jungle  of  scrub-oaks,  pines,  and  underbrush,  through 
which  we  rushed  upon  them.  Squads  of  prisoners  constantly  going 
to  the  rear  exchanged  rough  but  good-natured  salutations  with  our 
men. 

One  of  them  said,  “You’ns  run  over  we'uns  in  four  rows,  right 
smart,  git  ! this  morning  ! ” 

Another  exclaimed,  “You  blue  bellies  will  have  red  bellies  before 
you’ns  git  inter  Richmond  ! ” 

By  six  o’clock  the  rebel  lines  had  been  driven  a mile  and  a half 
and  were  broken  and  disordered.  The  advance  of  our  corps  through 
swamps  and  tangled  thickets,  in  this  hot  encounter,  had  broken  our 
own  lines.  A proper  formation  of  the  ranks  or  any  control  by  the 
officers  in  command,  in  this  tangled  region,  seemed  impossible.  In 
this  disorganized  condition  a portion  of  our  lines,  under  Birney,  was 
brought  to  a stand  by  the  firm  resistance  of  the  enemy.  It  had 
encountered  the  van  of  Longstreet’s  corps  hastening  to  the  fight. 
A halt  was  ordered,  and  the  lines  which  had  become  irregular,  and 
the  brigades  and  regiments  confusedly  mixed,  were  reorganized. 

Longstreet  had,  meanwhile,  begun  to  form  on  the  plank  road,  and 
when  a further  advance  was  attempted  by  the  Union  lines,  they  met 
this  new  force,  and  the  fighting  became  fierce  and  bloody.  Hancock 
had  promptly  informed  Meade  of  the  presence  of  some  of  Longstreet’s 
men  on  his  front.  Neither  was  aware  that  he  had  met  the  entire 
force  of  that  general.  Intelligence  had  been  gathered  from  prisoners 
the  night  previous,  which  led  to  the  inference  that  he  was  moving  to 
attack  the  Union  left.  Expecting  him  in  this  direction  proved  to  be 
a great  hindrance  to  Hancock.  It  was  for  this  that  he  had  allowed 
his  left,  under  Gibbon,  to  remain  on  the  Brock  road. 

Meade  ordered  Sheridan  to  attack  Longstreet  with  his  cavalry  as 
far  as  practicable,  without  endangering  the  safety  of  the  trains,  and 
also  notified  Hancock  that  a division  of  the  Ninth  Corps  would,  if  re- 
quired, be  sent  him.  Burnside,  who  was  directed  to  get  possession  of 
the  open  ground  at  Chewings,  and  fall  on  the  rebel  general  Hill’s  left 
and  rear,  had  not  attacked.  Hancock  had  been  informed  of  this  ar- 
rangement, and  was  anxiously  looking  for  this  diversion  in  his  favor. 

At  eleven  o’clock  the  firing  died  away.  Burnside,  though  con- 
stantly ordered,  had  not  attacked.  Longstreet,  meanwhile,  was 


THE  WILDERNESS. 


275 


preparing  for  a decisive  onslaught  on  our  front.  His  first  blow  fell 
on  Frank’s  brigade  of  Hancock’s  command,  which  was  soon  swept 
away  by  the  whirlwind  of  attack,  then  struck  Mott's  division  and 
scattered  it  like  leaves  before  the  wind.  Hancock  answered  to  this 
by  attempting  to  swing  back  his  left  to  the  plank  road,  and  unite 
with  his  right,  which  was  still  holding  its  advance  position. 

On  the  right  of  Hancock,  Wadsworth’s  division  fought  with  heroic 
firmness.  It  charged  the  enemy  several  times,  but  was  finally  driven 
back  in  disorder.  In  this  encounter  General  Wadsworth,  while  in 
the  rear  and  centre  of  his  lines  cheering  his  men,  fell  mortally 
wounded.  In  the  confusion  which  followed  he  was  abandoned  to  the 
enemy,  and  died  next  day  within  their  lines. 

It  was  impossible  to  manoeuvre  on  account  of  the  obstructive 
undergrowth,  where  no  one  could  see  a hundred  paces  in  any  direc- 
tion. The  roar  of  musketry  alone  disclosed  the  position  of  the  foe, 
and  the  movements  were  generally  learned  only  by  actual  collisions. 
Under  these  circumstances,  general  officers  could  hold  but  little  con- 
trol of  their  lines. 

The  troops  fell  back,  in  the  confusion  caused  by  the  difficult  field 
on  which  they  fought,  and  re-formed  in  two  lines  behind  their  old 
intrenchments  on  the  Brock  road.  Before  this  the  tempest  of  the 
attack  had  ceased  as  suddenly  as  it  began. 

Longstreet,  at  the  head  of  the  assaulting  column,  was  desperately 
wounded.  He  had,  by  mistake,  been  fired  upon  by  his  own  men 
when  the  tempest  was  at  its  height.  This  caused  the  halt  in  the 
attack.  Lee  now  took  command  of  this  part  of  the  line  in  person, 
and  cautiously  postponed  further  battle  until  more  perfect  dispositions 
of  his  troops  were  made.  This  lull  in  the  storm  lasted  until  four 
o’clock.  The  attack  was  then  resumed.  Then  the  Confederate 
columns  came  dashing  on  through  the  undergrowth  until  within  a 
hundred  yards  of  our  lines.  Here  they  halted  and  opened  fire. 
Protected  by  their  breastworks,  for  a time  our  men  received  but 
little  harm. 

The  attack  on  the  left  of  the  plank  road  was  especially  desperate. 
Here  Mott’s  division  and  Ward’s  brigade  of  Birney’s  division  held 
the  line.  Here  the  guns  of  the  Sixth  Maine  Battery  kept  up  a rapid 
and  destructive  fire  upon  the  enemy,  who  made  no  headway  until  a 
new  ally  came  to  their  assistance. 


2j6 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


Flames  sprang  up  in  the  woods  in  our  front,  where  the  fight  of 
the  morning  had  taken  place.  With  crackling  roar  like  an  army 
of  fire,  it  came  down  upon  the  Union  line.  The  wind  drove  the 
blinding  smoke  and  suffocating  heat  into  our  faces.  This,  added  to 
the  oppressive  heat  of  the  weather,  was  almost  unendurable.  It  soon 
became  terrible.  The  line  of  fire,  with  resistless  march,  swept  the 
thickets  before  its  advance,  then  reaching  out  its  tongue  of  flame, 
ignited  the  breastworks  composed  of  resinous  logs,  which  soon  roared 
and  crackled  along  their  entire  length.  ' The  men  fought  the  enemy 
and  the  flames  at  the  same  time.  Their  hair  and  beards  were  singed 
and  their  faces  blistered. 

At  last,  blinded  by  the  smoke  and  suffocated  by  the  hot  breath  of 
the  flames,  with  the  whole  length  of  their  intrenchments  a crackling 

mass  of  fire,  they  gave  way 
and  fell  back  to  the  second 
line  of  log  intrenchments. 


Planting  the  Rebel  Flag. 


With  a shout  the  rebel  column  approached  the  road  and  attempted 
to  seize  the  abandoned  position.  The  impartial  flames  in  turn  drove 
them  back.  The  fire  soon  consumed  the  logs,  and  the  rebels  planted 
their  colors  there. 

The  fire  swept  on  and  reached  our  second  line  of  intrenchments. 
This,  like  the  first,  was  soon  consumed.  The  men  formed  at  some 
places  eight  and  ten  ranks  deep,  the  rear  men  loading  the  muskets  for 


astworks  on  Finn.  Page  277. 


THE  WILDERNESS. 


277 


the  front  ranks,  and  thus  undauntedly  kept  up  the  fight  while  the  logs 
in  front  of  them  were  in  flames.  Finally,  blistered,  blinded,  and 
suffocating,  they  gave  way.  The  enemy  yelled  with  exultation. 
They  rushed  forward  and  attempted  to  place  their  colors  on  this  line 
of  our  defence.  Their  triumph  was  brief,  for  the  last  line  of  log 
defences  was  soon  consumed  like  the  first.  Then,  with  a shout  re- 
sembling the  rebel  yell,  our  men  charged  the  enemy,  and  swept  them 
back  from  the  field.  At  sunset  our  pickets  were  advanced  half  a 
mile  without  opposition. 

During  the  conflict  our  men  had  exhausted  their  ammunition  and 
had  been  obliged  to  gather  cartridges  from  the  dead  and  wounded. 
Their  rifles,  in  many  instances,  became  so  hot  by  constant  firing, 
that  they  were  unable  to  hold  them  in  their  hands.  The  fire  was 
the  most  terrible  enemy  our  men  met  that  day,  and  few  survivors  will 
forget  this  attack  of  the  flames  on  their  lines.  It  is  estimated  that 
two  hundred  of  our  wounded  were  consumed. 

We  have  but  little  to  add  to  our  description  of  this  battle.  Burn- 
side, who  was  to  have  engaged  the  enemy  at  an  early  hour,  did  not 
attack  until  two  o’clock.  When  he  did  advance  on  the  enemy,  he 
found  them  intrenched  on  the  opposite  side  of  a swampy  ravine,  and 
could  gain  no  advantage  in  the  encounter.  The  attack  was  made  too 
late  to  be  of  assistance  to  Hancock,  who  had  relied  on  this  diversion 
in  his  favor,  and  had  made  his  dispositions  with  this  expectation. 

After  sundown  the  Confederates  made  an  attack  on  the  right  of 
Burnside’s  corps,  creating  considerable  confusion.  The  night  pre- 
vented them  from  following  up  their  success.  Thus  ended  this 
terrible  battle,  the  full  details  of  which  were  hid  in  the  tangled  woods 
and  darkling  forests,  where  its  mysteries  will  never  be  disclosed. 
It  was  a drawn  battle.  Both  commanders,  at  its  termination,  arrived 
at  the  same  conclusion, — that  further  attack  on  those  lines  was 
hopeless.  The  losses  on  both  sides  were  terrible.  Our  killed  and 
wounded  were  12,484  men  ; our  missing,  3047. 

It  is  estimated  in  the  “Medical  and  Surgical  History  of  the  War” 
that  the  Confederates  lost  on  this  bloody  field  eight  thousand  killed 
and  wounded,  and  thirty-four  hundred  missing.  No  authority  is  given 
for  this  estimate.  In  most  instances  we  were  the  attacking  party, 
and  our  losses  were  doubtless  much  larger  than  those  of  the  enemy. 

Had  Grant,  at  the  conclusion  of  this  battle,  retreated  beyond  the 


278 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Rapidan,  his  action  would  not  have  been  without  precedent.  Its 
results  had  not,  however,  shaken  his  resolution  to  advance.  The  one 
difference  between  him  and  previous  commanders  of  the  army  was 
that  he  advanced  when  they  would  have  retreated.  It  was  this 
inflexible,  undaunted  temper  which  made  him  a great  soldier. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 


TO  S POTTS  YL  VAN  I A. 


HE  men  of  both  armies  were  worn  out  with  the  two  battles  just 


1 fought.  The  terrible  fighting,  the  difficult  nature  of  the  ground, 
as  well  as  the  heat  of  the  weather,  had  been  very  exhausting.  Be- 
sides this,  the  reaction  which  follows  the  excitement  of  battle  had 


set  in. 


The  morning  of  Saturday,  May  7th,  found  the  hostile  armies  con- 
fronting each  other  from  behind  their  intrenchments.  Neither  cared 
to  assume  the  offensive.  Each  was  willing  to  receive  an  attack  with 
the  advantage  of  the  defensive  on  their  side,  but  neither  could  see 
a favorable  opportunity  on  this  field,  for  further  aggressive  action. 
Neither  could  attack  without  danger  of  being  checkmated. 

Grant,  aggressive  by  nature,  determined  on  a move  toward  the 
rebel  capital  instead  of  from  it,  as  had  been  the  previous  action  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  after  undecisive  conflicts. 

In  the  report  of  these  operations,  referring  to  his  antagonist,  he 
says  : “ It  was  evident  to  my  mind  that  the  two  days’  fighting  had 
satisfied  him  of  his  inability  to  further  maintain  the  contest  in  the 
open  field.”  The  real  position  of  affairs  at  that  time  appears  to 
have  been  that  neither  cared  further  to  maintain  the  contest  under 
conditions  then  existing. 

Grant  could  not  expect  Lee,  for  mere  sentiment,  to  abandon  the 
advantage  which  the  defensive  gave  him,  and  attack  under  disadvan- 
tages which  he  himself  thought  prudent  to  avoid. 

From  the  beginning  of  his  military  operations  in  Virginia,  Lee 
had  adopted  the  theory  of  war  known  as  the  “ defensive  with  offen- 
sive returns.”  Throughout  the  war  it  was  his  policy,  while  assuming 
the  defensive,  to  watch  for  opportunities  to  deliver  aggressive  blows. 
Grant’s  quoted  phrase,  therefore,  seems  to  have  been  intended  as  an 


279 


2 So 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


excuse  for  his  own  position,  for  the  newspaper  readers  at  home 
rather  than  for  veritable  history. 

On  the  7th,  other  than  an  undecisive  cavalry  encounter  on  the 
Brock  road,  no  action  took  place.  Grant  had,  meanwhile,  formed  the 
plan  of  making  a rapid  march  to  Spottsylvania  Court-House,  thus 
planting  his  army  between  the  enemy  and  Richmond.  To  carry  out 
this  plan  successfully,  it  was  necessary  first  to  move  his  heavy  trains, 
that  the  roads  might  be  clear  for  the  infantry  columns.  The  distance 
from  the  Wilderness  battle-field  to  Spottsylvania  Court-House,  by 
the  direct  route  of  the  Brock  road,  was  fifteen  miles. 

The  trains  were  set  in  motion  about  three  o’clock  Saturday  after- 
noon, May  7th,  by  the  roundabout  way  of  Chancellorsville.  The 
movement  could  not  be  made,  however,  without  attracting  the  atten- 
tion of  the  enemy,  and  it  was  doubtless  this  which  led  Lee  to  sur- 
mise the  plan  of  the  Union  commander.  It  was  half-past  eight  in 
the  evening  when  the  army  finally  began  its  march. 

The  cavalry,  under  Merritt,  was  on  the  Brock  road,  trying  to  clear 
it  of  a cavalry  force  of  the  enemy  who  were  endeavoring  to  seize  it. 
Preceded  by  Warren’s  Corps,  the  Second  Corps  under  Hancock  began 
its  march  on  the  Brock  road.  Sedgwick  and  Burnside  moved  on  the 
pike  and  plank  road,  by  the  exterior  route  of  Chancellorsville.  War- 
ren found  his  march  blocked  by  the  Union  cavalry  force  engaged  with 
Stuart’s  cavalry,  before  mentioned,  who  were  barricading  the  roads 
by  felling  trees  and  by  other  devices.  Meade’s  cavalry  escort  also 
got  in  their  way  and  delayed  them.  These  obstructions,  in  spite  of 
Warren’s  well-known  energy  and  clear-sightedness,  delayed  the  whole 
movement  at  a time  when  success  depended  upon  a rapid  march. 

Night  marches  are  usually  slow  and  tedious,  and  require  much 
more  careful  supervision  to  prevent  confusion  than  marches  by  day. 
That  night  Hancock’s  Corps  made  a tedious  and  constantly  inter- 
rupted march  to  Todd’s  Tavern,  which  stands  half-way  between 
Spottsylvania  Court-House  and  the  scene  of  the  Wilderness  fighting. 
The  men  were  wearied  and  fretful.  At  every  halt  they  would  fall 
asleep  while  seated  on  their  knapsacks  in  the  road.  Then,  moving 
on  a short  distance,  would  be  brought  to  a halt ; again,  after  waiting 
and  standing  and  fretting,  they  would  get  the  order,  “ In  place, 
rest  ! ” and  then  again  be  called  up  to  hitch  along  a short  distance 
farther,  to  be  halted  again  in  the  same  manner. 


TO  SPOTTS  YL  VANIA . 


281 


The  atmosphere  was  close  and  muggy,  and  the  road  narrow  and 
dark.  If  there  is  anything  that  knocks  the  patience  out  of  a 
soldier,  it  is  starting  out  on  a march,  and  then,  after  being  hours  on 
the  road,  to  find  that  you  could  have  marched  the  same  distance,  if 
not  delayed,  in  a half-hour. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  of  men  being  in  worse  condition 
for  fighting  than  when  morning  dawned.  There  is,  to  my  mind,  full 
as  much  lost  as  gained  by  night  marching.  Jaded  men  do  not  fight 
as  resolutely  as  fresh  ones.  A night’s  rest  and  a good  breakfast  are 
essential  to  put  a soldier  in  proper  fighting  condition.  The  contrary 
condition  makes  men  irresolute  and  discouraged.  Surgeons  bear  wit- 
ness to  the  fact  that  among  wounded  men  the  shock  to  the  system 
is  less  serious  among  those  who  have  eaten  their  breakfast  than 
those  who  have  not. 

The  difference  between  a hero  and  a coward  is  often  just  this 
difference  in  condition  produced  by  proper  sleep  and  food. 

Todd’s  Tavern  was  not  reached  by  Hancock’s  tired  men  until 
nine  o’clock  in  the  morning.  Here  they  found  a division  of  Gregg’s 
cavalry  engaged  with  the  enemy’s  cavalry,  in  front  of  the  shabby 
little  building  called  “Todd’s  Tavern.” 

The  infantry  relieved  the  cavalry,  and  at  once  began  piling  up 
logs  and  rails,  and  digging  for  defence.  At  half-past  one,  we 
marched  up  the  Brock  road,  midway  between  Spottsylvania  and  our 
starting-point,  to  support  the  troops  operating  in  that  direction. 
Warren’s  Corps  which,  as  we  have  mentioned,  preceded  us,  had 
already  encountered  the  rebel  infantry. 

The  presence  of  the  enemy  ahead  of  Warren  was  said  to  be,  in 
part,  an  accident.  Lee,  having  been  informed  of  the  movement  of 
our  trains,  guessed  its  meaning  and  instructed  Anderson,  then  in 
command  of  Longstreet’s  Corps,  to  be  ready  to  march  to  Spottsyl- 
vania early  the  next  morning.  Anderson  drew  out  his  men  from  the 
intrenchments  in  order  to  be  in  readiness  for  the  march.  The  for- 
ests were  on  fire  all  around  him,  and,  unable  to  find  a comfortable 
camping-ground  for  his  troops  at  that  point,  he  began  his  march  that 
night. 

On  their  march  his  men  met  none  of  those  impediments  which 
embarrassed  our  columns.  They  had  rested  and  eaten  their  break- 
fast when  they  encountered  our  troops.  The  Shady  Grove  road,  by 


282 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


which  they  marched,  runs  almost  parallel  with  the  Brock  road,  and 
the  distance  to  Spottsylvania  Court-House  by  this  route  is  about  the 
same  as  that  travelled  by  the  Union  troops.  Had  Anderson  carried 
out  strictly  the  orders  received  from  Lee,  Warren’s  Corps  would 
have  been  ahead  bf  the  Confederates  in  the  occupation  of  Spottsyl- 
vania Court-House. 

Warren’s  advance  consisted  of  Robinson’s  and  Griffin’s  divisions. 
They  came  out  of  the  woods  into  the  clearing  at  Alsop’s,  about  nine 
o’clock  in  the  morning.  “They  were  rejoiced,”  as  one  of  them 
said,  “to  get  out  of  the  woods  into  the  daylight  of  cleared  land.” 
The  road,  before  reaching  Alsop’s,  forks,  and  again  intersects,  a mile 
from  the  fork.  Robinson’s  division  took  the  right,  and  Griffin’s  the 
left.  They  were  marching  carelessly  ; had  not  as  yet  eaten  their 
breakfast.  They  had  no  thoughts  of  encountering  an  enemy  other 
than  the  cavalry  which,  though  troublesome,  like  flies,  is  easily 
brushed  away. 

When  nearly  half-way  across  the  open  fields  at  this  point,  and 
while  ascending  a hill,  they  were  surprised  by  fierce  volleys  from 
hostile  infantry  posted  behind  the  crest.  The  men  had  not  braced 
their  nerves  for  an  encounter,  and  at  this  unexpected  assault  the  line 
wavered,  and  the  men  finally  broke,  and  fell  back  in  confusion  like 
raw  recruits.  They  were  rallied  with  some  difficulty  in  the  woods 
beyond  the  clearing. 

It  is  a mistake  to  suppose  that  in  a stampede  of  this  kind  the 
officers  do  all  the  rallying.  The  most  intrepid  and  earnest  men  of 
all  ranks  do  this.  The  men  often  rally  each  other,  and  brace  the 
nerves  of  faltering  comrades  by  sarcasms  which  hit  as  hard  as  bul- 
lets. Sometimes  I have  known  officers  kept  in  their  places  by  the 
same  methods.  I have  known  privates  stop  the  flight  of  demoralized 
superiors  by  force,  and  turn  their  unwilling  steps  towards  the  enemy. 

During  the  initial  encounter  just  narrated,  private  soldiers  of  the 
Eighty-third  Pennsylvania  Regiment  rushed  upon  the  enemy’s  in- 
trencbments,  pulled  Confederates  over  their  barricades,  and  marched 
them  as  prisoners  into  our  lines.  While  the  disordered  men  of  the  two 
divisions  were  re-forming  in  the  woods,  Crawford’s  division  came  up. 
It  charged  the  enemy  on  the  double-quick,  and  drove  them  out  of  the 
woods  on  Griffin’s  left.  Wadsworth’s  former  command  also  arrived 
on  the  field  and  drove  the  enemy  on  the  right.  The  whole  corps 


TO  SPOTTSYLVANIA. 


283 


then  moyed  up  close  to  the  enemy.  Taught  by  experience  in  the 
Wilderness  the  convenience  of  intrenchments,  the  men  needed  no 
orders  to  construct  them,  but  began  at  once  piling  up  rails  and 
digging  up  the  soil  with  their  tin  plates,  drinking-cups,  bayonets,  and 
knives.  Sedgwick  arrived  in  the  afternoon  with  a portion  of  his 
corps.  An  unsuccessful  attack  was  next  made  by  a New  Jersey 
brigade.  Crawford’s  division,  advancing  shortly  after,  surprised  a part 
of  Ewell’s  Corps  marching  by  the  flank,  and  captured  a hundred  pris- 
oners. The  day  closed,  however,  with  the  enemy  in  possession  of 
Spottsylvania  Court-House. 

Thus  opened  the  battle  along  the  lines  of  Spottsylvania,  made 
famous  by  twelve  days’  continuous,  obstinate,  and  savage  encounter. 
It  was  on  this  field  that  Grant  doggedly  said,  “ I’m  determined  to 
fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer ! ” 

Early  on  the  9th,  the  army  was  in  position  in  front  of  Spottsylvania 
in  the  following  order : Burnside  on  the  extreme  left,  then  Sedgwick, 
Warren,  and  Hancock  in  the  order  named.  Hancock  held  the  high 
ground  overlooking  the  river  Po,  and  from  which  could  be  seen  the 
Shady  Grove  road.  From  this  position,  clouds  of  dust  rising  in 
different  directions  marked,  for  three  or  four  miles,  the  progress  of 
marching  troops.  At  one  time  a long  baggage  train  of  the  enemy 
was  seen  moving  on  the  Shady  Grove  road,  which  ran  nearly  parallel 
to  the  river,  and  a half-mile  distant. 

No  action  occurred  on  the  9th.  The  time  was  spent  in  digging 
and  building  log  intrenchments,  which  in  some  instances  were 
covered  with  green  bushes  to  guard  against  fire,  which  had  proved  so 
disastrous  in  the  Wilderness.  Our  skirmishers  were  pushed  up  close 
to  the  enemy,  and  actively  engaged,  in  order  to  ascertain  or  develop, 
as  it  is  termed,  the  enemy’s  position,  and  feel  out  his  weak  parts. 

The  sharp-shooters  of  the  enemy,  with  long-range  rifles,  were 
unusually  busy  in  preventing  our  men  from  obtaining  this  knowledge. 
“At  one  time,”  says  a comrade,  “a  bullet  struck  among  a party  of 
soldiers  playing  euchre,  made  a hole  through  one  of  the  cards  held, 
and  mutilated  the  thumb  of  a player.  This  player  good-naturedly 
remarked,  ‘I  pass!’  and  the  game  was  removed  to  a safer  place.” 
A considerable  number  were  killed  and  wounded  by  these  vigilant 
sharp-shooters.  An  acquaintance  belonging  to  Sedgwick’s  Corps 
lost  a finger  and  a brass  ornament  on  his  cap  by  a bullet  from  one  of 


2S4 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


them.  The  most  illustrious  victim  of  this  rifle  practice  that  day  was 
General  Sedgwick,  who  was  killed  while  standing  behind  the  breast- 
works within  his  lines.  The  love  his  soldiers  yet  have  for  him  is  the 
best  attestation  of  his  worth  and  soldierly  qualities.  General  Wright 
then  took  command  of  the  Sixth  Corps. 

The  intrenched  lines  of  the  enemy  on  the  10th  might  be  said  to 
resemble,  in  their  general  outline,  an  immense  letter  A.  The  gen- 
eral course  of  the  two  lines  forming  its 


where  it  intersects  with 
the  Fredericksburg  road, 
a short  distance  inside 
these  intrenchments. 
Above  this  road,  towards 
the  apex  of  the  A,  and  formed 
across  the  angle,  nearly  parallel 
with  the  road  mentioned,  was  an  interior  line  of  breastworks. 

Of  course  this  fortified  line  which  we  have  represented  as  forming 
an  A was  jagged  and  sinuous.  It  was  rendered  wonderfully  strong 
by  abatis,  slashings,  curtain  works,  and  all  devices  known  to  the  mili- 
tary engineer.  To  this  must  be  added  the  fact  that  the  works  were 
mounted  with  artillery,  and  had  indented  lines  for  flank  fire  wherever 


arms  from  its  apex  to  its  base  was  north 
and  south.  The  west  or  left  arm  of  this  A 
was  two  miles  and  a half,  the  right 
or  east  arm,  three  miles  and  over 
in  length.  The  dash  across  the 
top,  to  complete  this  A,  is  made 
by  the  Brock  road,  which  runs 
northeast  from  Spindlers’  farm 
to  Spottsylvania  Court-House, 


TO  STOTTS YL  VANIA. 


2S5 

practicable.  They  were  also  partially  concealed  by  dense,  scrubby 
woods.  Such  was  the  strong  position  upon  which  the  Union  army 
was  soon  to  be  hurled  in  a succession  of  desperate  attacks. 

It  is  a well-established  maxim  in  war  never  to  attack  an  enemy’s 
strong  position  in  front  when  this  position  can  be  turned.  Did  not 
General  Grant  violate  this  sensible  and  well-grounded  maxim  by 
attacking  enemies  in  a position  which,  by  reason  of  its  strength,  was 
equivalent  to  increasing  their  numbers  threefold  ? The  more  prob- 
able reason  for  these  attacks  is  that  Grant  favored  “ continuous  ham- 
mering,” and  hated  the  delays  necessary  to  manoeuvre  the  enemy  out 
of  his  works,  as  was  done  afterwards  at  Petersburg.  He  believed  in 
his  ability  to  overthrow  the  enemy  by  his  superiority  in  numbers,  and 
death-grapple  with  him  whenever  and  wherever  found,  and  he  knew 
that  the  people  at  home  were  in  accord  with  this  method. 

Lee  took  advantage  of  this  disposition  by  exacting  a heavy  trib- 
ute of  blood  at  every  step  and  throwing  upon  his  antagonist  all  the 
perils  of  attack.  While  this  policy  of  the  Union  general  might  be 
permitted  to  one  having  back  of  him  a people  with  almost  unlimited 
means,  it  is  easy  to  perceive  that  it  would  soon  have  proved  fatal  to  a 
weak  country. 

In  front  of  Hancock’s  position  the  river  Po  ran  east,  and  then  on 
his  left  made  an  abrupt  bend  and  ran  for  several  miles  nearly  due 
south,  describing  almost  a right  angle.  Moving  on  the  enemy  in  his 
front,  across  the  angle,  would  therefore  compel  him  to  cross  the  same 
river  twice.  Intelligence  was  received  which  indicated  that  the 
enemy  was  moving  towards  Fredericksburg. 

At  six  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  9th,  Hancock's  entire  corps 
crossed  the  river,  which  was  here  from  forty  to  fifty  feet  wide,  too 
deep  for  fording,  and  fringed  by  dense,  entangled  growths  of  bushes 
and  trees. 

Our  division,  under  Gibbon,  crossed  without  opposition  from  the 
enemy.  Barlow’s  force  was  crossed  above  us  with  but  little  fighting. 
Three  boat-bridges  were  thrown  out  across  the  river  in  our  rear,  one 
near  Barlow’s  crossing-place,  the  other  two  near  that  of  Gibbon. 
From  all  accounts  the  men  of  Birney’s  division  had  a rough  time  in 
crossing,  for  here  the  enemy’s  opposition  to  the  movement  seemed 
concentrated.  Said  my  comrade  who  participated  in  this  affair, 
“The  rebs  were  as  thick  and  as  bloody  as  mosquitoes,  and  seemed 
determined  we  shouldn’t  cross.” 


286 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


The  object  of  Hancock’s  movement  appears  to  have  been  in  the 
nature  of  a reconnoisance  in  force,  to  ascertain  the  position  of  the 
enemy’s  left  flank,  and,  if  possible,  to  capture  the  trains  moving  on 
the  Shady  Grove  road,  a half-mile  therefrom  and  parallel  to  the  river. 
Possibly  there  may  also  have  been  in  reserve  a design  of  turning  the 
enemy’s  flank. 

The  difficult  crossing  and  the  construction  of  bridges  occupied 
much  of  the  day.  The  column  was  then  pushed  forward  across  the 
angle  formed  by  the  river  towards  the  Brock  House  bridge.  The 
thick  woods  and  the  gathering  darkness  soon  brought  the  column  to 
a halt  for  the  night. 

At  early  dawn  it  moved  forward,  and,  approaching  that  portion  of 
the  river  running  south,  found  the  enemy  intrenched  on  the  opposite 
bank,  near  the  Brock  House  bridge.  The  enemy  were  so  strong  here 
that  it  was  impossible  for  the  Union  troops  to  force  the  crossing,  and 
Brooke,  commanding  the  fourth  brigade  of  Barlow’s  division,  crossed 
a half-mile  below. 

Pushing  forward,  he  soon  encountered  the  enemy  behind  their 
intrenchments.  At  this  moment  the  whole  movement  was  checked 
by  an  order  received  by  Hancock  to  recross  the  river  with  two  of 
his  three  divisions,  to  assist  in  an  attack  on  the  enemy’s  centre. 

Under  these  instructions  Gibbon’s  division,  followed  by  Birney’s, 
recrossed  the  Po  and  hastened  to  execute  the  order  of  the  command- 
ing general,  leaving  Barlow’s  division  to  hold  the  position  on  the 
south  side  of  the  river.  The  enemy,  finding  their  trains  endangered 
by  the  presence  of  our  troops,  proceeded  to  drive  him  from  this 
threatening  stand. 

It  was  soon  discovered  that  the  enemy  was  advancing  in  force  to 
overwhelm  Barlow,  and  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  withdraw  to  the 
north  side  of  the  river.  The  movement  to  return  began  about  two 
o’clock.  Two  of  the  brigades  were  in  front  of  the  Shady  Grove 
road,  and  two  in  the  rear  of  it,  facing  south.  Behind  this  position 
were  open  fields  extending  to  the  pontoon  bridges  on  the  river,  which 
were  swept  by  the  Confederate  artillery  at  Brock  House  bridge,  as 
well  as  from  other  parts  of  their  intrenched  line. 

The  brigades  of  Brown  and  Brooke  were  finally  withdrawn  to  a 
wooded  crest  on  their  right,  while  the  other  two  brigades  formed  on 
a hill  in  front  of  their  pontoon  bridges.  The  enemy,  seeing  these 


TO  STOTTS YL  VANIA. 


287 


movements  for  retreat,  were  emboldened  to  attack.  Said  a comrade 
who  was  in  this  affair  : “ The  rebs  came  up  yelling  as  if  they’d  got  a 
special  license  to  thresh  us.  We’d  have  sent  them  back  howling  if 
we’d  been  allowed  to  charge ! They  didn't  like  our  reception,  as  it 
was,  and  got  back  almost  as  quick  as  they  came  up.  You’d  ought  to 
have  heared  the  volley  our  brigade  gave  them  ! They  re-formed  and 
‘tried  it  on  again,’  though  they  didn’t  seem  quite  so  cheerful  as  they 


Barlow's  Division  holding  the  Enemy. 


did  the  first  time.  We  drove  them  back  the  second  time.  By  this 
time  the  woods  were  on  fire  on  our  right  and  rear.” 

With  the  enemy  advancing  in  our  front  with  determined  fierceness, 
a roaring  forest  fire  in  our  rear,  and  the  plain  swept  by  the  artillery 
of  the  enemy,  we  began  our  retreat  to  the  bridges.  “Taken  all 
together,”  said  my  comrade,  “this  was  the  hottest  fight  I ever  got 
into.  The  weather  was  hot,  the  fire  was  hotter,  while  the  enemy  in 
front  warmed  our  faces  with  their  rifles.” 

Coolly  and  in  admirable  order  the  troops  crossed  the  level  plain 
under  the  artillery  fire  converged  at  this  point.  The  enemy  followed, 


288 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


yelling  with  exultation.  Occasionally  our  men  would  face  the  enemy, 
and  drive  them  back  with  a fierce  volley.  Our  troops  fell  back  reluc- 
tantly, notwithstanding  their  imperilled  surroundings.  During  this 
retrograde  movement,  the  horses  of  Captain  Arnold’s  battery,  fright- 
ened by  the  flames,  became  unmanageable,  and  ran,  wedging  one  of 
the  guns  between  two  trees  in  such  a manner  as  to  compel  its  aban- 
donment to  the  enemy. 

General  Hancock  mentions,  in  his  report,  the  loss  of  this  gun  as 
the  first  ever  lost  by  the  Second  Corps. 

In  referring  to  this  retreat,  Swinton  says,  “ The  remarkable  cool- 
ness of  the  men  alone  saved  them  from  a great  disaster.” 

Barlow’s  troops  were  finally  safely  crossed,  the  bridges  taken  up 
or  destroyed,  and  the  affair  ended  in  the  smoke  of  a fierce  artillery 
duel  between  the  hostile  forces  on  opposite  sides  of  the  river.  The 
enemy  were  so  jubilant  over  this  affair  that  General  Heth,  command- 
ing the  Confederate  forces,  issued  to  his  troops  a congratulatory  order, 
countersigned  by  General  Lee. 

In  referring  to  this  report,  Hancock  grimly  says,  “ Had  not  Bar- 
low’s fine  division,  then  in  full  strength,  received  imperative  orders  to 
withdraw,  Heth’s  division  would  have  had  no  cause  for  congratulation.” 

This  movement  had  put  the  enemy  on  his  guard,  and  resulted  in 
the  strengthening  of  this  part  of  his  line. 


“'Wedged  between  two  trees.”  I’age  288. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 


LAUREL  HILL. 


HE  point  against  which  the  next  important  blow  was  aimed  by 


1 the  Union  commander  is  known  as  Laurel  Hill.  This  hill 
stood  at  the  apex  of  the  immense  A,  which  we  have  mentioned  as 
bearing  a general  resemblance  to  the  form  of  the  enemy’s  intrenched 
lines.  The  top  of  this  hill  was  densely  wooded,  and  behind  the 
woods  were  the  enemy’s  works.  Its  approaches  were  protected  by 
an  abatis,  and  swept  by  artillery  and  musketry.  Opposite  the  right, 
in  front  of  the  attacking  force,  was  a stunted  growth  of  sprawling 
cedars,  mostly  dead,  with  their  pike-like  branches  near  the  ground, 
interlaced  and  projecting. 

At  a quarter  to  four,  Generals  Wright  and  Mott  were  ordered  to 
attack.  The  assault  was  made  at  five  o’clock,  with  great  determina- 
tion. The  men,  passing  through  the  cedars  mentioned,  were  thrown 
into  disorder,  and  when  the  attacking  column  reached  the  open  field 
beyond,  a terrible  flank  and  direct  fire  swept  the  whole  ground. 
Some  of  the  men  of  Carroll’s  brigade  reached  the  abatis,  climbed  the 
exterior  slopes,  only  to  be  killed  inside  the  intrenchments.  The 
troops  failed  in  this  attack,  notwithstanding  it  was  made  with  great 
resolution  and  courage. 

A soldier,  mortally  wounded  in  the  assault,  was  asked  by  a com- 
rade if  he  could  do  anything  for  him.  “Yes;  give  me  a drink  of 
water,  and  fix  me  so  I can  get  one  more  shot  at  the  rebs ! ” was  the 
response. 

General  Rice,  one  of  those  who  had  so  bravely  defended  Little 
Round  Top,  was  mortally  wounded  in  this  attack.  In  response  to 
an  inquiry,  “ Is  there  anything  I can  do  to  make  it  easier  for  you, 
General  ? ” he  replied,  “ Yes  ; turn  me  with  my  face  to  the  enemy.” 

A comrade  says,  “When  we  saw  General  Warren  in  full  uniform 
among  us,  our  confidence  in  him  was  so  great  that  we  felt  as  if  we 


290 


RECOLLECTIONS  OE  A PRIVATE. 


could  go  up  two  hills  ; but  when  we  came  in  sight  of  the  rebel  works 
on  top,  I,  for  one,  wished  the  hill  was  greased  so  I could  slide  down 
again.” 

“I  felt,”  said  another,  “as  if  it  was  a repetition  of  the  charge  on 
the  heights  of  Fredericksburg.” 

At  half-past  six  another  charge  was  made  by  our  division.  This 
assault  was  as  fruitless  as  the  first.  It  began  at  seven  o’clock,  and 
was  soon  over. 

Meanwhile,  on  the  left  of  Warren’s  position,  Colonel  Upton  of 
the  Sixth  Corps  led  a more  successful  charge.  He  attacked  that 
part  of  the  enemy’s  works  which  formed  the  apex  of  the  salient. 
His  force  consisted  of  his  own  and  the  Third  Brigade,  and  four  regi- 
ments of  Neil’s  brigade  of  the  Sixth  Corps.  The  artillery  opened 
on  the  enemy’s  lines  with  heavy  fire.  The  understanding  was  that 
when  this  cannonade  ceased,  that  was  to  be  the  moment  of  the  attack. 
During  the  artillery  fire  the  force  formed  in  four  lines  and  was 
silently  led  to  the  edge  of  a pine  wood,  in  front  of  which  was  open 
ground,  two  hundred  yards  or  more  from,  and  leading  to,  the  enemy’s 
intrenchments. 

To  act  in  conjunction  with  this  attack,  Mott’s  division  formed  in 
the  open  fields  near  the  Brown  House,  and  was  ordered  to  attack  at 
five  o’clock  the  next  morning. 

When  the  thundering  cannonade  ceased,  Upton’s  troops  sprang 
into  the  open  ground,  and  with  wild  hurrahs  rushed  upon  the  enemy’s 
intrenchments.  The  artillery  and  musketry  which  swept  the  plain 
could  not  stop  them.  Without  pausing,  they  pulled  away  the  abatis, 
and  after  a moment’s  hand-to-hand  struggle  with  the  bayonet,  took 
possession  of  the  works.  The  enemy  soon  rallied  and  attacked  them 
on  flank  and  in  front ; but  they  held  their  position  resolutely,  until, 
under  cover  of  the  night,  they  were  withdrawn. 

The  division  of  Mott,  which  was  to  have  seconded  this  attack,  for 
reasons  not  fully  explained,  completely  failed  to  do  so.  Mott’s 
column  was  formed  in  full  sight  of  the  enemy  and  of  Upton’s  forces, 
under  cover.  This  undoubtedly  converged  the  attention  and  force 
of  the  Confederates  upon  Mott,  and  made  it  easier  for  Upton  to 
succeed.  A comrade  belonging  to  Mott’s  division  says  they  were 
told  there  were  not  over  a hundred  men  behind  the  intrenchments 
they  were  about  to  attack.  When,  however,  they  approached  the 


HANCOCK'S  ATTACK. 


291 


works,  the  yelling  and  shouting  of  the  enemy  proved  that  a force 
superior  to  their  own  was  there. 

Mott’s  failure  will,  perhaps,  illustrate  the  folly  of  attempting  to 
deceive  men  as  to  a task  to  be  performed.  Experience  has  repeatedly 
demonstrated  that  with  soldiers  it  is  better  even  to  exaggerate  diffi- 
culties to  be  overcome  than  to  conceal  them.  No  better  fighting  men 
than  Mott’s  were  to  be  found  in  the  army,  and  its  commander  had 
earned  a high  reputation  for  courage. 

With  this  attempt  the  fighting  on  the  nth  ended. 

hancock’s  attack. 

The  fighting  at  this  point  had  been  just  successful  enough  to  lead 
the  commanding  general  to  believe  that  an  attack  made  at  an  earlier 
hour,  and  with  fuller  preparations,  would  be  successful.  Thus,  not- 
withstanding the  failures  narrated,  it  was  determined  to  assault  the 
position  with  Hancock’s  Corps,  supported  by  the  whole  army. 

At  midnight,  during  a heavy  rain,  the  Second  Corps  was  moved 
into  the  open  fields  near  the  Brown  House,  within  twelve  hundred 
yards  of  the  position  they  were  to  attack.  The  details  of  the  works 
to  be  stormed  were  but  little  known,  although,  as  far  as  practicable, 
the  ground  had  been  examined  by  the  engineers,  and  by  Hancock  in 
person. 

It  illustrates  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  fighting  on  this  mur- 
derous field,  that  the  order  for  the  advancing  columns  was  given,  as  if 
to  a befogged  squadron  on  the  ocean,  by  the  compass,  as  the  only  pos- 
sible method  of  direction.  The  engineers  had  ascertained  that  the 
McCool  House  was  just  inside  the  apex  of  the  salient,  the  point  of 
attack,  and  that  following  a straight  line  from  the  Brown  House  to 
this  building  would  carry  our  troops  inside  their  intrenched  lines. 
The  co-operating  corps  of  Warren  and  Wright  were  to  be  pushed 
aggressively  close  to  the  enemy’s  works,  in  readiness  for  any  weaken- 
ing of  their  lines,  or  to  attack  elsewhere  if  ordered.  In  this  manner 
the  whole  army  was  to  be  combined  in  action. 

The  salient  to  be  attacked  was  inside  the  open  fields  of  the  Lau- 
dron  Place,  and  these  were  connected  with  those  belonging  to  the 
Brown  House.  Hancock’s  line  was  formed  in  the  cleared  fields,  near 
this  house.  Barlow’s  division  was  formed  on  the  cleared  land  which 


292 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


extended  up  to  the  enemy’s  works.  Birney  deployed  on  his  right ; 
Mott  supported  him,  with  Gibbon’s  division  in  reserve. 

At  half-past  four  o’clock  a dim  twilight  gave  sufficient  light  to  see 
the  compass,  and  the  whole  column  moved  forward.  Barlow’s  men, 
at  double  quick,  overran  the  enemy’s  pickets  without  firing  a shot, 
and  impetuously  moved  to  the  works.  In  their  eagerness,  the  inter- 
vals between  the  lines  of  the  storming  columns  were  closed  up,  and 
in  one  solid  mass,  with  wild,  exciting  cheers,  they  broke  into  a run 
towards  the  enemy. 

The  sharp  volleys  of  infantry  fire  with  which  they  were  met  did 
not  stop  them  for  a moment.  As  they  came  in  sight  of  the  angle  of 
the  enemy’s  works  on  their  left,  the  whole  mass  of  men,  without 
orders,  by  one  common  impulse,  made  towards  it.  In  the  twinkling 
of  an  eye  those  in  advance  had  pulled  away  the  fallen  trees  forming 
the  abatis,  and  were  upon  the  enemy’s  works. 

Fierce  yells  and  cheers,  the  quick  pop!  pop! pop!  of  rifles  was  heard 
for  a moment,  then  angry  thrusts  with  the  bayonet  completed  the 
work,  and  the  confused  column  poured  like  a mighty  wave  over  the 
works. 

On  Barlow’s  left,  Owen’s  and  Carroll's  brigades,  almost  at  the 
same  time,  had  driven  Stuart’s  men  and  captured  two  guns.  Birney’s 
and  Mott’s  troops  entered  the  west  face  of  the  salient,  and  encoun- 
tered the  “ Stonewall  Brigade.”  Inside  the  angle  our  men  were  now 
mixed  in  a great  confusion,  caused  by  the  hurried  attack.  They  pur- 
sued the  enemy  half  a mile  through  the  woods  towards  Spottsylvania 
Court-House,  but  were  brought  to  a halt  at  the  intrenched  line 
formed  across  the  angle.  There  were  captured,  however,  thirty 
colors,  twenty  pieces  of  artillery,  and  four  thousand  prisoners,  among 
whom  were  Generals  Stuart  and  Edward  Johnson. 

As  is  often  the  case  with  attacking  forces,  ours  had  expended 
their  energy  in  the  pursuit,  and  had  none  left  for  the  attack.  The 
reserves  were  soon  moved  up  to  occupy  the  captured  works.  Every 
circumstance  had  favored  this  assault.  The  enemy’s  artillery  for  this 
part  of  the  line  had  been  sent  away  to  meet  an  anticipated  sally  on 
their  flank,  with  instructions  to  be  back  at  daylight.  They  were  just 
arriving  as  the  attack  was  made.  The  unpropitious  weather  had 
lulled  the  vigilance  of  the  pickets,  and  the  fog,  like  a veil,  concealed 
the  advancing  columns  from  sight  until  they  were  close  at  hand. 


HANCOCK'S  ATTACK. 


293 


Wright  was  ordered  to  attack  the  west  face  of  the  angle,  on  Han- 
cock’s right.  Upon  the  arrival  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  a comrade  says  : 
“There  we  were  with  a picket  line  thrown  out  inside  of  their  works, 
while  we  were  holding  the  intrenchments  from  the  outside.  We 
weren’t  proud ! It  was  easier  to  take  the  outside  of  the  rebel  works 
than  to  dig  new  ones  inside.  We’d  got  their  log  rifle-pits  any  way 
they  could  fix  it  ! ” 

We  now  held  the  woods  and  ravine  on  the  right,  as  well  as  the 
apex  of  the  salient.  Lee  seemed  determined  to  re-take  his  lost 
position  at  all  costs.  Not  less  than  five  heavy  assaults  were  made 
during  the  day  for  this  purpose,  each  assault  being  repulsed  by  our 
men  with  great  loss  to  the  enemy. 

Comrades  have  since  told  me  some  of  the  incidents  of  the  fight 
at  the  west  face  of  the  angle.  Here  the  most  murderous  fighting 
took  place ; by  all  accounts  the  fiercest  and  most  deadly  of  the  war. 

“There  was,”  said  my  informant,  “nothing  but  a log  breastwork 
between  us  and  the  enemy.  They  were  fighting  from  the  inside,  and 
we  from  the  outside.  Our  flag  was  planted  on  one  side,  and  the 
rebel  flag  on  the  other.  At  times  our  men  would  find  a crevice  in 
the  logs,  and  punch  the  rebels  on  the  other  side  with  a bayonet,  or 
get  a hole  large  enough  to  shoot  through.  Then  one  of  our  men 
would  creep  on  top  the  breastworks  and,  protecting  himself  all  he 
could,  shoot  in  among  the  rebs  huddled  together  on  the  inside,  while 
his  chums  outside  would  pass  to  him  loaded  muskets.  Sometimes- 
one  of  our  men  would  be  seen  standing  upon  the  works,  deliberately 
shooting  in  among  them,  while  comrades  passed  loaded  muskets,  and 
when  he  was  shot,  another  would  take  his  place.  One  reb  near  me 
attempted  to  play  the  same  dodge,  when  one  of  our  plucky  little  fel- 
lows, with  a sudden  rush,  grabbed  him  by  his  collar,  and  pulled  him 
over  on  our  side,  head  first.  That  reb  swore  like  a heathen.  At  one 
time,  when  we  were  ‘going  it’  hot  and  heavy,  a reb  stuck  up  his  gray 
or  white  hat  on  his  bayonet,  when  two  or  three  bullets  were  put 
through  it. 

“ ‘ That  was  a flag  of  truce  ! ’ exclaimed  the  rebs  on  the  other  side. 

“ ‘What  do  yer  want,  Johnnie  ? ’ we  inquired. 

“ ‘ Want  to  surrender,  if  we  can  get  a right  smart  chance  ! ’ was  the 
reply.  During  a lull  in  the  fighting  these  came  over  the  works  and 
were  marched  to  the  rear.  But  bless  yer  soul,  ’twant  a bit  of  use ! 


294 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Half  a dozen  times  the  rebs  stuck  up  something  white  to  show  that 
they’d  got  enough  of  fighting,  and  wanted  to  be  taken  in  out  of  the 
wet.  But  others  kept  crowding  up  and  taking  their  places  as  fast  as 
we  took  them  in.  They  kept  the  intrenchments  jammed  full  on  the 
other  side  of  the  logs  all  the  time.  Lively?  Well,  you  jest  bet! 
The  rebs  had  to  stop  and  throw  their  dead  one  side  to  get  room  to 
fight  in.  The  logs  around  them  were  cut  and  slivered  inter  kindling- 
wood.  Trees  were  cut  down  by  bullets.  The  bushes  and  twigs. were 
shot  into  flinders  like  broom-corn.” 

Our  men,  while  sheltering  their  own  bodies  as  much  as  possible, 
would  reach  over  to  shoot  among  the  Confederates.  One  of  my 
chums,  with  his  jack-knife,  enlarged  a crevice  in  the  logs  so  as  to  get 
a fire  on  them.  Before  he  could  get  a chance  to  use  it,  the  muzzle 
of  a Johnnie’s  rifle  came  poking  through  the  hole.  Quick  as  thought, 
my  chum,  the  proprietor  of  that  port-hole,  placed  the  muzzle  of  his 
musket  against  the  intruding  muzzle,  and  with  a big  yell  fired  and 
pushed  with  all  his  might.  The  suddenness  of  the  act  dislodged  the 
reb.  “Gosh,”  said  my  chum,  grimly  chuckling,  “you  bet  that  reb 
was  astonished  ! ” 

The  spectacle  was  horrible  in  the  adjacent  cornfield  and  on  the 
road,  but  in  the  trenches  at  the  angle  the  dead  men  were  found 
literally  in  piles.  The  margins  of  the  log  works  were  fringed  with 
them.  Thirty  were  counted  within  a distance  of  fifty  feet. 

The  large  number  of  dead  on  our  own  side  who  lay  in  this  vicinity 
is  illustrated  by  an  incident  told  me  by  one  of  Wadsworth’s  men, 
belonging  to  the  Seventy-sixth  New  York. 

“ We  were  moving  into  the  fight  on  the  morning  of  the  13th, 
when  we  came  upon  a lot  of  men,  apparently  sleeping,  covered  by 
their  shelter-tents.  * Why  don’t  these  men  get  up  and  go  into  the 
fight  with  us  ? ’ growled  one  of  our  soldiers. 

“‘They  take  it  mighty  cool,  to  be  sleeping  under  this  fire  !’  said 
another,  advancing  towards  them  to  make  an  attempt  to  arouse  them. 
He  kicked  one  with  his  foot,  then  pulled  the  shelter-tents  from  the 
prostrate  forms,  only  to  be  appalled  by  the  upturned,  ghastly  faces 
of  dead  men  ! ‘ These  soldiers  will  never  go  into  a fight  again  ! ’ 

exclaimed  Eggleston.” 

It  was  literally  a bivouac  of  the  dead,  who  had  thus  been  hastily 
covered  by  the  rough  but  loving  hands  of  comrades. 


“ These  soldiers  will  never  go  into  a fight  again.”  Page  294. 


HANCOCK'S  ATTACK. 


295 


The  Union  troops  brought  up  artillery  which  was  well  directed 
close  up  to  the  intrenchments  near  the  east  angle,  while  at  the  west 
angle  it  was  run  up  against  the  breastworks,  enfilading  the  face  of 
the  angle. 


The  terrible  nature  of  the  infantry  fire  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 

a tree  eighteen  inches  in  diameter  was 
cut  down  by  bullets  inside  the  works 
of  this  angle  of  horror  and 
death,  and  the  whole  forest 
within  range  was  killed  by  the 
infantry  fire.  “ An  oak-tree, 
twenty-two  inches  in  diam- 


The  Sleep  of  Death. 


eter,”  says  a rebel  gen- 
eral, “ was  cut  down  by 
musket-balls,  and  fell  about 
twelve  o’clock,  injuring  several 
men  of  the  First  South  Carolina.” 
It  was  not  till  midnight  (after  being  in  bloody  conflict  twenty-four 
hours,  with  constant  and  fierce  efforts  made  for  the  recovery  of  the 
angle)  that  the  rebel  troops  were  finally  withdrawn  to  an  interior 


296 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


line  which  they  had  meanwhile  constructed.  Although  we  had  broken 
through  the  angle  which  appeared  to  be  the  hinge  of  their  position, 
the  interior  lines  of  Lee  proved  impregnable.  On  the  right,  Warren 
attacked,  but  without  driving  the  enemy.  General  Potter,  of  Burn- 
side’s Corps,  attacked  the  east  side  of  the  angle,  at  one  time  capturing 
two  pieces  of  artillery.  He  could  not,  however,  get  possession  of 
the  works  from  which  he  had  driven  the  enemy,  and  the  guns  were 
finally  recaptured  and  Potter  repulsed. 

During  the  week  which  followed,  the  Union  army  moved  from 
flank  to  flank,  seeking  some  weak  spot  where  it  could  break  through 
and  disrupt  Lee’s  formidable  structure  of  intrenched  lines.  The  15th, 
1 6th,  and  17th  were  spent  in  intrenching,  opening  roads,  and  examin- 
ing the  country. 

The  next  movement  was  a turning  operation  designed  to  dislodge 
the  Confederates  from  their  intrenchments.  The  preparations  for  it 
were  begun  on  the  afternoon  of  the  19th.  The  watchful  enemy,  sur- 
mising that  a movement  was  contemplated,  delivered  one  of  his  sud- 
den counter-blows  on  our  right  wing. 

Part  of  the  line  attacked  was  held  by  some  foot-artillery  under 
General  Tyler  just  summoned  from  the  defences  of  Washington. 
They  had  never  been  in  a fight  before,  but  were  magnificently  drilled 
and  disciplined.  They  knew  nothing  about  bushwhacking,  or  the 
methods  of  fighting  now  adopted  by  our  veterans.  Some  of  these 
regiments  were  as  large  as  our  ordinary  veteran  brigades.  When 
attacked,  they  boldly  rushed  upon  the  enemy,  and  with  regular  and 
furious  volleys  soon  put  them  to  flight.  Their  loss  was  very  heavy 
in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  but  to  them,  doubtless,  belongs  the 
honor  of  repulsing  the  enemy. 

The  Fifth  and  Sixth  Corps  soon  after  came  up,  pursued  the  enemy 
through  the  woods,  and  captured  several  hundred  prisoners.  One 
of  the  prisoners,  when  told  that  the  troops  who  had  defeated  them 
were  never  in  a fight  before,  said,  “Well,  Yanks,  I reckon  y'ou’ns 
better  bring  the  rest  of  yer  green  sogers  up  hyer  if  yer  are  in  a 
hurry  to  lick  we’uns  ! We  shot  lots  of  ’em,  but  doggoned  if  they 
seemed  ter  know  we’uns  were  licking  ’em  at  all ! ” 

On  May  20th  the  army  finally  moving  by  the  left  abandoned  the 
lines  which  it  had  so  long  and  obstinately  maintained,  and  moved  once 
more  towards  Richmond. 


HAN  CO  CK  'S  A TTA  CK. 


297 


Thus  ended  this  memorable  battle,  or  succession  of  battles,  along 
the  lines  of  Spottsylvania,  which  began  on  the  9th  and  ended  on  the 
20th  of  May.  History  has  rarely  if  ever  presented  such  a strange, 
savage,  and  long-continued  struggle. 

From  the  5th  to  the  20th  of  May  a bloody  and  almost  constant 
battle  had  been  waged  by  both  armies.  The  chance  for  recuperation 
and  rest  was  small,  and  the  hardships  and  nerve  strain  put  upon  the 
troops  engaged  were  terrible. 

The  losses  on  both  sides  were  in  keeping  with  the  desperate 
nature  of  the  fighting.  The  number  of  killed,  wounded,  and  missing; 
since  the  campaign  opened  at  the  Wilderness  is  estimated  by  General 
Humphrey  to  have  been  33,110  men;  of  these,  the  killed  and 
wounded  are  estimated  at  28,207.  Total  losses  at  Spottsylvania, 
I7,723- 

The  enemy’s  loss  is  surmised  to  have  been  large,  but  is  not  defi- 
nitely known. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


CO-OPERATIVE  MOVEMENTS.  — TO  COLD  HARBOR. 

IN  conjunction  with  the  advance  of  the  “Army  of  the  Potomac,” 
co-operative  movements  on  James  River  and  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley  had  been  early  set  in  operation.  Before  proceeding  with  the 
main  narrative,  a rapid  survey  of  these  is  needful  to  a general  under- 
standing of  the  situation. 

As  early  as  April  ist,  an  army  under  General  B.  F.  Butler  had 
been  assembled  at  Yorktown.  In  placing  it  at  this  point,  it  was 
intended  to  convey  to  the  military  authorities  at  Richmond  the 
impression  that  an  advance  up  the  Peninsula  was  intended. 

With  Richmond  for  its  objective  point,  on  May  the  4th,  the  larger 
part  of  this  army,  composed  of  34,379  men  of  all  arms,  was  embarked 
on  transports.  Two  days  later,  having  passed  up  James  River,  the 
main  body  of  the  army  was  landed  at  Bermuda  Hundred,  a neck  of 
land  which  is  formed  by  the  meeting  of  the  James  and  Appomattox 
rivers. 

General  Butler  had  been  instructed  by  the  commanding  general 
to  move  simultaneously  with  the  army  under  Meade  ; to  advance  on 
the  south  side  of  the  James,  and  gain  a foothold  as  far  up  the  river 
as  possible.  If  Lee  fell  back  on  Richmond,  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac was  to  unite  with  the  Army  of  the  James.  Such,  briefly,  were 
the  general  plans,  as  shown  by  General  Butler’s  instructions.  After 
landing  the  main  body  of  the  Army  of  the  James  at  Bermuda  Hun- 
dred, a line  of  intrenchments  three  miles  in  length  was  thrown  up 
across  the  connecting  neck. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  the  Fifth  Brigade  was  sent  out  to 
destroy  the  Petersburg  and  Richmond  Railroad,  three  miles  distant. 
Here  it  encountered  the  enemy,  and,  after  a brief  engagement, 
both  parties  fell  back.  Another  advance  on  the  9th  resulted  in  the 
destruction  of  the  railroad  and  the  retirement  of  the  enemy  to  Peters- 
burg. 


298 


C O-  OPERA  TIVE  MO  FEME  NTS. 


299 


Intelligence  from  Washington  was  at  this  time  received  by  Gen- 
eral Butler  to  the  effect  that  Lee  was  in  full  retreat  upon  Richmond. 
In  accordance  with  his  instructions,  General  Butler  abandoned  further 
operations  here  and  began  advancing  up  the  south  side  of  James 
River  on  Richmond.  While  advancing,  he  encountered  the  army  of 
defence,  which  had  been  rapidly  formed  under  General  Beauregard, 
and,  after  an  undecisive  conflict,  retired  behind  his  intrenchments  at 
Bermuda  Hundred.  Here  the  enemy  leisurely  threw  up  intrench- 
ments in  his  front,  and,  to  use  Butler’s  own  expressive  simile,  he  was 
“ bottled  up.” 

While  his  position  was  now  such  that  the  enemy  could  not  attack 
him  advantageously,  it  was  equally  impossible  for  him  to  emerge  to 
attack  them,  or  further  to  operate  on  Richmond  from  the  south  side 
of  the  James.  The  one  movement  still  open  to  him  was  to  cross  the 
narrow  Appomattox  and  seize  the  city  of  Petersburg,  fen  miles 
distant.  This  city  was  the  strategic  key  of  Richmond  ; and  had 
Butler  then  been  successful  in  taking  and  holding  it,  some  military 
critics  believe  that  Lee  must  have  abandoned  as  vain  the  attempt  to 
further  defend  Richmond,  and  would  have  fallen  back  on  another 
line  of  defence.  Its  possession  by  our  army  would  have  left  the 
enemy  but  one  line  of  railroad  running  south  from  Richmond, 
whereby  his  army  might  be  fed. 

While  contemplating  this  movement,  Butler  received  orders  from 
Grant  to  send  all  but  about  fourteen  thousand  of  his  command  to 
reinforce  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Meanwhile  an  army  under  General  Sigel,  May  1st,  moved. up  the 
Shenandoah  Valley,  encountered  the  enemy  at  New  Market,  and, 
being  defeated,  on  the  15th  retired  behind  Cedar  Creek. 

Sigel  was  superseded  by  General  Hunter,  who  moved  his  army  to 
Charlottesville,  on  the  way  destroying  the  railroad.  On  the  5th  of 
June,  Hunter  defeated  the  enemy  at  Piedmont,  and  on  the  8th  formed 
a junction  with  General  Crook,  in  command  of  the  infantry,  and 
General  Averill,  in  command  of  the  cavalry,  who  had  moved  at  the 
same  time  with  Sigel  by  the  Kanawha,  to  operate  against  the  East 
Tennessee  and  Virginia  Railroad.  Thus  reinforced,  Hunter  moved 
towards  Lynchburg,  which  he  found  well  defended.  Upon  learning 
that  the  Confederates  were  fast  receiving  reinforcements,  and  his 
ammunition  and  provisions  being  insufficient  for  further  hostile 
operations,  he  determined  to  return  by  way  of  the  Kanawha. 


300 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


Upon  his  arrival  at  Meadow  Bridge,  where  a million  and  a half  of 
rations  had  been  left  by  Crook  and  Averill,  he  found  that  the  two 
regiments  in  charge  had  been  defeated  and  dispersed,  and  the  rations 
destroyed  or  carried  off  by  a small  band  of  guerillas.  This  moun- 
tainous and  curious  line  of  retreat  uncovered  the  frontiers  of  the 
loyal  states,  and  brought  great  suffering  to  his  troops.  He  succeeded 
in  bringing  them  safely  through  by  the  route  adopted.  His  opera- 
tions had  no  perceptible  influence  on  the  campaign  in  Virginia. 

On  the  9th  of  May,  a cavalry  column  of  three  divisions  under 
Sheridan  cut  loose  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Its  purpose  was 
to  raid  on  the  enemy’s  communications,  threaten  Richmond,  and 
communicate  with  Butler  on  the  James.  Its  first  move  was  towards 
Fredericksburg  as  a disguise  to  its  real  purpose.  Turning  southward, 
Sheridan  thrust  his  column  like  a lance  inside  the  rebel  lines.  The 
clouds  of  dust  rising  in  the  roads  soon  warned  the  vigilant  troopers 
of  the  Confederacy  of  the  movement.  Gordon’s  rebel  brigade 
attacked  the  rear-guard,  but  could  not  stay  its  march. 

Custer’s  brigade  arrived  at  Beaver  Dam  Station  on  the  10th,  de- 
stroyed locomotives,  cars,  supplies,  and  ten  miles  of  the  railroad,  and 
rescued  three  hundred  and  seventy-five  Union  prisoners  on  their  way 
to  captivity.  On  the  morning  of  the  11th  it  arrived  at  Ashland  on 
the  Fredericksburg  Railroad.  Here  it  destroyed  the  depot,  a large 
amount  of  stores,  and  several  miles  of  road.  Crossing  the  South 
Anna,  Sheridan  destroyed  six  miles  of  track,  a railroad  train,  the  sta- 
tion, and  large  quantities  of  stores,  and  then  moved  forward  toward 
Richmond. 

The  Confederate  general,  Stuart,  had  meanwhile  massed  his  cav- 
alry at  Yellow  Tavern,  between  Richmond  and  the  troopers  of  Sheri- 
dan who  were  hurrying  thither.  Here  the  two  great  cavalry  leaders 
of  the  Union  and  Confederacy  met  in  conflict.  The  enemy  was  de- 
feated, and  the  able,  brave  young  Stuart  mortally  wounded.  Sheri- 
dan, pushing  back  the  defeated  force  that  fell  back  upon  Richmond, 
entered  its  outer  line  of  intrenchments.  Then,  turning,  he  crossed 
the  Chickahominy  at  Bottom  Bridge,  and  reached  Harrison’s  Land- 
ing, or  Haxall’s,  on  the  14th  of  May.  Here  he  remained  till  the 
17th  and  rejoined  the  army  on  the  27th,  having  lost  in  all  his  encoun- 
ters but  425  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing. 


TO  COLD  HARBOR. 


3QI 


TO  COLD  HARBOR. 

On  the  night  of  the  20th  of  May,  Hancock’s  corps  began  its 
southward  march  in  advance  of  the  other  infantry  corps  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  It  moved  behind  the  remaining  force,  which,  like  a 
heavy  curtain,  screened  this  opening  movement  from  the  observation 
of  the  enemy. 

It  was  believed  that  Lee  with  his  whole  army  might  fall  upon 
this  isolated  corps  while  on  the  march.  An  opportunity  to  attack 
Hancock,  while  so  employed,  might  occur  before  he  could  intrench 
himself.  If  Lee  did  not  attack,  however,  the  march  was  to  be  con- 
tinued as  a turning  movement.  A cavalry  division,  under  Torbert, 
preceded  the  marching  column  and  cleared  the  way.  It  dislodged 
a force  holding  the  bridge  across  the  Mattapony  River,  seventeen 
miles  from  Spottsylvania  and  near  Milford  Station,  on  the  Fredericks- 
burg and  Richmond  Railroad.  The  movement  did  not  long  escape 
the  vigilance  of  the  enemy,  as  was  in  fact  impossible  and  not  ex- 
pected. Where  men,  women,  and  children  acted  as  spies,  and  where 
peaceful-looking  old  men  became  guerillas,  if  need  be,  to  help  drive 
back  the  hated  invaders  of  their  soil,  secrecy  was  impossible. 

The  country  over  which  Hancock’s  corps  now  marched  was 
unlike  any  on  which  the  Union  army  had  previously  set  foot  in  Vir- 
ginia. This  region  had  hitherto  escaped  the  devastating  hand  of  war, 
and  was  virgin  to  its  blighting  touch.  The  country  bloomed  with 
thrift,  and  the  contrast  with  that  portion  of  Virginia  hitherto  familar 
to  us  made  it  seem  beautiful.  It  was  like  a garden  blooming  in  the 
midst  of  desert  places.  The  rich  bottom-lands  of  the  river  were 
green  with  grass  and  sprouting  wheat.  Herds  of  cattle  grazed  in 
fenced  pastures.  Sleek,  blooded  horses  shook  their  manes  and  gal- 
loped over  the  fields  at  the  unwonted  sight  of  marching  men  with 
burnished  arms.  Around  the  comfortable  homesteads  of  the  plant- 
ers everything  was  on  a broad  and  generous  plan.  Hens,  geese, 
chickens,  ducks,  and  turkeys  made  a joyful  sound,  which  found  glee- 
ful echoes  in  the  neglected  stomachs  of  tired  soldiers.  Men,  strained 
and  jaded  by  incessant  conflict,  revelled  in  long  unused  luxuries  and 
in  sights  of  beauty. 

“ I could  lay  down  here  and  sleep  and  eat  a week  on  a stretch  ! ” 
said  Wad  Rider,  unconscious  of  the  inconsistency  of  his. statement. 


302 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


“ I could  marry  a gal  and  settle  here  for  life  ! It’s  tarnation  good 
land!”  said  Joe,  as  his  practical  eye  took  in  a view  of  the  rich  and 
beautiful  undulating  country. 

The  perfume  of  blossoms,  the  growing  corn,  the  fragrant  clover, 
and  the  hum  of  bees  gratefully  saluted  the  senses  of  men  long  unused 
to  sounds  of  peace  and  scenes  of  comfort.  Along  the  roads,  and  by 
the  side  of  the  houses,  broad,  spreading,  ancestral  elms  gave  grateful 
shade  to  the  halting  columns.  Canteens  were  filled  with  water  clear 
and  cool  from  the  wells  near  each  dwelling.  Sad  to  say,  as  the  army 
advanced,  and  gathered  satisfaction,  chickens,  and  creature  comforts, 
the  people  grew  fierce  and  discontented.  They  could  not  sympathize 
with  our  glad  appreciation  and  — appropriation  of  their  plenteous 
stores. 

Our  army,  operating  in  hostile  territory,  was  like  a swarm  of 
locusts,  destroying  every  green  thing  except  the  people  who  had  re- 
belled against  the  thrift  and  content  conferred  by  a good  government. 
Where  each  man  of  an  army  takes  a little,  not  much  remains.  I 
don't  think  we  were  very  hard  with  these  people,  yet  their  fences  fast 
melted  away  into  camp-fires,  and  their  chickens  and  turkeys  and 
geese  into  goodly  messes,  to  the  satisfaction  of  those  who  were  endur- 
ing hardships  to  restore  to  such  as  these  the  blessings  of  an  undivided 
country. 

The  colored  people  whom  we  met  did  not  seem  overfed,  but 
greedily  gathered  scraps  of  fat  and  beef  thrown  away  around  our 
camps,  yet  their  faces  were  the  most  contented  ones  we  saw  in  this 
country.  Discontent  and  sullen  anger,  ill  concealed,  were  written  all 
over  many  of  the  white  countenances.  The  few  old  darkies  whom  I 
talked  with  in  most  instances  informed  us  that  young  “ massa  ” was  in 
the  rebel  army,  and  that  the  younger  male  servants  were  either  beyond 
Richmond,  or  had  been  engaged  in  digging  fortifications  around  it. 

Our  column,  under  Hancock,  halted,  late  in  the  afternoon  of 
the  2 1 st,  at  the  Mattapony  River,  near  Milford  Station.  The  left 
crossed  the  river  and  intrenched,  and  the  right  soon  followed.  Here 
we  remained  until  the  morning  of  the  23d.  Our  unpretentious  little 
dog-tents  were  pitched  in  a field  near  the  beautiful  wood-skirted 
stream. 

The  people  at  one  of  the  home-like  estates  claimed  to  be  Union 
people,  and  requested  a safety  guard  over  their  house.  I was  sergeant 


TO  COLD  HARBOR. 


303 


of  the  guard  during  a day  around  this  place,  and  had  a very  comfort- 
able time  while  so  engaged. 

While  seated,  near  the  house,  en-  ^ 

deavoring  to  make  a sketch  of  the 
picturesque  homestead,  with  its  back- 
ground of  foliage  and  negro  shanties, 

I was  interrupted  by  a shadow 
falling  across  my  small  sketching- 
board,  and  upon  turning,  was  not 


Sketching  the  Homestead. 


unpleasantly  confronted  by  a tall,  black- 
eyed  miss,  who  had  been  glancing  over 
my  shoulder.  “That’s  our  place  ! ” she  exclaimed,  evidently  in  sur- 
prise; and  then,  in  apology  for  the  rudeness,  said:  “You  were  so 


304 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


engaged  you  did  not  hear  me  speak,  and  I looked  over  your  shoulder 
to  see  what  you  were  doing.  Where  did  you  learn  to  draw  ? ” 

I told  her ; when  she  replied,  “ I was  at  boarding-school  near 
there  two  years  before  the  war.” 

I found  her  more  intelligent  than  most  of  the  Southern  girls  I had 
thus  far  met,  and  from  her  inquiries  I got  the  impression  that  she  had 
a tender  attachment  for  a young  gentleman  in  the  North.  Her  ques- 
tions were  quite  searching  regarding  people  whom,  as  it  chanced,  1 
knew  by  reputation.  I finished  the  roughly  executed  sketch,  and  pre- 
sented it  to  her  with  such  compliments  as  a susceptible  young  man 
of  twenty-three  years  might  make  to  a young  lady,  and  thought  to 
myself,  “Here  is  one  of  those  unwritten  romances  of  war,  the  end  of 
which  I shall  doubtless  never  know.”  Her  father  was  an  elderly, 
white-haired  man,  with  courtly  manners,  and  a lurking  bitterness  of 
expression  towards  those  who  were  using  his  fences  for  camp-fires, 
and  his  chickens  for  rations. 

It  was  of  little  use  for  a small  guard  to  attempt  to  preserve  a large 
estate  from  the  locust-like  swarm  of  soldiers,  all  blessed  with  appe- 
tites so  disproportioned  to  their  supplies.  One  of  our  men,  on  guard 
at  the  time,  was  reprimanded  for  allowing  his  comrades  to  appro- 
priate leaf  tobacco  stored  in  one  of  the  out-buildings,  which  had  a 
door  at  each  end. 

“Well,  Cap,”  was  the  excuse  of  the  guard,  “I  can’t  face  both 
ways  at  the  same  time.  While  I’m  walking  post  faced  one  way,  the 
boys  git  inter  one  door,  and  before  I know  what  is  going  on  they  are 
leaving  with  the  tobacco  from  t’other  door.  I couldn’t  chase  them 
without  leaving  my  post.” 

“You  could  have  halted  and  arrested  them  ! ” said  the  officer  of 
the  guard.  « 

“Thunder,  Cap,  didn’t  I try  to?  but  they  wouldn’t  halt !” 

“Why  didn’t  you  shoot  the  rascals  then  ? ” said  the  officer. 

“ Well,  Cap,  I should  have  shot  our  own  soldiers,  and  we  have 
none  to  spare,”  was  the  long-reaching  reply. 

The  officer  smiled  a queer  smile,  which  might  be  construed  into 
a tacit  agreement  with  his  subordinate,  but  said  no  more. 

While  marching  beyond  the  North  Anna  River,  afterwards,  I 
came  upon  a log  shanty,  mud-chinked,  and  with  the  stick  chimney 
common  to  such  residences  in  the  South.  It  was  occupied  by  an 


TO  COLD  HARBOR. 


3°5 


elderly  man  and  wife  of  the  lower  class,  such  as  commonly  clustered 
around  the  plantations  of  Virginia.  He  chewed  tobacco,  and  smoked 
a cob  pipe.  She  dittoed  the  latter,  and  sported  a snuff  stick  in  place 
of  the  former.  When  I offered  to  barter  hard-tack  for  some  johnny- 
cake,  he  removed  his  cob  pipe  from  his  mouth  long  enough  to  ex- 
plain that  the  durned  Yankees,  he  reckoned,  had  stolen  his  baking- 
pan,  and  about  all  the  other  fixin’s.  In  reply  to  an  offer  to  give  him 
some  Northern  newspapers  to  read,  he  informed  me  that  he  had  no 
occasion  for  such  fixin’s  ; in  other  words,  couldn’t  read.  Notwith- 


A Philosopher  in  his  Way. 


standing  this  ignorance,  he  displayed  unusual  common-sense  when 
speaking  of  the  war  — a fact  quite  new  to  my  experience  with  ordi- 
nary Virginians. 

Said  he  : “I  tell  our  people  I reckon  if  we  alls  hadn’t  hankered  to 
go  to  war  with  the  Yanks,  durned  if  I believe  you  alls  would  care 
enough  about  fighting  to  come  down  here  to  fight  we  alls.  Now  we 
alls  are  in  this  blamed  war,  we’ve  got  to  fight  it  out,  or  tote  out  of  it 
the  best  way  we  can.  I’ve  got  two  sons  in  our  army,  and  I'd  a 
doggoned  sight  ruther  they’d  be  at  hum.  They  were  right  peart  ter 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


306 

go  though,  stranger.  We  alls  poor  folks,  who  don’t  own  property, 
didn’t  help  make  the  war,  but  we  alls  do  a right  smart  of  fighting, 
though.  Our  great  folks,  up  yer  to  the  house  (referring  to  a plan- 
tation near)  tell  us  we  alls  are  fighting  for  our  country.  I had 
country  enough  before  we  alls  left  the  United  States,  and  before  this 
doggoned  war  cum  down  yer,  and  I reckon  I won’t  have  a right 
smart  more  after  it  is  over  ! ” 

I gave  him  and  his  snuff-chewing  wife  some  “salt  hoss  ” and 
hard-tack  in  return  for  some  very  good  bacon,  and  went  on  my  way 
pondering  why  it  was  that  a poor,  uneducated  white  man  should  have 
displayed  in  conversation  the  only  good  sense  regarding  the  situation 
I had  ever  heard  among  Virginians. 

Three  of  our  men,  two  of  whom  were  Wad  Rider  and  Quin,  had 
brought  into  camp  the  honey  of  a bee-hive.  The  third  member  of 
the  party,  called  Hale,  was  a new  recruit,  but  as  sharp  as  a veteran 
in  all  things  which  had  reference  to  eating.  The  planter,  to  whom 
the  bee-hive  belonged,  made  his  appearance  at  post  one  day,  and 
asked  to  be  admitted  to  the  officer  in  command.  Here  happened  to 
be  posted  the  identical  Hale,  and  Pat  was  corporal  of  the  guard. 
Hale  surmised  instinctively  that  the  planter’s  errand  had  something 
to  do  with  the  bee-hive,  and  refused  him  entrance  to  camp  without 
the  countersign.  Finally,  after  some  parleying,  he  called  for  the  cor- 
poral of  the  guard.  Pat  Quin  made  his  appearance,  his  face  bearing 
marks  of  the  skirmish  with  the  bees.  He,  seeing  the  “lay  of  the 
land,”  peremptorily  refused  the  old  fellow  entrance  to  the  camp. 
After  a vain  endeavor  to  gain  admission,  the  planter  retired.  Pat 
took  pains  to  inform  the  succeeding  guard  of  the  situation,  and  bribed 
them  with  honey,  so  when  the  old  gentleman  again  returned  he  found 
the  same  difficulty.  He  was,  to  use  Joe’s  expression,  “ Gol  darned 
mad!”  and  declared  that  every  d — d Yankee  in  camp  had  some  of  his 
honey,  and  was  in  a conspiracy  to  keep  him  from  getting  redress. 
He  finally  made  a complaint  to  General  Hancock,  but  it  was  too 
late  to  do  him  any  good,  as  the  foragers  could  not  be  found. 

On  the  morning  of  Monday,  May  23d,  we  resumed  our  march, 
and  reached  the  North  Anna  that  forenoon.  We  found  the  enemy 
ahead  of  us,  and  posted  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  It  was  evident 
not  only  that  they  were  aware  of  our  movement,  but  were  marching 
to  obstruct  it.  The  marching  of  an  army  by  the  flank,  in  the  pres- 


TO  COLD  HARBOR. 


30  7 


ence  of  a watchful  enemy,  is  considered  one  of  the  most  difficult 
movements  known  to  war.  That  we  were  not  attacked,  under  the 
circumstances,  was  attributable  either  to  Lee’s  weakness  or  to  the 
skilful  manner  in  which  the  movement  was  made. 

Hancock’s  corps  reached  the  North  Anna  River  at  a point  one 
mile  above  the  railroad  bridge,  and  found  there  a redan,  built  on  a 
narrow  tongue  of  land  formed  by  Long  Creek  and  the  North  Anna, 
commanding  the  bridge  and  telegraph  line.  The  south  banks  were 
fortified  in  a similar  manner. 

At  ten  o’clock  on  the  21st  Warren  had  begun  the  withdrawal  of 
his  corps  from  Spottsylvania,  following  Hancock,  but  by  a more 
direct  route.  As  soon  as  the  roads  were  clear  of  the  Fifth  Corps, 
General  Burnside  followed.  Upon  the  withdrawal  of  the  Fifth  Corps, 
Lee  set  his  army  in  motion,  not  to  attack  it  while  moving  by  the 
flank,  but  to  cover  the  Virginia  Central  Railroad,  and  interpose 
between  our  army  and  Richmond. 

The  lines  on  which  our  army  had  advanced  brought  it  to  the 
North  Anna  River  near  the  crossing  of  the  Fredericksburg  and  Rich- 
mond Railroad.  Warren  threw  Bartlett’s  brigade  across  the  stream, 
by  fording  it  at  Jericho  Ford,  and  under  cover  of  this  force  con- 
structed a pontoon  bridge.  In  the  afternoon  the  whole  corps 
crossed. 

Hancock  had,  meanwhile,  dislodged  the  enemy  from  his  strong 
redan,  with  a loss  of  not  over  a hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  on  the 
following  morning  it  was  found  that  the  works  on  the  south  banks 
had  been  abandoned.  The  Sixth  Corps  followed  Warren. 

Burnside  had  been  ordered  to  cross  at  Ox  Ford,  but  finding  the 
enemy  in  strong  position  there,  made  a crossing  a mile  and  a half 
above.  Thus  was  effected  the  difficult  crossing  of  the  North  Anna. 
Lee  was  found  posted  with  his  left  resting  on  Little  River,  from 
thence  to  Ox  Ford  on  the  North  Anna,  thence  backward  southerly 
to  Mornsis  Bridge. 

Lee’s  army,  in  the  compact  shape  of  the  letter  V,  was  easily 
reinforced  from  one  part  to  another.  The  point  of  the  V,  forming 
the  centre,  rested  on  the  river,  dividing  our  separated  wings  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  compel  us  to  cross  the  river  twice  to  reinforce  either 
wing.  The  reason  that  Lee  did  not  attack  Hancock  while  thus 
isolated  was  probably  because  the  latter  was  intrenched  and  the  for- 


3°8 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


mer  too  weak  to  afford  the  experiment.  Lee  understood  too  well  the 
advantage  which  an  intrenched  line  gave  in  an  attack. 

General  Wilson  crossed  the  North  Anna,  demonstrated  on  our 
right,  and  broke  up  the  Central  Railroad  in  order  to  convey  the 
impression  that  we  were  about  to  move  by  the  right  flank.  From  the 
2 1 st  to  the  26th  our  losses  in  the  encounters  along  the  line  at  this 
point  were  two  thousand  one  hundred  men.  On  the  26th  the  Second 
and  Fifth  Corps  were  secretly  withdrawn  to  the  north  banks  of  the 
river,  without  opposition,  and  headed  south  for  the  Pamunkey  River. 
The  Sixth  Corps,  led  by  two  cavalry  divisions,  held  the  advance, 
followed  by  the  Fifth  and  Ninth  Corps.  The  Second  Corps  moved 
behind  them  as  a rear-guard. 

Without  giving  further  details,  not  interesting  to  general  readers, 
of  the  movements  of  troops  on  the  28th,  the  Fifth  and  Ninth  joined 
the  van  on  the  south  side  of  the  Pamunkey  River.  During  these 
movements,  since  the  army  had  left  the  Rapidan,  its  base  of  supplies 
had  twice  been  changed,  and  in  the  following  order  : from  Fredericks- 
burg to  Port  Royal,  and  from  thence  to  White  House  Landing  on  the 
Pamunkey.  After  crossing  the  Pamunkey  the  army  was  amid  scenes 
familiar  to  the  veterans  of  the  Peninsular  campaign  of  1862. 

On  crossing  this  river,  Lee  was  found  covering  the  railroad  with  a 
line  of  battle  facing  northward,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Chickahominy. 
A cavalry  combat,  to  dislodge  the  Confederate  force  before  crossing 
the  Chickahominy,  took  place  on  the  afternoon  of  the  28th.  Sheridan 
succeeded  in  gaining  an  advanced  position  where  a number  of  inter- 
secting roads  converge,  and  known  as  Howe’s  Shop.  This  was  near 
the  point  where  the  right  of  our  lines  rested  under  McClellan  in  1862. 
The  position  secured,  the  whole  army  was  thrown  forward  in  advance 
of  these  roads,  whereupon  the  enemy  retired  behind  the  Tolopotomy 
River. 

Richmond  was  now  only  ten  miles  distant.  To  find  out  Lee’s 
position,  the  Sixth  Corps  moved  toward  Hanover  Court-House;  the 
Second  followed.  The  Fifth  and  Ninth  moved  up  to  support  these. 
The  Sixth  passed  around  the  Confederate  left  toward  Hanover  Court- 
House.  While  thus  moving,  the  advance  of  Hancock  was  brought  to 
a halt  at  Tolopotomy  Creek,  which  is  a branch  of  the  Pamunkey 
River.  The  strong  force  here  shown  by  the  enemy  induced  Hancock 
to  bring  up  the  rest  of  his  corps. 


TO  COLD  HARBOR. 


309 


During  the  day  following,  the  Ninth  Corps  was  formed  on  his  left. 
An  attack  being  made  to  carry  the  lines  of  the  Confederates,  they 
were  found  intrenched  behind  marshy  ground  in  such  a manner  as 
to  make  it  inexpedient  to  attempt  to  drive  them  out. 

Warren  on  the  left,  in  his  advance  to  Shady  Grove,  found  the 
enemy  in  line  of  battle  where  the  Shady  Grove  road  is  crossed  by  the 
Tolopotomy.  The  whole  of  Ewell’s  corps  was  found  in  the  vicinity 
of  Shady  Grove  Church.  The  enemy  furiously  attacked  Crawford’s 
division,  which  was  moving  out  to  cover  the  Mechanicsville  pike.  It 
was  near  the  Bethesda  Church  when  attacked,  and  was  compelled  to 
fall  back  to  the  Shady  Grove  road  with  the  enemy  in  hot  pursuit. 
Here  the  enemy  was  kept  in  check  by  our  artillery  until  reinforce- 
ments came  up  and  drove  him  back. 

At  dark  our  left  was  covering  the  Mechanicsville  pike.  These 
movements,  which  were  in  substance  reconnoissances  in  force,  found 
the  Confederate  army  strongly  posted  and  covering  the  approaches  to 
the  Chickahominy.  The  attempt  to  break  this  line  and  force  a cross- 
ing, brought  on  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 


COLD  HARBOR. 


HE  battles  of  the  overland  route  were,  in  several  respects,  differ- 


1 ent  in  their  general  character  from  any  that  had  preceded  them. 
Both  armies  had  learned  to  intrench  in  an  incredibly  short  time,  and 
rude  but  formidable  field  works  rose  as  if  by  magic  wherever  their 
lines  were  formed. 

Taking  place  as  it  did  in  the  tangled  woods,  the  character  of  the 
fighting  combined  the  features  of  guerilla  war,  Indian  tactics,  and 
bushwhacking,  all  on  an  immense  scale.  Intrenchments  which  in 
previous  operations  had  been  the  work  of  weeks  were  now  impro- 
vised in  a few  hours. 

As  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  the  attacking  party,  it  is  almost 
needless  to  add  that  Lee  was  able  to  throw  upon  it  all  the  disadvan- 
tage of  attack,  and  retain  for  himself  the  advantage  of  the  defensive. 
It  was  a facetious  saying  often  heard  at  that  time  among  the  rank 
and  file,  that  “ Lee  was  choosing  some  unusually  hard  spots  for  Grant 
to  bunt  his  head  against ! ” 

One  moral  advantage  retained  by  Grant  was  recognized  and 
expressed  in  their  own  phraseology,  — “ Grant  goes  ahead  instead  of 
backing  out.”  After  every  conflict  he  advanced  and  sought  new 
ground  on  which  to  encounter  his  stubborn  and  skilful  foe,  instead 
of  falling  back  to  old  positions. 

This  fact  had  its  influence  in  preserving  the  morale  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  Its  course  since  crossing  the  Rapidan  had  been 
marked  by  difficult  marches,  constant  battles  and  sieges,  bloody 
encounters  unparalleled,  with  murderous  losses  and  sufferings  incal- 
culable. It  now,  at  Cold  Harbor,  occupied  almost  the  identical 
ground  which  it  had  held  in  1862  under  McClellan  at  Gaines’s 
Mills.  The  same  foe  was  yet  in  their  front,  seemingly  unconquerable. 
The  veteran  material  which  composed  the  army  at  the  beginning 


310 


COLD  HARBOR. 


31 1 

of  the  overland  campaign  was  fast  dwindling  away.  Many  of  the 
bravest  had  been  killed,  wounded,  made  prisoners,  or  mustered  out. 
The  remaining  veterans  began  to  say  among  themselves  that  Grant 
was  simply  “bull-headed  and  stubborn,  not  skilful  and  great  ” ; “that 
he  was  lavish  of  their  lives  without  giving  them  corresponding- 
victories.” 

In  this  respect  it  was  but  natural  that  they  should,  at  this  time, 
compare  him  unfavorably  with  McClellan.  There  are  no  men  who 
so  quicky  resent  the  needless  exposure  of  their  lives  and  comfort  as 
the  volunteer  American  soldier.  On  the  other  hand,  hardship,  suf- 
fering, and  the  perils  of  battle  are  met  cheerfully  where  there  is  a 
corresponding  chance  to  achieve  victory.  The  truth  is,  the  soldiers 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  at  that  time  thought  that  Grant  just  a 
trifle  more  than  averaged  their  stubbornness  and  fondness  for  fight. 

For  all  this  there  were  compensations.  Their  commander’s  great 
reputation  made  them  believe  that  somehow  he  would  finally  achieve 
success.  If  death  mowed  down  their  ranks  with  a broad  swath,  yet 
promotions  were  correspondingly  rapid,  and  the  acknowledgments  of 
merit  for  bravery  and  skill,  so  dear  to  every  soldier’s  heart,  promptly 
came  as  a salve  for  suffering  and  loss  of  comrades.  The  sergeant  of 
to-day  was  a captain  on  the  morrow,  and  in  the  great  lottery  of 
battle,  where  Death  threw  the  dice,  if  on  the  one  hand  there  were 
blanks  for  graves,  on  the  other  there  was  honor  and  expectation  of 
victory. 

The  nearness  of  the  Chickahominy  (which  Swinton  aptly  char- 
acterizes as  “a  wet  ditch  to  the  outer  defences  of  Richmond”),  and 
the  proximity  of  these  fortifications,  apparently  brought  the  turning 
movements  in  this  direction  to  a close.  It  was  needful  to  further 
operations  on  this  line  either  to  force  a crossing  of  the  river,  now 
easy  to  ford,  or  to  break  Lee’s  lines  in  front  and  force  him  to  with- 
draw behind  the  outer  defences  of  his  capital.  It  was  believed  that 
if  he  was  thus  compelled  to  retire  across  the  river,  an  opportunity 
to  inflict  a severe  loss  upon  him  while  crossing  would  thereby  be 
presented. 

While  our  army  had  been  securing  the  roads  whereon  to  advance 
against  the  rebel  capital  and  army,  Lee  was  skilfully  endeavoring 
to  cover  them.  Cold  Harbor  was  no  harbor  at  all,  and  was  desti- 
tute of  water  to  make  one.  It  was  doubtless  thus  named  by  English 


31 2 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


settlers  after  their  former  home.  It  is  a point  three  miles  north- 
east from  the  Chickahominy,  and  from  it  the  roads  radiate  to  all  the 
bridges  of  that  river,  as  well  as  to  White  House  and  other  points. 
As  White  House  was  now  the  base  of  our  supplies,  while  Lee’s 
army  and  Richmond  were  the  objective  against  which  Grant  was 
moving,  it  was  an  important  strategic  point. 

Lee  had  thrown  himself  in  the  path  of  our  advance,  and  in  part 
covered  these  converging  roads.  Sheridan,  after  a spirited  cavalry 
encounter  on  the  31st,  had  secured  Cold  Harbor.  During  the  suc- 
ceeding dav  Wrisrht  moved  with  Torbet’s  and  Gregg’s  divisions  from 
the  extreme  right  to  relieve  the  cavalry.  Here  also  General  W.  F. 
Smith  from  the  “bottled  up”  position  at  Bermuda  Hundred  was 
advancing  with  twelve  thousand  men  from  the  Tenth  and  Eighteenth 
Corps,  to  take  position  on  the  right  of  the  Sixth  to  co-operate  in  an 
immediate  attack.  Hokes’s  and  Kershaw’s  rebel  forces  were  also  con- 
verging thither.  Lee,  perceiving  the  movement  of  the  Sixth  Corps, 
and  suspecting  its  object,  now  also  directed  Anderson  with  Long- 
street’s  old  corps  to  this  point. 

The  Federal  infantry  upon  arriving  at  Cold  Harbor  found  the 
enemy  posted  in  the  dense  woods.  In  their  front  was  cleared  land 
over  which  an  attacking  force  would  be  compelled  to  move.  Their 
first  line  of  rifle-pits  or  intrenched  picket  line,  on  the  left  of  Smith 
and  the  right  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  was  attacked  and  carried  under  a 
heavy  fire.  In  this  opening  encounter,  although  large  losses  were 
inflicted  upon  the  enemy  and  several  hundred  prisoners  were  cap- 
tured, our  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  not  far  from  two  thousand 
men.  The  important  point  of  Cold  Harbor  was,  however,  secured  to 
us.  Meanwhile  General  Wilson’s  cavalry  force  on  the  right  had 
gained  possession  of  Hanover  Court-House.  In  attempting  a fur- 
ther advance  he  had  been  attacked  and  had  fallen  back,  destroying 
the  railroad  bridges. 

The  cavalry,  with  Torbet’s  and  Gregg’s  divisions,  had  been  moved 
from  Cold  Harbor  to  the  Chickahominy  to  cover  the  left  of  our  army. 
General  Warren  had  extended  his  left  to  unite  with  Smith  at  Woody’s, 
and  had  contracted  his  right  so  as  to  bring  it  near  Bethesda  Church. 
It  was  thought  that  this  shortening  of  his  front  would  leave  him  a 
force  available  for  attack,  yet  his  lines  were  now  long  drawn  out, 
though  shortened  practically  by  swamps  which  he  could  command 


COLD  HARBOR. 


31  3 


without  occupying.  The  corps  of  Hancock,  which  after  the  with- 
drawal of  the  Sixth  had  formed  the  extreme  right,  began  its  march 
by  a circuitous  route,  early  on  the  night  of  the  5th,  to  reinforce  the 
left  near  the  Chickahominy. 

The  route  was  long,  the  roads  dusty,  the  weather  hot  and  suffocat- 
ing. The  veterans  of  the  Second  Corps  will  remember  it  as  a most 
uncomfortable  march.  As  they  arrived  the  next  morning,  tired  and 
unfit  for  fight,  refreshing  showers  cooled  the  air  and  settled  the  dust. 
The  main  attack  was  postponed  until  the  next  morning. 

To  recapitulate  : the  Union  army  was  now  formed  for  battle  with 
Hancock  on  the  left,  across  the  Dispatch  Station  road,  and  Sheridan 
holding  the  lower  crossings  of  the  Chickahominy  with  Warren,  Burn- 
side, and  Smith  on  the  right.  The  extreme  right  wing  was  on  Tolo- 
potomy  Creek. 

Lee’s  right  rested  on  the  Chickahominy  just  below  Alexander’s 
Bridge  ; his  left,  among  the  swamps  at  the  heads  of  the  Tolopotomy 
and  Matadequin  — positions  which  were  very  difficult  to  attack.  The 
front  of  his  line  was  consequently  the  assailable  part. 

The  whole  army  was  ordered  to  attack  at  half-past  four  on  the 
morning  of  the  3d.  The  cavalry  under  Wilson,  reinforced  with 
infantry  and  more  cavalry,  was  ordered  to  attack  the  left  flank  and 
rear  of  the  enemy  at  Hawe’s  Shop. 

The  gray,  sombre  mists  still  overhung  the  lowlands  of  the  Chicka- 
hominy when  the  attack  began.  A lurid  fire  of  musketry  suddenly 
burst  from  along  the  six  miles  of  the  Union  lines.  Shouts,  cheers, 
and  yells  of  the  opposing  hosts,  the  din  of  musketry  and  the  roar  of 
artillery,  broke,  in  infernal  sounds,  the  stillness  of  the  morning  air. 
The  battle  of  Cold  Harbor  had  opened.  In  less  than  an  hour  it  was 
virtually  over,  and  the  Union  army  again  baffled  and  held  at  arms’ 
lefigth. 

At  half-past  four  the  Second,  Sixth,  and  Eighteenth  Corps,  under 
a terrible  artillery  fire,  advanced  and  carried  the  enemy’s  first  line  of 
rifle-pits.  The  rebels  seem  to  have  purposely  abandoned  these 
advanced  intrenchments,  as  they  were  found,  when  occupied,  to 
bring  our  men  in  line  with  a destructive  fire  from  their  artillery, 
which  enfiladed  them  from  Smith’s  right  to  Hancock’s  left. 

The  attack  of  Hancock’s  Corps  was  made  by  Gibbon  on  the  right 
and  Barlow  on  the  left,  with  Birney  supporting.  Barlow’s  men 


314 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


rushed  forward,  and,  after  a terrible  struggle,  carried  a sunken  road 
held  by  the  enemy.  Beyond  this  was  Watt’s  Hill,  whose  bare  crest 
dominated  the  whole  ground.  Here  Lee's  fortified  line  rested  behind 
the  sunken  road  already  mentioned.  If  this  hill  could  be  captured 
and  held,  the  rebel  line  might  be  taken  in  reverse. 

Barlow’s  men  rushed  forward,  with  enthusiastic  cheers,  and 
carried  the  ridge  and  works  beyond.  This  position  was  held,  how- 
ever, but  a short  time.  The  force  was  too  weak  for  it.  What  might 
have  been  the  result  had  a heavy  force  been  massed  to  have  made  the 
formidable  captured  line  secure  ? Barlow’s  supports  did  not  come 
up,  and  the  men  sullenly  and  reluctantly  fell  back,  after  sustaining  a 
heavy  loss.  Taking  advantage  of  the  ground,  they  intrenched  within 
thirty  and  fifty  yards  of  the  enemy’s  works. 

Gibbon’s  advance  was  divided  by  a swamp  which  projected  like  a 
wedge  in  their  front.  The  separation  increased  as  they  advanced. 
From  the  whole  line,  on  the  enemy’s  front,  there  flashed  out  a long 
and  lurid  sheet  of  flame.  The  air  began,  as  it  were,  to  rain  bullets, 
shot,  and  shell.  Then  the  yelling  of  the  rebels  from  behind  their 
intrenchments,  of  hi!  hi!  hi!  hiiiialieeeee!  followed  by  the  pop!  pop! 
pop!  of  firing  at  will.  We  advanced  close  up  to  the  works  from 
which  came  the  buzz!  and  ping!  of  bullets  and  the  yells  of  the 
defenders.  A part  of  one  of  our  regiments  planted  its  colors  on 
the  enemy’s  parapet,  but  were  quickly  driven  back,  made  prisoners, 
killed,  or  wounded. 

The  attack  at  this  point  failed,  but  so  stubborn  was  the  line,  so 
dogged  and  determined  and  proud  the  men  composing  it,  that  they 
refused  to  fall  back,  but  covered  themselves  by  digging,  and  by  the 
natural  depressions  in  the  ground.  Some  of  our  men  were  so  near 
the  enemy  that  they  could  be  rescued  only  by  digging  covered  ways 
to  them.  The  vigor  of  the  defence  and  attack  may  be  inferred  from 
the  fact  that  in  two  divisions  making  this  assault  the  loss  was  2217, 
officers  and  men.  In  Gibbon’s  division  alone  the  loss  was  sixty-five 
officers  and  1032  men. 

Hancock  wisely  reported  that  it  was  inexpedient  to  make  a 
further  attack,  as  the  enemy  had  been  reinforced  at  this  key-point 
of  the  field.  To  many  who.  took  part  in  the  affair  this  fact  seemed 
as  apparent  before  it  was  stated  as  it  did  after.  Referring  afterwards 
to  this  attack,  a veteran  with  sergeant’s  chevrons  on  his  arm  said, 


COLD  HARBOR. 


3 1 5 


“There  isn’t  much  science  in  a bull-headed  attack  along  a six-mile 
line  ; and  if  there  isn’t  any  science,  what’s  the  use  of  generals  ? ” 

It  was  rushing  men  into  the  jaws  of  death  without  being  superior 
at  any  one  strategic  point  which  it  was  expedient  to  carry. 

After  all,  it  made  little  difference  what  private  soldiers  thought  ; 
they  were  simply  food  for  powder,  and  were  but  the  pawns  in  the 
game.  If  they  gave  their  lives  in  building  reputation  for  their 
superiors,  but  little  heed  was  given  to  their  brave  acts  and  heroic 
endurance.  Before  and  since,  those  who  hold  human  life  cheap 
have  builded  their  reputations  on  the  bleeding  breasts  of  brave, 
unselfish,  and  undaunted  men,  never  in  return  giving  them  their 
meed  of  praise. 

The  attack  of  the  Sixth  Corps  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the 
advanced  rifle-pits  of  the  enemy.  It  was,  however,  soon  forced 
back  with  a loss  of  eight  hundred  men.  Smith  advanced  through  a 
ravine,  with  Devens  to  protect  his  flank,  and  they,  too,  carried  the 
enemy’s  advance  rifle-pits,  but  gained  no  further  successes. 

General  Burnside  attacked  with  the  same  result,  and  a loss  of 
eight  hundred,  officers  and  men. 

In  an  hour  and  a half  the  attack  along  the  entire  line  was  over 
and  had  failed.  Grant,  by  this  time,  had  concluded  that  it  was  better 
to  leave  the  enemy  behind  their  works  than  to  drive  them  into  the 
defences  around  Richmond.  By  so  doing,  it  was  affirmed  he  could 
better  assist  Hunter  in  his  designs  on  Lynchburg.  General  Hum- 
phrey, at  least,  in  substance  so  declares. 

At  half-past  one  o’clock  further  operations  were  suspended,  and 
advances  to  advantageous  positions  were  ordered  to  be  made  by  siege 
approaches.  The  fighting  had  died  away,  only  breaking  out  here 
and  there  between  the  pickets  and  skirmishers.  So  near  were  the 
lines,  that  an  attempt  simply  to  establish  the  pickets  often  brought 
on  sharp  fighting. 

During  the  night  many  of  our  wounded  between  the  two  lines, 
and  under  the  direct  fire  of  the  rifle-pits,  were  brought  in  by  comrades. 
These  chivalrous  attempts  would,  of  themselves,  make  a volume.  In 
one  instance,  two  soldiers  pulled  themselves  along  by  digging  their 
hands  into  the  soil  and  grass,  and  delivered  a comrade,  wounded  and 
under  fire.  A little  drummer  had  followed  his  regiment  into  the  fight, 
notwithstanding  the  protest  of  his  officers.  He  was  wounded,  and 


3 1 6 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


lay  between  the  two  lines.  When  brought  in,  he  clung  to  his  drum, 
and  when  in  comparative  safety  began  to  cry.  “ What’s  the  matter, 
Johnnie?  Does  your  leg  hurt  you  ? ” “No,  but  they  have  made  a 
darned  great  hole  in  my  drum  ! ” was  the  laughable  response. 

After  remaining  ten  days  before  this  impregnable  line,  Grant 
wisely  determined  to  change  his  base  of  operations  to  the  south  side 


The  Wounded  Drummer. 


of  the  James.  The  losses  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  now 
reached  the  terrible  figures  of  sixty  thousand  men  since  starting  out 
on  its  great  adventure  across  the  Rapidan. 

The  losses  of  the  Confederate  army,  it  is  claimed,  did  not  foot  up 


“ What’s  the  matter,  Johnnie  ? ” Page  316. 


COLD  HARBOR. 


317 


over  twenty  thousand,  but  I believe  it  would  be  safe  to  add  ten 
thousand  to  this  estimate. 

After  this  addition,  may  I inquire,  without  criticism,  if  the  advan- 
tages gained  justified  these  disproportionate  losses  ? ff  not,  was  not 
Grant  balked  and  outgeneralled  up  to  this  time  ? 

It  may,  at  least,  be  safely  asserted  that  it  is  not  often  that  a 
commander  is  so  situated  as  to  afford  such  terrible  and  unequal  losses 
and  not  feel  them. 

The  overland  route  and  the  system  of  attacking  in  brute  masses, 
marked  out  for  General  Grant  by  the  wise  ones  at  Washington, 
proved  a failure,  and,  considered  as  a whole,  were  fruitless.  It  may, 
however,  be  pertinent  to  inquire  whether,  without  this  demonstration 
of  the  futility  of  headlong  attacks,  the  people,  the  press,  and  the 
government  would  have  patiently  endured  the  long  siege  operations 
before  Petersburg  which  finally  resulted  in  the  disruption  of  the 
Confederacy. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 


CHANGE  OF  BASE. 


HE  whole  period  during  which  the  army  held  the  intrenchments 


1 at  Cold  Harbor  was  one  of  extreme  hardship.  Notwithstanding 
the  order  was  issued  that  no  more  assaults  were  to  be  made  on  the 
enemy’s  lines,  the  firing  was  constant.  The  nearness  of  the  contest- 
ants brought  on  a collision  of  arms  at  almost  every  attempt  to  relieve 
pickets.  The  difficulty  with  which  these  were  established,  on  account 
of  the  open  ground  between  the  two  lines,  is  thus  illustrated  by  a 
comrade  in  Burnside’s  Corps  : — 

“The  night  of  June  4th  was  dark  and  rainy.  Our  pickets  were 
within  fifty  yards  of  each  other.  Each  man  had  protected  himself  by 
what  might  be  termed  an  individual  rifle-pit,  — a hole  dug  into  the 
ground  with  the  soil  thrown  up  in  front.  While  being  stealthily  re- 
lieved during  the  night,  the  vigilant  enemy  opened  a galling  fire  upon 
us.  The  only  practicable  procedure  was  for  each  man  when  relieved 
to  take  care  of  himself,  and  stand  not  on  the  order  of  his  going.  The 
relief  did  the  same,  and  in  the  darkness  hunted  out  the  holes  where 
we  had  been  as  best  they  could.  . . .” 

Here  the  men  lay  in  cramped  and  narrow  trenches,  where  cooking 
our  food  was  almost  impossible,  until  the  12th  of  June.  Exposed  to 
great  heat  during  the  day,  and  with  little  but  muddy  surface-water  to 
drink,  deprived  of  sufficient  sleep,  and  with  the  incessant  nerve 
strain  kept  up  since  the  campaign  opened,  they  began  to  lose  heart. 
Added  to  this,  their  subsistence  had  been  principally  hard-tack,  with 
beef  from  cattle  exhausted  and  ill-fed. 

The  ground  along  which  the  army  lay  was  for  the  most  part  low, 
marshy,  and  malarious.  Between  the  two  lines  unburied  dead  men, 
horses,  and  mules  made  anything  but  a wholesome  atmosphere.  Dur- 
ing the  whole  campaign  the  sanitary  condition  of  the  army  had  re- 
ceived but  little  attention,  and  its  health  and  morale  was  much,  if  not 
seriously,  impaired. 


In  this  Trenches  at  Cold  Hauhoh.  Page  318. 


CHANGE  OF  BASE. 


3J9 


“ Give  men  a good  camp  and  plenty  of  good  food,”  says  a practical 
veteran,  “and  they  soon  forget  hardships.”  A demoralizing  reaction 
is  apt  to  follow  contrary  conditions. 

Seldom  had  it  been  the  lot  of  any  men,  even  in  war,  to  sustain  so 
constant  a strain  of  hardship  and  battle  as  had  been  thrown  upon  this 
army  since  it  crossed  the  Rapidan.  Its  killed  and  wounded  alone  now 
footed  up  the  terrible  total  of  not  less  than  fifty  thousand  men. 
Of  these,  44,695  belonged  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  bal- 
ance to  the  Ninth  Corps,  which  was  not  under  Meade’s  command 
until  after  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor. 

It  was  evident  to  the  private  soldiers  of  the  army  that  the  prin- 
ciple of  “continuous  hammering”  had  proved  more  damaging  to  the 
Union  hammer  than  to  the  Confederate  anvil. 

Many  of  them  were  reading  men,  and  had  not  forgotten  that  that 
great  master  of  war,  Napoleon,  when  speaking  of  Turenne’s  campaign 
of  1855,  said,  “Turenne  constantly  observed  the  two  maxims  : first, 
never  attack  a position  in  front  when  you  can  obtain  it  by  turning 
it  ; second,  avoid  doing  what  the  enemy  wishes  ; . . . shun  the  field 
of  battle  which  he  has  reconnoitred  and  studied,  and  more  particu- 
larly, that  in  which  he  has  fortified  and  intrenched  himself.” 

The  nature  of  the  task  assigned  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
viz.  to  destroy  Lee,  defend  the  National  Capital,  and  capture  Rich- 
mond, had  led  to  the  violation  of  these  maxims,  and  consequent  defeat. 

The  army  was  now  about  to  enter  upon  a new  line  of  action,  as. 
skilful  in  its  execution  as  it  was  glorious  in  its  results.  In  the  change 
of  base  which  followed,  Grant  displayed  those  qualities  of  persistency 
and  moral  firmness  which  made  him  great.  He  had  thus  far  followed 
the  plan  in  part  dictated  by  the  semi-political  military  cabal  at  Wash- 
ington He  was  now  about  to  adopt  a line  of  action  which,  though 
averse  to  the  wishes  of  the  administration,  was  dictated  by  the  high- 
est military  considerations,  and  in  the  execution  of  which  he  showed 
military  abilities  of  the  first  order. 

Between  the  9th  and  11th  of  June  a new  line  of  intrenchments 
had  been  constructed  in  rear  of  the  position  at  Cold  Harbor,  ex- 
tending from  Elder  Swamp  to  Allan’s  Mill  Pond.  The  corps  of 
Hancock  and  Wright  took  position  in  this  intrenched  line. 

About  eight  o’clock  on  the  evening  of  the  12th  of  June,  the  army 
began  its  march  to  the  James,  Hancock  and  Wright  following  as 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


32° 

soon  as  the  roads  were  clear  for  them  to  march.  The  movement  of 
each  corps  was  carefully  prescribed  so  as  to  prevent  confusion.  The 
march  of  fifty-five  miles  across  the  Peninsula  was  made  in  two  days. 
To  deceive  the  enemy,  Warren  had  seized  and  held  the  bridges  over 
White  Oak  Swamp,  and  covered  all  the  roads  by  which  the  enemy 
might  disturb  or  observe  the  movement.  This  effectually  conveyed 
the  intended  impression  that  the  Federals  would  advance  by  this 
direction  on  Richmond,  and  “it  was  not  until  the  17th,”  says 
Humphrey,  “that  Lee  was  aware  of  the  real  movement.”  The 
march  of  the  army  to  the  James  was  exhausting  to  the  worn-out 
veterans. 

The  following  from  the  notes  of  a comrade  will  show  something 
of  the  conditions  under  which  the  withdrawal  was  conducted  : — 

“We  began  our  march  at  dark  on  the  evening  of  the  12th  of 
June.  The  picket  lines  were  not,  however,  withdrawn  until  two 
o’clock  in  the  morning.  We  arrived  at  White  House  the  next 
morning,  having  marched  fifteen  miles  during  the  night.  The  men 
were  footsore,  shoes  not  having  been  issued  since  we  started  out 
on  the  campaign.  The  next  day  we  marched  eleven  miles,  and  biv- 
ouacked within  three  miles  of  the  Chickahominy,  crossed  that  river  at 
Jones’s  Bridge,  twenty  miles  below  Cold  Harbor;  the  next  morning, 
halted  and  made  coffee,  then  moved  at  one  p.m.,  marching  until 
within  two  miles  of  the  James  River  (where  the  Second  and  Fifth 
Corps  had  preceded  us),  and  camped  near  the  Sixth  Corps. 

“ By  noon  of  the  16th  the  army  was  transferred  to  the  south  side 
of  the  James.  Here  at  Douthard’s  the  river  is  very  broad  and  the 
channel  thirteen  feet  deep.  At  this  point  was  constructed  the 
longest  pontoon  bridge,  it  was  said,  ever  thrown  out  for  the  passage 
of  an  army.  It  was  over  two  thousand  feet  long,  and  was  constructed 
with  great  rapidity,  having  been  begun  in  the  forenoon  of  the  14th 
and  finished  before  twelve  o’clock  the  same  night.” 

My  comrade  of  the  Ninth  Corps  says,  “We  lay  within  two  miles 
of  the  river  all  day,  crossed  it  at  eight  p.m.,  and  marched  all  night. 
The  march  was  a very  hard  one. 

‘The  order  of  march  seemed  to  be,  as  one  of  the  boys  said,  ‘to 
slue  to  the  left.’  The  Second  Corps  was  ahead,  and  we  were  swing- 
ing the  left.  We  arrived  before  Petersburg  at  eight  o’clock  a.m.,  the 
15th,  with  only  five  men  left  in  my  company  to  ‘ stack  arms.’  Over 


CHANGE  OF  BASE. 


321 

half  the  men  in  the  division  were  stragglers.  At  three  p.m.  of  the 
same  day  we  formed  on  the  left  of  the  Second  Corps,  had  a fight, 
and  lay  on  the  battle-field  all  the  following  night. 

“By  midnight  on  the  16th,  Warren’s  corps  halted  a few  miles 
from  Petersburg,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  General  Hancock, 
in  command  of  the  troops  in  front  of  the  city,  made  a reconnoisance. 
The  intrenchments  encircled  the  city  at  a distance  of  two  miles  from 
it,  and  an  attack  previously  made  on  the  14th,  by  General  Smith, 
whose  corps  had  been  transported  mainly  by  water  to  this  point,  had 
failed  through  the  timidity  of  its  commander.  The  force  defending 
the  city  at  that  time  was  made  up  principally  of  old  men  and  boys. 
Had  the  attack  been  boldly  made,  Petersburg  must  have  fallen.” 

The  capture  of  the  city  was  very  important,  as  it  would  leave  in 
the  hands  of  the  Confederates  only  one  line  of  railroad  and  its  feeders, 
by  which  to  receive  their  supplies.  The  destruction  of  the  remaining 
line  must  have  speedily  followed,  or  in  anticipation  of  such  an  event 
Richmond  have  been  abandoned.  Had  Hancock  or  Meade  been 
made  aware  of  Grant’s  desire  or  plan  for  its  capture,  it  must  have 
fallen,  so  Meade  says,  in  substance,  in  his  report. 

Hancock’s  corps  had  been  ferried  across  the  James,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  15th,  and,  according  to  orders,  there  awaited  rations  from 
General  Butler.  The  rations  not  arriving,  he  ordered  the  forward 
march  of  his  corps  according  to  previous  instructions,  viz.  “to  where 
the  City  Point  Railroad  crosses  Harrison’s  Creek”;  but  this  place, 
instead  of  lying  as  indicated  on  the  map,  was  a long  distance  away, 
and  within  the  enemy’s  lines. 

While  Hancock  was  in  search  of  this  will-o’-the-wisp,  he  received 
a despatch  from  Grant,  directing  him  to  move  to  the  assistance  of 
Smith,  who  had  that  morning  attacked  Petersburg.  This  was  the 
first  intimation  he  had  of  Grant’s  design  of  capturing  that  place. 
Had  he  understood  this  earlier,  he  could  have  easily  joined  his  force 
with  that  of  Smith,  and  the  capture  of  Petersburg  and  the  possession 
of  the  line  of  the  Appomattox  would  have  followed. 

Fate  seemed  to  have  overruled  the  plans  of  the  Union  general, 
in  order  to  make  the  final  overthrow  of  the  enemy  more  speedy  and 
complete.  Had  Petersburg  fallen  at  this  time,  the  probabilities  are 
that  General  Lee  would  have  abandoned  Richmond,  and  retired  into 
the  interior,  thus  prolonging  the  contest  for  an  indefinite  period. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


322 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th,  General  Hancock,  in  command  of 
the  troops  then  before  Petersburg,  ordered  a reconnoissance  in  his 
front.  Redan  No.  12  was  captured  by  General  Egan’s  brigade. 
Meade  having  come  up,  Hancock  was  ordered  to  attack  at  six  o’clock. 


Behind  the  Apple  Tree. 

The  assault  was  made  by 
the  Second  Corps,  sup- 
ported by  two  brigades  of 
the  Eighteenth  Corps  on 
the  right,  and  two  bri- 
gades of  the  Ninth  on  the 
left.  The  enemy  was 
driven  back  along  the 
whole  line.  At  early 
dawn  Potter’s  division  of 
the  Ninth  Corps,  in  a gal- 
lant fight,  carried  the  redan  and  lines  on  the  ridge  where  the  Shand 
House  stood,  capturing  six  hundred  prisoners,  four  guns,  and  five 
stands  of  colors. 

My  comrade  of  the  Ninth  Corps  makes  memorandum  of  the  fact 
that  his  brigade  lost  twenty-five  men  in  this  attack,  and  that  it  was 


CHANGE  IN  BASE. 


323 


shelled  by  the  enemy  all  clay ; that  during  the  day  a spherical  case 
shot  struck  in  the  Sixth  New  Hampshire  regiment,  wounding  seven 
men. 

“On  the  next  morning,  1 8th  of  June,”  says  my  comrade,  “we 
advanced  as  skirmishers  to  within  sixty  rods  of  their  rifle-pits  ; had 
a severe  skirmish,  in  which  two  of  our  men  were  killed,  and  ten 
wounded  out  of  a hundred  that  we  had.  While  thus  shirmishing 
we  saw  the  enemy  engaged  in  constructing  the  redan,  known  after- 
wards as  the  ‘Elliott  Salient,’  the  very  one  we  afterwards  mined  and 
blew  up.” 

Captain  J.  N.  Jones,  of  the  Sixth  New  Hampshire,  in  alluding 
to  the  severity  of  the  artillery  firing  at  this  time,  says,  “Within  a 
minute  five  shots  struck  an  apple-tree  behind  which  I had  got  for 
protection.” 

At  one  o’clock  the  next  day,  the  left  of  the  line,  under  Potter, 
took  up  a position  about  three  hundred  yards  from  the  Confederate 
lines  and  threw  up  breastworks.  Our  pickets  were  within  fifty  yards 
of  their  works. 

The  attempt  to  establish  an  advance  line  by  taking  Petersburg 
had  not  been  bloodless.  The  total  of  killed  and  wounded,  when 
footed  up,  was  8772.  Add  to  these  1814  missing,  and  we  have  as 
the  total  of  our  losses  10,586  men. 

Thus  opened  the  fight  along  the  lines  of  Petersburg  ; as  a whole, 
the  most  remarkable  and  long-sustained  contest  known  in  history. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  PETERSBURG. 


HE  several  attacks  made  on  the  17th  had  resulted  in  the  estab- 


1 lishment  of  a connected  line  for  our  army,  now  gathering  like  a 
cloud  around  Petersburg.  On  the  18th  our  skirmishers  discovered 
that  the  enemy  had  retired  to  an  interior  and  more  compact  line  on 
the  high  ground  around  that  city. 

An  attack  which  followed  resulted  in  great  loss  of  life  and  a 
repulse  all  along  the  Union  lines.  Our  army,  therefore,  began  strong 
systematic  intrenchments,  which  enabled  a part  of  the  army  to  hold 
the  front,  leaving  a large  portion  available  for  manoeuvre  or  attack  on 
the  left  flank  of  the  enemy. 

On  the  2d  the  Second  and  the  Sixth  Corps  moved  out  of  the 
city,  and  established  themselves  on  the  west  side  of  the  Jerusalem 
plank  road,  which  lies  between  the  Weldon  and  the  Norfolk  railroads, 
south  of  Petersburg.  They  connected  their  line  with  Griffin  of  the 
Fifth  Corps,  which  was  established  on  the  east  side  of  the  road. 
The  Sixth  Corps  extended  itself  to  the  rear  and  left  of  the  Second 
Corps. 

The  cavalry  divisions  of  Wilson  and  Kantz  destroyed  several 
miles  of  the  south-side  railroad  track.  It  was  part  of  the  general 
plan  for  the  Sixth  Corps  to  extend  its  left  to  the  Weldon  Railroad, 
but  in  our  attempt  to  do  this,  the  force  of  the  enemy  was  so  men- 
acingly developed  that  the  movement  failed.  The  Second  Corps 
then  swung  forward  its  left  to  envelop  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy’s 
works.  The  forces  of  Mott  and  Barlow,  pivoting  on  the  right  of  the 
line,  were  commanded  by  Gibbon. 

This  movement  having  been  made  without  reference  to  the 
position  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  a wide  gap  was  left  between  the  two. 
While  Mott  was  intrenching,  and  Barlow  was  swinging  into  position, 
the  Confederates,  under  General  Hill,  were  hurled  into  the  interval 


324 


IN  THE  TRENCHES. 


325 


between  the  two  corps.  Gibbon’s  force,  thus  struck  on  the  flank, 
rolled  back  on  itself  in  disorder.  The  remainder  of  the  Second  Corps 
stood  firm,  while  the  line  was  re-formed. 

The  enemy  were  repulsed  by  Miles,  whom  they  attacked,  but  held 
the  intrenchments  which  had  been  taken  from  Gibbon  until  the 
removal  of  the  artillery,  when  they  retired  as  suddenly  as  they  had 
advanced,  carrying  off  the  captured  guns,  twenty-five  hundred  prison- 
ers, and  many  stands  of  colors.  Our  cavalry  expedition  had,  mean- 
while, defeated  General  W.  H.  F.  Lee’s  cavalry  division  at  Nottoway 
Station.  The  divisions  united  and  destroyed  the  Danville  Railroad 
for  twenty-five  miles. 

In  retiring,  Wilson  was  attacked  by  both  cavalry  and  infantry  in 
such  force  as  to  threaten  his  destruction.  Finally,  with  the  loss  of 
his  artillery,  a large  portion  of  his  trains,  and  a number  of  prisoners, 
he  reached  the  Union  lines.  No  substantial  advantages  had  been 
gained  commensurate  with  our  losses,  which  up  to  this  time  had  been 
fifteen  thousand  men. 

These  operations  had  demonstrated  that  the  place  could  not  be 
taken  by  assault.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac,  thinned  hitherto  by 
futile-  assaults  on  desperate  positions  reconnoitered  and  intrenched 
by  its  foe,  now  set  itself  resolutely  down  to  the  siege.  A year  after, 
and  the  last  great  act  in  the  drama  of  the  Rebellion  was  played,  when 
Petersburg,  standing  like  a fortress  thrown  out  upon  the  flank  of 
Richmond,  and  the  key  to  its  possession,  finally  fell  with  the  sur- 
render of  Lee  at  Appomattox. 


IN  THE  TRENCHES. 

From  a comrade  of  the  Sixth  New  Hampshire,  in  the  Ninth 
Corps,  the  following  narrative  is  drawn: — ■ 

On  the  morning  of  our  arrival  before  the  city,  we  were  ordered 
to  advance  our  pickets,  but  found  the  Confederates  had  left  their 
advance  line  of  rifle-pits,  and  had  established  their  lines  on  higher 
ground  further  in  the  rear.  We  pushed  forward  until  within  fifty 
yards  of  their  new  line,  and  there  saw  them  engaged  in  building  a 
fort  afterwards  known  as  the  “Elliot  Salient.”  This  was  the  same 
fort  that  we  afterward  mined  and  blew  up. 

As  we  went  forward  over  the  gradually  ascending  ground  towards 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


326 

the  Confederates,  we  met  with  a sharp  fire,  and  the  hiss!  and  ping! 
of  bullets  were  quite  emphatic  against  venturing  further.  Finally, 
as  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  a further  advance,  the  captain  gave 
orders  to  fall  back,  which  we  did,  followed  by  shots  from  the 
enemy. 

We  had  lost  in  this  sharp  skirmish  ten  wounded  and  two  killed 
out  of  one  hundred  men.  I heard  General  Griffin  express  to  Captain 
Jones  surprise  that  we  had  been  able  to  advance  as  far  as  we  did,  and 
said  he  did  not  intend  that  we  should  engage  the  enemy’s  pickets. 
Our  lines  at  this  time  were  not  over  three  hundred  yards  from  the 
enemy’s.  The  day  following  we  threw  up  breastworks,  and  then 
awaited  the  next  turn  of  affairs. 

Our  brigade  lay  here  three  days,  and  during  that  time  kept  up  an 
almost  constant  exchange  of  rifle  shooting  with  the  enemy.  We  were 
then  relieved,  moved  to  the  rear,  and  refreshed  ourselves  by  washing 
our  faces,  and  by  sleeping.  To  some  degree  we  were,  while  there, 
free  from  the  constant  crackle  of  musketry,  the  hiss  of  bullets,  and 
the  boom  of  cannon  and  mortars. 

It  was  a restless  sort  of  life  at  the  front,  where  at  any  moment 
we  were  liable  to  get  a shot  through  the  top  of  our  heads  if  we  exposed 
them  above  the  breastworks.  After  a day’s  rest  we  again  went  on 
picket,  where  the  same  constant  attentions  were  paid  us  by  the  enemy 
as  before. 

The  firing  was  incessant.  At  this  time,  I remember,  we  received 
a supply  of  tobacco  from  the  Sanitary  Commission,  for  which  we  were 
very  grateful.  If  a man  ever  uses  the  fragrant  weed,  he  will  need  it 
in  the  trenches,  under  the  constant  nerve  strain  incident  to  such  an 
incessant  fire  as  that  to  which  troops  were  there  exposed. 

On  the  night  of  June  26th  we  had  a sharp  fight  on  picket.  The 
constant  flash  of  the  enemy’s  muskets  in  the  darkness  reminded  one 
of  fire-flies,  while  the  buzz  and  spat  of  their  bullets  sounded,  at  times, 
not  unlike  June  bugs  flying  at  lighted  candles.  The  nights  were 
warm  and  uncomfortable  enough,  without  having  one’s  blood  stirred 
up  and  quickened  by  these  demonstrations  of  the  enemy. 

The  next  afternoon  the  incessant  pop!  pop!  and  whizz!  of  rifle 
shooting  ceased,  and  they  then  began  shelling  us.  Their  shot  could 
be  seen  travelling  the  air  in  slightly  curved  lines,  while  the  curves 
described  by  the  mortar  shells  were  more  like  those  of  rockets. 


Building  Aiiattis.  Page  327. 


IN  THE  TRENCHES. 


327 


The  shells  from  these  mortars  could  be  seen  by  observant,  keen- 
sighted  men,  and  dodged  as  easily  as  a base  ball. 

After  a short  interval  of  rest,  on  the  29th,  vve  moved  to  the  front 
again,  and  began  to  strengthen  our  lines  by  abatis  made  of  trees 
thrown  over  in  our  front,  with  the  branches  pointed  outward.  We  did 
not  attempt  to  fasten  them  to  the  ground  as  a man’s  life  wasn’t  worth 
much  when  so  engaged.  As  it  was,  we  worked  all  night  under  the 
fire  of  the  enemy,  from  both  cannon  and  muskets. 

Under  this  constant  fire,  our  men  were  being  gradually  thinned 
out;  not  many  were  killed  on  any  one  day,  but  up  to  July  27th,  our 
regiment,  which  upon  our  arrival  numbered  two  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  had  lost  eighty  in  killed  and  wounded.  As  we  had  not  lain  here 
forty  days,  this  made  an  average  loss  of  two  men  per  day  in  our  little 
regiment. 

Since  crossing  the  Rapidan,  many  of  the  bravest  of  the  officers 
and  men  had  been  killed,  wounded,  or  mustered  out.  New  regiments 
had  been  sent  to  the  front  with  inexperienced  officers.  The  same 
men  would  have  been  more  efficient,  if  they  had  been  put  into  old 
regiments.  As  a rule,  a new  regiment  lost  twice  as  many  men  as  an 
old  one  in  doing  the  same  fighting.  This  was  regarded  by  old  officers 
as  very  wasteful. 

Their  practical  manner  of  regarding  the  value  of  the  lives  of  men, 
and  the  desirability  of  economy  in  their  use,  is  illustrated  by  the  fol- 
lowing incident  : Some  new  men  had  needlessly  exposed  themselves,, 
when  our  watchful  and  veteran  captain  roughly  exclaimed,  “ Get 
down  out  of  that,  or  you’ll  get  a bullet  through  your  head ; you  cost 

the  government  a thousand  dollars  apiece,  and  I’ll  be  d d if  I am 

going  to  have  you  shot  without  good  cause;  you’re  too  expensive  ! ” 

This  was  said  in  all  seriousness,  but  it  made  us  laugh.  It  is 
wonderful  how  many  things  men  found  to  laugh  at,  while  engaged 
in  such  serious  work.  The  cracking  of  jokes  was  as  incessant  as  the 
crackle  of  musketry. 

There  was  more  steadfast,  earnest  devotion  among  the  veterans 
of  many  battles  than  among  recruits.  This  illustrates  a fact  often 
recognized,  that  those  who  give  most  generously  to  a cause  are  those 
to  whom  we  can  look  for  still  greater  sacrifices. 

A corporal  of  our  company,  who  was  shot  through  the  breast 
June  30th,  reported  back  for  duty  in  September,  saying,  “ My  time  is 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


328 

not  out  and  I can  do  good  duty  yet.”  It  is  safe  to  say  that  none  but 
a veteran,  having  at  heart  the  cause  of  his  country,  would,  under  such 
circumstances,  have  reported  for  duty  again. 

Much  of  the  new  material  sent  us  since  the  campaign  under  Gen- 
eral Grant  began,  was  worthless  as  fighting  material.  “Substitutes,” 
“Bounty  Jumpers,”  and  conscripts  replaced  the  patriotic  men  who 
had  fallen  in  the  fight. 

A great  many  of  them  had  enlisted  under  fictitious  names,  such 
as  “Abe  Lincoln,”  “Johnny  Boker,”  “Jim  Crow”  — names  which  they 
did  not  always  remember  themselves.  During  a roll-call  it  was  not 
uncommon  to  see  them  look  into  their  hats  to  read  the  assumed  name 
they  had  written  there,  that  they  might  correctly  answer  to  their 
“ nom  de  guerre”  when  called. 

“A  man  who  don’t  wear  his  own  name,”  said  our  captain,  “hasn’t 
pride  enough  in  it  to  make  him  a good  soldier”  ; a true  philosophy, 
but  one  not  always  appreciated. 

Some  of  these  men  referred  to  had  formerly  been  in  the  Con- 
federate service.  Among  these  was  one  North  Carolinian,  who  was 
an  enthusiastic  Union  man,  and  made  a good  soldier.  Another,  an 
Irishman,  also  proved  a good  soldier  ; still  another,  who  had  enlisted 
under  the  name  of  “Joe  Hooker,”  shirked  active  duty,  and  finally 
deserted  to  the  enemy  while  on  picket.  I had  no  doubt  he  intended 
from  the  first  to  desert  to  his  old  comrades,  and  only  watched  for  a 
good  chance. 

Though  the  lines  were  close,  the  fire  was  so  constant  that  there 
was  not  so  great  an  opportunity  for  desertion  as  one  might  suppose. 
A veteran  regiment,  one  which  had  earned  a national  reputation 
for  gallantry  on  many  a field,  had  been  filled  up  with  the  worthless 
characters  referred  to.  They  deserted  in  such  numbers  that  the 
enemy  jokingly  sent  word,  that,  as  they  had  most  of  the  regiment 
over  on  their  side,  they  thought  we  had  better  send  them  over  the 
regimental  colors.  The  desertions  were,  however,  more  frequently 
from  the  rebel  side  than  ours.  At  our  part  of  the  line  was  the  Sec- 
ond Maryland  Regiment. 

An  Irish  private  of  the  regiment  ascertained  that  his  son  was  in  a 
rebel  regiment  opposite  to  them  ; he  sent  word  for  him  to  meet  him 
on  the  picket  line;  this  was  done.  While  this  conference  was  taking 
place,  one  of  the  rebels  called  out,  “ Say,  stranger,  it’s  too  doggoned 


IN  THE  TRENCHES. 


329 


bad  that  you  and  your  son  should  be  fighting  each  other ; you’d 
ought  to  be  over  here  with  us.” 

“No,”  said  our  patriotic  Irish  soldier,  “he’d  ought  to  be  over 
here  with  us.”  That  night  the  son  deserted  to  our  lines. 

In  the  winter  of  ’64-65,  on  our  left,  not  far  from  Fort  Fisher,  the 
men  of  the  opposing  armies  were  on  more  friendly  terms  than  at 
our  part  of  the  lines. 

There  was  a piece  of  woods  between  the  contestants,  from  which 
both  armies  got  fuel ; it  was  quite  common  for  the  representatives  of 
the  “blue”  and  “gray”  to  meet  here,  converse,  exchange  opinions, 
tobacco,  coffee,  and  compliments.  One  of  our  men,  having  an 
unusually  heavy  load  to  get  into  our  lines,  invited  a good-natured 
rebel  to  help  him  a short  distance  ; the  two  came  into  our  lines  with 
the  wood  ; the  rebel  glanced  around  with  a satisfied  air,  sniffed  the 
perfume  of  coffee  and  other  “ Yankee  fixin’s,”  and  then  said,  “It 
looks  right  comfortable  here,  Yank,  and  I guess  I’ll  stay  ! ” Another 
came  into  our  lines  from  the  same  wood  with  a mule  team  which  he 
turned  over  to  the  provost  guard,  saying,  “I’m  done  toting  fixin’s  for 
the  Confederacy.” 

Desertions  from  the  rebel  lines  were  constant  ; men  who  had 
fought  gallantly  for  that  cause  saw  that  it  was  waning,  and  refused 
to  risk  their  lives  further  in  hopeless  struggle. 

The  Ninth  Corps  sustained  a more  incessant  fire  from  musketry 
and  artillery  than  any  other  part  of  our  line.  The  rebels  declared  it 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  we  had  a division  of  negro  troops.  We 
thought  this  was  rather  “rough,”  as  up  to  this  time  they  had  taken 
no  part  in  the  fight. 

Among  our  substitutes  were  a number  of  professional  gamblers, 
who  had  enlisted  for  the  purpose  of  plying  their  vocation  ; some  of 
them  were  brave  men  and  made  good  soldiers,  and  as  the  whole  army 
gambled,  it  was  not  very  heartily  laid  up  against  them.  If  they 
risked  their  lives  as  cheerfully  as  their  money,  few  were  inclined  to 
find  fault  : playing  cards  was  the  greatest  recreation  of  the  soldiers. 

The  cooking  for  the  men  on  duty  in  our  front  line  was  usually 
done  in  the  rear,  and  the  food  brought  up  to  the  front. 

While  some  of  our  men  were  on  this  advanced  line,  a camp-kettle 
of  hot  soup  had  been  brought  for  their  dinner.  The  men  had  begun 
a social  game  of  cards,  while  waiting  for  the  soup  to  cool,  when  a 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


330 

sputtering  shell  from  the  enemy’s  guns  struck  in  the  camp-kettle  and 
exploded,  killing  one  man  and  wounding  two. 

Our  brigade  took  turns  with  the  Second  Brigade  alternately  forty- 
eight  hours  on,  and  forty-eight  hours  off,  in  duty  at  the  front.  The 
incessant  firing  on  this  line  may  best  be  illustrated  by  the  ordnance 
return,  which,  during  one  quarter,  shows  that  ninety-six  thousand 


The  Shell  takes  the  Pot. 


rounds  of  cartridges,  or  nearly  five  tons  of  ammunition,  had  been 
used  by  this  company  of  little  over  two  hundred  men.  A copy  of 
that  report  is  in  my  possession,  and  can  be  verified  by  those  on  file 
at  Washington. 

The  breastworks  were  eight  and  ten  feet  high  in  places.  They 
were  not  thick  enough  to  stand  shot  and  shell,  and  needed  constant 
repairs.  Timber  for  this  purpose  was  often  brought  two  miles. 


IN  THE  TRENCHES. 


331 


Meanwhile  the  regular  routine  of  camp  life  was  uninterrupted. 
Pay-rolls  were  made,  camps  policed,  descriptive  lists  of  sick  and 
wounded  men  in  the  hospital  made  out,  and  forwarded. 

A redoubt  had  been  for  some  time  in  building  on  the  high  land 
near  the  roads  in  our  rear,  and  thirteen  guns  were  in  position  by 
July  25th  ; six  of  these  were  thirty-two  pounders.  By  their  aid  the 
boys  gleefully  anticipated  expounding  their  own  superiority  to  the 
enemy.  To  their  minds  the  rebs  were  getting  too  conceited.  The 
mortars  and  ordinary  artillery  did,  as  a general  thing,  comparatively 
little  injury  ; it  was  the  little  whispering  bullets  which  brought  wounds 
and  death  to  our  ranks. 

The  sputtering,  growling  shell,  travelling  the  air  in  ostentatious, 
curved  lines,  made  great  threatenings,  and  did  but  little  damage  other 
than  frightening  raw  recruits  and  horses.  Nothing  can  frighten  the 
stolid  veteran  army  mule. 

The  army  fared  better  on  the  lines  before  Petersburg  than  at  any 
other  time  in  my  army  experience.  Vegetables,  sometimes  fruit  and 
other  luxuries,  were  thoughtfully  provided  for  us  by  the  Sanitary 
Commission.  The  weather  had  become  oppressively  hot  and  dry  ; 
the  dust  on  the  roads  between  our  position  and  City  Point  was  knee 
deep.  No  rain  had  fallen  from  the  3d  of  June  to  the  19th  of  July. 
Great  clouds  of  fine  dust  were  raised  by  the  passage  of  troops,  and 
caused  great  suffering  to  marching  men.  As  the  springs  and  sur- 
face water  had  dried  up,  we  sunk  wells,  and  got  good  cool  water  a 
few  feet  below  the  surface. 

The  morale  of  the  army  was  good,  and  in  this  the  Sanitary  Com- 
mission did  good  service  by  reminding  us  that  we  were  not  entirely 
forgotten  by  the  people  of  the  North.  We  were  at  times  in  danger 
of  believing  that  our  people  at  home  were  becoming  lukewarm  and 
cold.  When  we  heard  of  Early’s  raid  into  Pennsylvania,  we  thought 
it  was  a good  thing,  if  it  opened  their  eyes  to  the  magnitude  of  the 
struggle  in  which  we  were  engaged.  We  hoped  this  new  manifesta- 
tion of  danger  would  cause  them  to  see  the  necessity  of  coming  to 
the  front  themselves,  instead  of  sending  substitutes  for  men.  We 
were  not  sure  at  that  period,  to  use  a familiar  expression,  but  we  had 
“ bit  off  more  than  we  could  chaw.” 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  CATE. 


->  n 


oo 


2 


THE  MINE. 

We  were  on  duty  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  mine  which 
was  being  excavated.  Our  advance  lines  at  this  point  were  on  the 
crest  of  ascending  ground,  a gradual  ascent  continued  towards  the 
enemy.  Back  of  us  was  a ravine,  which  broadened  out  on  the  left, 
and  curved  westerly  on  the  right  into  the  enemy’s  lines.  In  rear  of 
this  ravine  the  ground  gradually  ascended  for  one  hundred  and  fifty 
yards,  and  then  sloped  back  to  a wood.  A covered  way  was  con- 
structed from  this  wood  down  the  hill-side  to  where  the  ravine 
afforded  protection  to  the  men  moving  to  the  front.  This  enabled 
our  men  to  come  to  the  front  line  without  needless  exposure.  In 
front  of  the  curved  way,  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  ravine,  was 
the  mouth  of  the  mine  in  process  of  construction. 

The  mining  operations  were  kept  as  secret  as  possible.  Bushes 
were  stuck  up  to  conceal  the  soil  excavated  from  the  mine.  Most 
members  of  my  regiment  were  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Forty- 
eighth  Pennsylvania,  which  was  engaged  in  its  construction.  That 
regiment  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Pleasants,  who  had 
been  a practical  coal-mining  engineer,  and  who  was  said  to  have  been 
the  original  projector  of  the  mine.  The  men  of  his  command  were 
mostly  made  up  of  miners  from  the  Pennsylvania  coal-field.  These 
men  sometimes  declared  they  were  more  at  home  while  working  under 
ground  than  on  top.  I make  mention  of  this  as  it  illustrates  the 
material  found  in  our  army  for  all  the  varied  needs  of  war.  Artifi- 
cers and  engineers  were  found  ready-made  in  the  ranks,  and  needed 
only  organization.  The  mine,  in  spite  of  serious  impediments  encoun- 
tered and  difficulties  overcome,  was  ready  for  charging  on  the  23d  of 
July. 

The  gallery  leading  under  the  enemy’s  salient  was  a parallelogram 
in  form,  and  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  long.  When  it 
reached  the  enemy’s  fort  it  branched  off  on  either  side,  not  unlike 
the  top  of  a letter  T.  The  miners  engaged  have  since  informed  me 
that  while  at  work  they  could  hear  the  picks  and  spades  of  the  enemy 
countermining.  It  would  not  have  been  unexpected  had  they  en- 
countered each  other. 

Our  lines  at  this  point  bulged  out  slightly  in  convex  form  towards 
the  enemy.  From  our  position  could  be  seen  Cemetery  Hill,  not 


THE  MINE. 


n n /y 

333 

over  three-fourths  of  a mile  distant,  and  behind  this  the  projecting 
spires  of  Petersburg. 

The  city  was  within  reach  of  our  ordinary  artillery,  and  on  one  or 
two  occasions  buildings  within  its  limits  had  been  set  on  fire. 

Our  newly  erected  batteries  were  intended  to  keep  down  the  fire 
of  the  enemy,  in  the  attack  which  was  to  take  place  directly  upon  the 
opening  of  the  mine.  The  conditions  as  a whole  were  favorable  to 
the  success  of  the  assault  to  be  made,  but  presented  the  disadvantage 
that  when  the  salient  in  our  front  was  completed,  it  brought  an 
attacking  column  under  the  flank  fire  of  the  re-entrant  lines  of  the 
enemy.  If  the  ridge  beyond  the  Elliot  Salient  (under  which  our 
mine  was  run),  and  about  four  hundred  yards  from  it,  could  be  seized, 
it  would  enable  an  attacking  force  not  only  to  capture  Petersburg, 
but  a large  part  of  the  enemy’s  artillery  and  infantry. 

Such  was  the  prize  to  be  grasped ! What  were  the  preparations 
for  the  task  ? As  I have  hitherto  illustrated,  our  ranks  had  been 
filled  with  men  who,  to  some  extent,  were  worthless  as  soldiers.  The 
first  division  had  been  reinforced  with  dismounted  cavalry-  and  heavy 
artillery-men,  none  of  whom  were  over-pleased  at  being  employed  as 
infantry.  I asked  one  of  the  soldiers  of  heavy  artillery  what  branch 
of  the  service  he  was  in.  He  replied,  with  sneering  irony  and  stiff- 
ness, impossible  to  reproduce  on  paper,  “ The  heavy  artillery,  by  G — d, 
Calibre  Forty-eight,1  with  bayonets  on  the  end  ! ” 

In  choosing  troops  for  the  assault,  the  expediency  of  using  for  the 
attack  the  colored  division  which  had  hitherto  seen  no  active  service, 
had  been  seriously  debated.  The  selection  was  finally  made  by  cast- 
ing lots  by  the  commanders  of  the  white  division  of  the  corps. 

The  success  of  the  attack  was  so  desirable  that  it  was  the  dictate 
of  common  sense  that  none  but  picked  men  should  be  chosen  for  the 
task.  The  honor  of  leading  it  fell  upon  the  division  commanded  by 
General  Ledlie.  I believe,  however,  that  if  the  men  had  been  led  by 
a man  like  either  Warren,  Hancock,  or  Sheridan,  the  success  would 
not  have  been  doubtful. 

When  the  fuse  was  first  ignited,  it  proved  non-effective.  Ser- 
geant Harvey  and  Lieutenant  Jacob  Doughty,  of  the  Fourth  New 
York,  volunteered  to  return  to  the  mine,  and  examine  into  the  causes 
of  its  failure.  “ I had  my  watch  in  hand,”  said  my  informant,  “when 

1 The  calibre  of  the  Springfield  musket. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  TATE. 


O 'J  1 

oo4 

the  mine  was  sprung  ; it  marked  the  time  of  fifteen  minutes  to  five 

A.M.” 

A dull  jarring  explosion  shook  the  ground,  and  then  a mass  of 
earth,  through  which  blazed  the  ignited  powder,  was  thrown  into  the 
air  two  hundred  feet.  Like  a dense  cloud,  through  which  dark 
objects  could  be  discovered,  it  hung  suspended  for  a moment,  and 
then  fell  back,  and  a black  cloud  of  smoke  hung  over  the  place  and 
floated  away. 

Cannon  from  the  fort  and  fragments  of  gun-carriages  were  found 
several  hundred  feet  inside  our  lines,  so  terrible  was  the  force  of  the 
concussion.  The  springing  of  the  mine  was  the  signal  for  the  open- 
ing of  our  artillery,  converged  upon  the  enemy  from  our  entire  line 
to  keep  down  their  fire. 

Every  brazen  throat  belched  and  thundered.  Had  the  assaulting 
column  now  rushed  upon  the  enemy  while  they  were  disorganized 
and  paralyzed,  marked  success  must  have  crowned  its  efforts. 

The  crater  was  about  twenty-five  feet  deep,  a hundred  and  fifty 
feet  long,  and  sixty  feet  wide,  running  across  the  top  of  the  gallery 
leading  to  the  fort.  It  was  the  top  of  the  “T.”  Into  this,  after 
some  delay,  the  charging  column  rushed  pell-mell,  and  remained,  not 
attempting  to  advance  further. 

General  Ledlie  was  not  leading  his  men  ; he  was  in  a bomb-proof, 
where  he  could  neither  see  nor  direct  them.  The  troops  in  the  crater 
were  in  a confused  mass,  and  not  only  did  not  advance  beyond,  but 
hindered  every  other  force  from  attempting  it. 

The  utmost  consternation  had  been  produced  upon  the  enemy, 
and  they  had  abandoned  their  intrenchments  for  several  hundred 
yards. 

They  now  began  to  show  signs  of  life,  opening  a scattering  mus- 
ket fire  upon  Ledlie’s  men.  It  was  an  hour  before  their  artillery 
opened  with  any  effect.  A battery  in  the  ravine  then  opened  fire 
and  swept  the  ground  on  our  right  ; another  opened  on  the  left, 
while  a plunging  fire  from  our  front  made  a cross-fire  from  three 
directions. 

Under  this  fire  our  division  went  forward  by  flank,  and  took 
possession  of  the  enemy’s  intrenchments,  which  were  abandoned  for 
two  or  three  hundred  yards.  Covered  ways  and  rifle-pits  were  seen 
jumbled  together.  General  Wilcox’s  brigade  followed,  some  of  the 


THE  MINE. 


335 


men  crowding  into  the  crater,  and  others,  after  some  fighting,  taking 
possession  of  the  intrenchments  on  the  left.  My  company  formed 
near  the  rebel  works,  and  was  just  on  the  edge  of  the  crater,  shel- 
tered in  part  by  its  irregularities. 

There  was  now  a crowded  jumble  of  men  in  the  crater  and 
around  it.  The  heat  was  becoming  intense.  Our  men  were  driven 
back  every  time  they  attempted  to  advance  on  Cemetery  Ridge.  At 
ten  o’clock  the  colored  troops  moved  to  the  attack  obliquely  from 
our  left.  I saw  them  when  they  charged  towards  the  crater.  At 
that  time  there  was  an  artillery  duel  going  on  ; the  shell,  grape,  and 
canister  made  dismal  music  over  their  heads,  and  they  went  into  this 
vortex  of  death  with  artillery  and  musketry  fire  from  front  and  flank. 

It  was  scarcely  seven  o’clock  when  the  colored  division  charged 
in  magnificent  order.  I had  been  in  the  army  since  1 86 1 , and  had 
seen  some  hard  fighting,  and  notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  said 
to  the  prejudice  of  these  troops  on  that  occasion,  it  was  a grand 
sight.  I saw  one  of  the  color-bearers  killed,  and  their  flag  go  down, 
but  it  was  lifted  from  the  ground  by  another  who  was  shot,  but  again 
rescued  by  a third,  who  carried  it  forward  into  the  fight.  Said  a 
veteran,  “ A lump  came  up  in  my  throat,  and  my  eyes  filled  with  tears 
at  the  thrilling  spectacle,  as  is  always  the  case  when  I see  or  read 
anything  daring  or  brave.”  The  colored  troops  passed  beyond  the 
crater  and  towards  the  crest,  where  they  encountered  a converging, 
raking  fire  of  artillery,  which  drove  them  back  in  confusion,  with  the 
men  who  had  preceded  them. 

The  crater  now  became  a terrible  place.  There  was  no  order; 
confusion  reigned  supreme.  The  intense  rays  of  the  sun  were  con- 
verged like  a burning  glass  into  this  airless  hole  ; a raking  fire  from 
three  different  directions  decimated  the  ranks  of  those  huddled 
together  there. 

If  a shot  of  any  kind  struck  into  the  crater,  it  was  almost  certain 
to  kill  one  or  more.  At  twelve  o’clock  the  men  were  ordered  to 
withdraw,  every  man  for  himself;  it  was  three  o’clock  p.m.  when  they 
fell  back.  There  was  no  formal  withdrawal ; the  men  saved  them- 
selves as  best  they  could. 

The  enemy  took  many  prisoners,  and  our  loss  was  sickening,  with 
no  results  but  humiliating  failure.  The  only  compensating  fact  was 
the  heroism  brought  out  in  the  encounter. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


I cannot  refrain  from  narrating  one  incident  told  to  me.  Captain 
Greggs,  of  the  Forty-fifth  Pennsylvania,  an  old  Mexican  soldier,  was 
present  near  the  edge  of  the  crater.  A rebel  officer,  at  an  embrasure 
on  the  other  side  near  Greggs,  pointed  a rifle  at  his  head,  and  called 
upon  him  to  surrender.  With  a quick  movement  of  his  arm,  Greggs 
knocked  away  the  hand  of  the  rebel  officer,  at  the  same  time  drawing 
his  sword  with  the  other,  and  running  him  through.  The  officer, 
impaled  with  the  sword,  fell  back  on  the  other  side  of  the  breastwork. 
General  Bartlett,  seeing  the  daring  act,  unbuckled  his  sword-belt, 
and  presented  it  to  Greggs,  saying,  “ Captain,  you  are  more  worthy 
to  wear  it  than  I am.”  It  was  truly  a recognition  of  gallantry  by  a 
brave  officer. 

General  W.  F.  Bartlett,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  captured. 
Mis  wooden  leg  would  not  permit  him  to  get  away.  The  brave 
Greggs  escaped  the  enemy’s  bullets,  but  while  on  a craft  going  down 
James  River,  a few  days  afterwards,  and  with  this  sword  lying  across 
his  knee,  it  slipped  from  the  scabbard  and  was  lost  overboard. 

We  all  felt  blue  and  discouraged  after  the  miserable  affair  of  the 
crater,  which,  if  it  had  been  well  managed,  would  have  brought  us 
glory  with  as  little  loss  as  was  sustained.  The  casualties  in  this 
disgraceful  affair,  all  told,  are  reported  by  Meade  at  forty-four  hun- 
dred. We  had  lost  where  we  should  have  won. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 


THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN. 

IN  the  spring  of  1865  the  Confederacy  was  in  straitened  circum- 
stances. Charleston  and  Savannah  had  fallen  ; Sherman  had  laid 
waste  the  heart  of  the  country,  and  had  marched  his  victorious  army 
up  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  established  it  at  Goldsboro,  North  Caro- 
lina, 145  miles  south  of  Petersburg,  prepared  to  join,  if  need  be,  in 
Lee’s  destruction.  Hood’s  army  had  been  scattered  or  destroyed  by 
Thomas  ; Sheridan  had  driven  out  Early,  and  desolated  the  Shenan- 
doah Valley. 

The  suffering  inflicted  upon  the  South  by  four  years  of  war  had 
also  produced  its  moral  effects  upon  that  brave  people.  While  they 
desired  the  success  of  their  armies,  they  did  not  so  much  lack  men  as 
willingness  to  contribute  to  the  fighting  force  of  the  Confederacy. 
A number  of  able-bodied  men,  sufficient  to  fill  up  the  ranks  of  two 
armies  as  large  as  that  under  Lee,  avoided  the  conscription.  Armed 
deserters  were  in  all  the  mountain  regions  of  the  South.  The 
desertions  from  Lee’s  army  alone  were  so  frequent  that  there  were 
twice  as  many  men  on  his  rolls  as  in  his  ranks.  Added  to  this,  the 
grim  policy  promoted  by  Grant,  of  non-exchange  of  prisoners,  kept 
out  of  the  fight  men  enough  for  two  armies  like  that  which  defended 
Richmond. 

The  question  of  supplies,  always  a vital  one  in  war,  had  also 
become  a very  serious  one  for  the  rebel  armies.  All  signs  pointed  to 
an  early  collapse  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

The  brave  men  under  Lee,  who  had  so  long  defended  the  Con- 
federacy by  their  arms,  were  still  capable  of  great  deeds.  Knowing 
that  the  end  was  near,  they  yet  desired  to  struggle  worthily,  until 
their  last  hope  should  have  died  out. 

With  a view  to  evacuate  Petersburg  and  Richmond,  join  his  army 
with  that  of  Johnston,  and  still  maintain  the  struggle,  Lee  planned 


337 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


to  compel  the  retirement  of  our  left  flank,  so  as  to  relieve  his  pro- 
posed line  of  retreat  by  the  Cox  road.  This  road  follows  the  line 
of  the  Appomattox,  above  the  Boydton  plank  road,  and  is  the  short- 
est line  to  Amelia  Court-House.  Here  he  proposed  to  concentrate 
his  columns  on  the  Danville  Railroad,  preparatory  to  moving  farther 
south. 


ATTACK  ON  FORT  STEADMAN. 

By  seizing  Fort  Steadman  and  its  adjacent  works,  Lee  proposed 
to  crown  the  high  land  with  artillery,  and  lay  hold  of  our  railroad  to 
City  Point.  He  believed  that  this  blow  would  compel  Grant  to 
recover  his  communications,  and,  in  any  event,  by  forcing  our  left 
flank  to  retire,  leave  free  the  line  for  the  proposed  concentration  of 
his  troops  in  retreat  at  Amelia  Court-House. 

The  lines  of  the  opposing  forces  at  Fort  Steadman  were  not  over 
a hundred  yards  apart.  This  point  bristled  with  clieveanx  de  frise 
and  line  upon  line  of  intrenchments. 

Deserters  had  been  in  the  habit  of  leaving  the  Confederate  lines 
in  large  numbers,  and  coming  over  to  us,  bringing  their  arms.  Avail- 
ing themselves  of  this  fact,  some  of  General  Gordon’s  rebels  walked 
out  to  the  Union  picket  lines,  on  the  night  of  the  24th,  as  if  they 
were  about  to  desert  ; captured  our  pickets,  and  sent  them  to  the 
rear  ; charged  through  the  gap  thus  made,  took  the  main  line  by  sur- 
prise, and  captured  Fort  Steadman  and  the  first  division  of  the  Ninth 
Corps.  They  then  turned  the  guns  of  the  captured  forts  upon  our 
neighboring  intrenchments,  compelling  the  abandonment  of  batteries 
“9,”  “ 10,"  “ 11,”  on  its  flank,  and  pushed  their  skirmishers  towards 
the  City  Point  Railroad. 

The  successes  of  the  enemy  were  but  transient ; for  they  not  only 
soon  found  themselves  under  a terrible  artillery  fire  from  our  flanks, 
but  Hartranft's  division  of  the  Ninth  Corps  made  a counter-charge, 
and,  rather  than  retreat  under  the  terrible  cross-fire  converged  upon 
them,  they  yielded  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 

The  enemy  lost  four  thousand  men  in  their  short-lived  possession 
of  Fort  Steadman. 

The  Second  and  Sixth  Corps  were  then  thrown  forward  by  Gen- 
eral Meade,  and  the  strongly  intrenched  picket  line  in  front  of  these 


ATTACK  ON  TOUT  STEADMAN. 


339 


corps  was  captured,  thus  pressing  more  closely  that  portion  of  his 
line  which  Lee  above  all  wished  to  have  secure. 

Thus  ended  in  complete  failure  the  execution  of  the  plans  on 
which  his  last  hopes  for  successful  retreat  depended. 

For  months  preceding  the  campaign  about  to  open,  Grant  had 
been  fearful  that  Lee  might  give  him  the  slip,  by  moving  out  from 
his  intrenchments,  falling  back  into  the  interior,  and  joining  his 
forces  with  those  of  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston.  Such  a movement 
would  compel  him  to  follow  his  opponent  at  a great  distance  from  his 
base,  and  thus  prolong  the  strife. 

Grant  had  fixed  the  29th  of  March  as  the  time  for  a general 
movement  of  all  his  forces  against  the  enemy  ; and  Lee's  initiative  at 
Fort  Steadman  had  neither  hurried  nor  retarded  the  plans  of  the 
grim  general  at  City  Point,  whose  resolve  was  fixed,  like  fate,  for  the 
overthrow  of  Lee’s  army. 

The  disposition  of  troops  on  the  29th  was  as  follows  : Sheridan  was 
near  Dinwiddie  Court-House,  on  our  extreme  left  ; Weitzel  was  in 
front  of  Richmond,  on  the  right ; a portion  of  the  Army  of  the  James 
was  holding  the  works  in  front  of  Petersburg,  while  Ord  extended 
his  line  from  Hatche  Run  to  the  Vaughn  road,  and  Warren  was  on 
the  left  reaching  from  the  Vaughn  road  to  the  Boyton  plank  road. 

The  weather  for  several  days  had  been  good,  and,  when  the 
movement  began,  on  the  extreme  right  flank,  the  roads,  which  in 
that  country  are  usually  knee  deep  with  either  dust  or  mud,  were 
considered  in  a passable  condition. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  29th  the  skies  were  overcast  with  clouds, 
and  in  the  evening  the  rain  poured  down  in  torrents,  stirring  up  the 
soil  into  a stiff  batter,  and  making  the  roads  decidedly  difficult  for 
pedestrian  soldiers  to  travel. 

On  the  30th  General  Sheridan  moved  forward  towards  Five 
Forks,  a position  where  a number  of  roads  converge,  about  eight 
miles  southwest  of  Petersburg. 

A comrade  of  the  Fifth  Corps  says,  “ On  the  29th  we  broke 
camp,  and  marched  towards  Dinwiddie  Court-House,  over  a country 
rendered  rough  with  ravines  and  rocks,  and  covered  with  dense, 
tangled  forests,  traversed  here  and  there  by  streams.  About  noon, 
encountering  the  enemy’s  pickets,  we  advanced  through  the  woods  at 


340 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


double-quick,  the  wild  thorn  bushes  and  vines  tearing  our  clothes 
and  flesh.  While  crossing  over  a field  where  a skirmish  had  taken 
place,  I saw  a boy  kneeling  by  the  side  of  a gray-haired,  dying 
soldier.  It  was  his  father,  who  had  fallen  shortly  before.” 


The  Dying  Confederate. 


When  night  came,  it  began  to  rain,  and  the  flooded  roads  were 
soon  knee  deep  with  quicksand  and  a reddish  mud. 

The  next  morning  we  built  intrenchments,  using  the  hewn  logs 
of  a barn  for  the  purpose.  It  was  cold,  wet,  and  cheerless.  We  saw 
through  the  mist,  as  daylight  came,  the  enemy’s  intrenched  line  in 
our  front,  some  eighty  rods  distant.  As  we  were  lying  on  our  faces, 
our  hands  and  clothing  were  covered  with  red  mud,  and  as  our 
clothing  was  torn  in  the  woods  the  day  previous,  we  did  not  much 
resemble  the  respectable  regiment  that  had  begun  the  march  on 
the  29th. 


ATTACK  ON  FORT  STEADMAN. 


341 


General  Warren  rode  by  our  lines  in  the  rain  which  deluged  us, 
when  one  of  our  men  shouted  out,  “ Say,  General,  why  don’t  you 
bring  up  the  pontoons  and  the  gun-boats?” 

On  the  31st  Warren  moved  his  entire  corps  westward  from  the 
Boydton  plank  road,  closely  pressing  the  intrenchments  of  the 
Confederates  on  the  White  Oak  road.  The  position  of  the  Fifth 
Corps  was  quite  difficult,  as  it  formed  the  left  of  the  Union  line, 
and  had  to  protect  its  own  flank. 

Warren,  not  believing  in  long  weak  lines,  massed  his  troops,  so 
that  they  could  be  quickly  reinforced,  at  any  desirable  point,  and 
then  threw  forward  his  skirmishers  in  an  attempt  to  seize  the  White 
Oak  road  just  beyond  the  point  where  the  enemy’s  intrenchments 
terminated.  This  movement,  if  successful,  would  have  cut  off  Lee’s 
direct  communication  with  Pickett  at  Five  Forks. 

The  movement  had  hardly  begun,  when  the  enemy  attacked  both 
from  the  north  and  west  in  one  of  their  most  furious  sallies.  Under 
their  terrible  attack  Ayer’s  troops,  overpowered,  fell  back  upon 
Griffin's  division  which  was  formed  echelon  in  its  rear. 

General  Humphrey  sent  Miles’s  division  to  support  the  Fifth 
Corps,  and  then  a counter-attack  was  made  on  the  enemy  who  were 
driven  to  their  intrenchments. 

Chamberlain’s  brigade  of  Warren’s  corps  especially  distinguished 
itself  in  this  counter-attack  by  capturing  the  Fifty-sixth  Virginia 
and  its  colors. 

It  was  four  o’clock  when  this  battle  at  Gravelly  Run  was  won, 
but  on  the  extreme  left  the  distant  roar  of  conflict  told  our  men  that 
Sheridan  was  fighting  the  enemy  at  Dinwiddie  Court-House. 

Slowly  the  tide  of  battle  seemed  to  recede,  which  showed  Warren 
that  the  enemy  were  driving  that  intrepid  commander  — Sheridan. 
Soon  marching  orders  came  to  General  Bartlett  of  the  Third  Brigade, 
and  says  my  comrade,  “We  marched  to  the  sound  of  the  battle,  over 
narrow  roads,  lined  on  either  side  with  a dense  growth  of  pines. 
The  darkness  soon  came  on,  and  we  lay  down  to  rest,  when  we 
discovered  that  the  enemy’s  lines  were  so  near  us  that  we  could  not 
only  hear  their  pickets  talking,  but  could  hear  the  conversation  of 
soldiers  in  their  intrenchments.  The  situation  required  us  to  retrace 
our  steps,  which  we  did  quickly.” 


342 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


FIVE  FORKS. 

It  was  clear  and  cold  on  the  morning  of  April  i,  1865,  when  the 
Fifth  Corps  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Five  Forks.  At  ten  o’clock 
the  line  halted.  Lee  had  guarded  the  South-side  Railroad  with 
intrenchments  running  parallel  with  this  road  for  its  defences.  Five 
Forks  might  be  called  the  key  point  of  the  intrenched  lines,  which, 
if  broken,  opened  the  region  that  Lee  was  endeavoring  to  cover. 
This  position  we  were  about  to  attack. 

The  Fifth  Corps,  up  to  this  time,  had  borne  the  brunt  of  the 
fighting  since  the  army  began  its  march  on  the  29th.  Every  veteran 
in  rank  knew  that  a crushing  blow  was  about  to  be  delivered  at  a 
vital  point  in  the  enemy's  lines.  The  private  soldiers  were  as  anxious 
for  its  success  as  their  commanders. 

Sheridan  had  what  he  designated  as  “ one  of  the  liveliest  times 
of  his  life,”  the  day  previous,  and  was  now  chafing  with  impatience 
to  “go  for  them.”  He  was  seen  at  different  parts  of  the  line,  on  his 
powerful  black  horse,  urging,  vociferating,  striking  his  clinched  fist 
into  the  palm  of  his  hand,  and  — possibly  swearing.  He  was  heard 
to  exclaim,  “ My  cavalry  are  using  up  their  ammunition,  and  we’ve  got 
to  hurry  up  things  ! ” 

When,  at  two  o’clock,  the  Fifth  Corps  was  formed  in  double  line 
of  battle,  Sheridan  was  heard  exclaiming,  “This  battle  must  be 
fought  on  the  jump  ! We’ve  got  to  smash  'em  before  sundown  ! ” 

Our  battle  line  of  weather-beaten  soldiers  was  moving  into  posi- 
tion with  the  steady  swing  of  veterans,  as  Sheridan,  accompanied  by 
his  staff  and  scouts  (the  latter  wearing  the  Confederate  uniform), 
came  dashing  along  the  line,  uttering  exclamations,  and  vociferating 
encouragement  on  every  side.  “ We’ll  get  the  twist  on  ’em,  boys  ! 
There  won’t  be  a grease  spot  of  ’em  left  when  we  are  done  with 
’em  ! ” he  shouted.  He  seemed  the  very  impersonation  of  action. 

Sheridan’s  superiority  as  a commander  consisted  not  in  any  new 
application  of  the  rules  of  war,  but  in  his  skilful  combination  in  the 
use  of  cavalry  with  infantry. 

Sheridan  began  this  battle  by  the  use  of  his  cavalry  as  an  impen- 
etrable mask  behind  which  to  manoeuvre  his  infantry. 

First,  with  them,  he  drove  the  enemy  from  his  temporary  lines 
to  his  intrenchments  on  the  White  Oak  road,  then  feinting  as  if  to 


FIVE  FORKS. 


343 


turn  the  Confederate  right  with  them,  he  brought  the  pressure  of  his 
infantry  to  fall  on  the  left  flank  of  his  antagonist.  At  the  same  time 
he  protected  his  left  flank  with  cavalry ; defeated  and  drove  back  a 
small  force  of  the  enemy  found  advancing  from  Petersburg. 

At  four  o’clock  the  Fifth  Corps  moved  forward  to  the  White  Oak 
road,  where  it  changed  front  and  faced  west.  In  this  manoeuvre 
Ayer’s  division,  being  the  pivot  of  the  move- 
‘ ^ ment,  effected  its  change  of  front  first,  and 

encountered  the  enemy’s  skirmishers  in  front  of 
a strong  breastwork  behind  a thick  veil  of  pines. 

While  struggling  over 
the  boggy  ground,  and 
through  the  dense  un- 
derbrush in  front  of 
these  works,  they  were 


Shericlan  at  Fiue  Forks. 


staggered  by  a terrible 
fire,  which  drove  them 
back  in  confusion. 

Sheridan,  who  hap- 
pened to  be  present  at 


this  critical  moment,  rushed  into  their  disordered  lines,  exclaiming, 
“Close  up  your  ranks,  boys  ; we’ll  get  ’em  yet ! Where  is  my  battle 


344 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


flag.”  Then,  taking  it  from  the  hands  of  the  sergeant  who  carried 
it,  he  waved  the  crimson  and  white  banner,  cheering  and  urging  the 
men  to  close  up  their  ranks  again.  The  bullets  pattered  around  him 
like  rain,  and  the  sergeant  who  had  carried  the  flag  was  killed. 
Soon  the  ranks  were  steadied,  and  the  veterans  rushed  forward  with 
fixed  bayonets  upon  the  enemy’s  works,  killing  or  capturing  those 
who  did  not  run. 

Sheridan  was  soon  in  the  captured  works,  and  was  heard  to  say 
to  the  prisoners,  in  a vein  of  good-natured  raillery,  “ We  want  every 
one  of  you!  Drop  your  guns, — you’ll  never  need  them  again! 
You’ll  be  safe  now  we’ve  got  you!”  One  thousand  five  hundred 
men  were  captured  at  this  angle  of  the  enemy’s  works. 

The  enemy  was  entrapped  and  enveloped  on  every  side.  Griffin’s 
division  was  drawn  towards  the  left  to  close  up  an  interval,  and  fell 
unexpectedly  on  the  enemy’s  rear.  A comrade  of  that  division  says, 
“We  had  reached  a hill,  and  looking  down  through  the  trees  saw  the 
enemy’s  breastworks  but  a little  distance  from  us. 

“ We  then  silently  formed  our  lines  and  charged  on  them  with  a 
wild  cheer.  The  enemy,  not  aware  of  our  presence  in  their  rear,  had 
not  made  preparations  for  our  entertainment,  and  so  threw  down 
their  guns  without  firing  a shot.” 

Discovering,  however,  that  they  had  been  out-manoeuvred  and  not 
out-numbered,  and  that  they  had  made  a blunder  in  surrendering, 
their  officers  rallied  them,  and  they  resumed  the  fight.  A hand  to 
hand  encounter  that  baffles  description  then  began.  Men  were 
bayoneted,  brains  were  knocked  out  with  muskets,  and  acts  of 
individual  bravery  performed  that  would,  if  narrated,  fill  volumes. 
Groups  of  our  men,  who,  after  the  Confederates  had  surrendered,  had 
been  separated  from  comrades,  fought  their  way  through  the  dis- 
ordered mass  of  Confederates.  Shouts  and  screams,  curses  and 
cheers,  mingled  in  a babel  of  sounds,  amid  a mob  of  mingled  con- 
testants. 

This  desperate  fight  was  raging  when  the  cavalry  bugles  were 
heard,  and  from  the  woods,  a few  rods  distant,  there  came  with  a 
cheer  a squadron  of  cavalry  rushing  over  the  works.  Sheridan  soon 
followed,  exclaiming  “Smash  ’em,  boys!  smash  ’em!” 

The  rebel  works  were  now  in  our  possession,  and  the  brave  but 
dejected  Confederates  were  marched  to  the  rear. 


FIVE  FORKS. 


345 


We  had  too  much  respect  for  these  brave  men  to  jeer  at  them, 
but  good-natured  jokes  passed  from  line  to  line. 

“You’ns  didn’t  outfight  we’uns ; you’ns  played  a right  smart 
Yankee  trick  on  we’uns.” 

“ Don’t  growl,  Johnnie,  all  is  fair  in  war  ! We’ll  take  better  care 
of  you  than  your  Uncle  Robert  can  !”  was  the  good-natured  response. 

The  fight  was  over,  the  sun  had  gone  down,  but  for  these  veter- 
ans of  the  Fifth  Corps,  there  was  no  rest.  All  night  groups  of  men 
looked  for  wounded  or  dead  comrades,  and  buried  the  dead.  Their 
hearts  were  both  glad  and  sad.  Sad  that  friends  and  comrades  had 
fallen  ; glad  that  victory  brought  to  them  the  light  of  dawning  peace. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 


THE  RACE  FOR  LIFE. 

WHEN  the  news  of  Sheridan’s  successes  at  Five  Forks  reached 
Grant,  he  opened  fire  on  the  enemy  from  the  artillery  that 
studded  the  lines  in  front  of  Petersburg,  thundering  from  the  mouths 
of  an  hundred  guns  a pean  of  victory.  He  also  ordered  Wright, 
Park,  and  Ord  to  attack  the  enemy  in  their  front  on  the  morning  of 
the  2d.  As  a result,  the  Confederates  were  pressed  back  into  the 
outer  defences  around  Petersburg. 

Hard  pressed,  Longstreet,  who  had  reinforced  Fort  Greggs,  was 
yet  able  to  protract  a resistance,  which  gave  time  for  Fee  to  commu- 
nicate with  the  government  at  the  Confederate  capital  his  purpose  of 
speedily  abandoning  the  lines  before  Petersburg  and  Richmond. 

Fee  plainly  saw  that  all  moves  but  one  would  end  in  checkmate  ; 
that  there  was  but  one  line  of  retreat  that  did  not  foreshadow  disas- 
ter, and  that  one  was  the  line  still  open  on  the  left  banks  of  the 
Appomattox.  He  was  confident,  however,  of  making  a successful 
retreat,  and  cheerfully  said,  “ I’ve  got  my  army  safely  out  of  its 
breastworks,  and,  in  order  to  follow  me,  my  enemy  must  abandon  his 
lines,  and  can  derive  no  further  benefit  from  the  railroad  on  James 
River.” 

It  was  only  the  prodigous  vigor  of  Grant,  in  pushing  forward  the 
pursuit,  and  of  Sheridan’s  untiring  ardor  and  energy,  that  foiled  Fee 
in  his  purpose  of  uniting  his  army  with  that  of  Johnston. 

On  the  morning  of  April  3d,  the  burning  city  of  Richmond 
apprised  Weitzel  of  its  evacuation  ; that  the  city  which  for  four  years 
of  war  had  been  defended  with  almost  superhuman  energy  and  skill, 
had  at  last  fallen. 

The  irony  of  fate  was  shown  in  its  surrender,  by  the  civil  authori- 
ties, to  the  black  troops  of  Weitzel. 

Grant  had  meanwhile  thoughtfully  conveyed  to  Sheridan’s  sol- 
diers intelligence  of  Richmond’s  downfall,  for  their  encouragement. 

346 


THE  RACE  FOR  LIFE. 


347 


On  the  2cl  of  April,  the  Fifth  Corps  set  out  on  its  march  from 
Gravelly  Run  to  Five  Forks  in  high  spirits.  “As  we  hopefully 
marched  forward,”  says  a comrade,  “preceded  by  cavalry  with  whom 
we  joked,  raced,  and  traded  for  chickens,  an  officer,  riding  down  the 
road,  excitedly  swinging  his  hat,  shouted  that  Richmond  and  Peters- 
burg were  evacuated  ! We  at  first  were  sceptical.  Our  hopes  had 
been  fed  on  fictitious  victories  to  some  extent  during  three  years, 
and  we  shouted  back  derisively,  ‘No,  you  don’t!’  ‘April  fool!’ 
‘ Put  him  in  an  ice  box  ! ’ ‘ Poultice  his  head  with  hard-tack  ! ’ and 

the  usual  slang  in  vogue  among  soldiers  of  that  period.” 

Thus  was  received  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Richmond  by  the 
veterans  who  had  been  largely  instrumental  in  its  accomplishment. 
The  news,  that  at  last  there  was  a break  in  that  undaunted  front  of 
the  heroic  army  of  Northern  Virginia,  literally  seemed  too  good  to  be 
true.  What  a thrill  of  exultation  ran  through  our  ranks  when  we 
were  satisfied  of  its  truth  ! We  cheered  until  we  were  hoarse,  threw 
up  our  caps,  shook  hands  with  each  other,  and  at  the  same  time 
marched  forward  to  the  final  battle  before  us. 

In  that  terrible  race  for  life,  Lee  was  attempting  to  reach  Burke- 
ville  ; for  should  he  fail  to  reach  this  point  before  the  Union  troops, 
he  would  be  forced  off  the  direct  Danville  line,  and  could  only 
recover  it  again  with  great  difficulty. 

Before  leaving  Richmond,  he  had  sent  forward  rations  for  his 
army  to  Amelia  Court-House.  But  fate,  which  had  so  often  be- 
friended him,  proved  treacherous  at  last ; for,  on  his  arrival  at 
Amelia,  he  learned  that  the  train  with  rations  had  been  returned  by 
mistake  to  Richmond,  and  his  army  was  left  unprovisioned.  He 
could  not,  therefore,  keep  his  men  together,  as  he  had  planned,  to 
defeat  in  detail  the  detached  Union  forces  set  against  him.  They 
must  in  part  be  sent  out  in  foraging  parties  to  gather  rations  for  his 
half-starved  army.  This  detained  him  until  the  5th  of  April. 

This  unforeseen  delay  was  the  fatal  break  in  Lee’s  plans,  which 
enabled  Sheridan  and  the  Fifth  Corps  to  intercept  the  Confederate 
line  of  retreat,  and  cut  off  the  Danville  Railroad,  seven  miles  south- 
west from  Amelia  Court-House. 

On  the  afternoon  of  April  5th  Meade  had  joined  his  forces  with 
those  of  Sheridan  at  Jetersville,  and  Lee  now  had  no  alternative  but 
to  escape  to  the  mountains  beyond  Lynchburg.  When,  therefore,  on 


348 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


the  morning  of  the  6th,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  moved  forward  to 
attack,  they  found  Lee  had  departed. 

Meanwhile  the  Army  of  the  James  had  arrived  by  the  line  of  the 
Lynchburg  Railroad  to  Burkeville,  and  on  the  6th  it  had  marched 
towards  Farmville.  Its  cavalry  met  the  head  of  Lee’s  column,  and 
so  delayed  his  movements  that  the  remainder  of  the  Army  of  the 
James  arrived  before  Lee  could  get  away. 

Sheridan,  now  separated  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  was 
pushing  his  way  in  a southerly  direction,  on  lines  parallel  to  the 
Confederate  retreat,  with  a confidence  and  vigor  that  words  cannot 
adequately  express.  On  the  6th  he  destroyed  a Confederate  wagon 
train,  accompanied  by  a formidable  escort  of  infantry  and  artillery. 
Sixteen  pieces  of  artillery  and  many  prisoners  were  captured,  and  the 
four  hundred  wagons  of  the  train  were  burned.  Ewell,  with  his 
cavalry,  which  had  been  following  this  train,  was  cut  off  by  Sheridan, 
who  charged  this  force  with  his  troopers,  and  otherwise  delayed  it 
until  the  van  of  the  Sixth  Corps  had  arrived.  Ewell  fell  back,  fight- 
ing ; turning  again  and  again  in  sudden  attacks  and  furious  sallies, 
showing,  even  in  defeat  and  retreat,  while  surrounded  and  harassed 
by  enemies,  that  his  men  and  their  commander  were  worthy  to  be 
named  as  veteran  soldiers  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia. 

At  last,  pressed  also  on  the  right  by  the  Second  Corps  of  the 
Union  Army,  he  surrendered  all  that  remained  of  his  command. 

Meanwhile  Lee,  with  the  devoted  followers  left  to  him,  continued 
the  retreat  and  reached  Farmville,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Appo- 
mattox, during  the  night. 

Bleeding  with  wounds,  fainting  from  fatigue,  harassed  by  ene- 
mies, without  rations,  almost  without  hope,  environed  by  miseries  on 
all  sides,  they  still  continued  the  unequalled  race.  One  must  be 
lacking  in  the  common  elements  of  manhood,  who  does  not  feel  a 
thrill  of  admiration  and  pity  for  these  brave  men  and  their  great 
commander,  in  this  their  last  struggle. 

A meeting  of  Lee’s  chief  officers  around  the  bivouac  fire  that 
night  counselled  him  that  there  was  no  alternative  left  to  his  army 
but  surrender. 

Lee,  however,  had  not  abandoned  all  hope,  and  began  once  more 
his  desperate  race  for  life.  He  crossed  the  Appomattox  River, 
setting  fire  to  the  bridges  to  prevent  pursuit,  when  the  Second  Corps 


THE  RACE  FOR  LIFE. 


349 


of  the  Union  army  overtook  his  rear-guard  at  High  Bridge,  saved  the 
wagon  road  bridge,  and  crossed  on  it  in  pursuit,  until  it  found  the 
Confederate  army  intrenched  in  a formidable  position.  They  at- 
tacked, but  were  repulsed.  During  the  night  Lee  continued  his 
retreat  by  the  narrow  neck  of  land  formed  by  the  Appomattox  and 
the  James  rivers.  If  Sheridan,  who  was  hurrying  with  prodigous  vigor 
to  close  this  narrow  outlet,  was  successful,  all  hope  for  the  Confed- 
erates was  lost. 

In  answer  to  a letter  received  from  General  Grant  on  the  night  of 
April  8th,  asking  for  the  surrender  of  his  army,  Lee,  with  a touch 
of  mingled  audacity  and  irony,  had  replied,  “ I do  not  think  the 
emergency  has  arisen  to  call  for  the  surrender  of  this  army  ; but,  as 
the  restoration  of  peace  should  be  the  sole  object  of  all,  I desire  to 
know  whether  your  proposal  would  lead  to  that  end.” 

Grant  received  this  note  about  midnight,  and  replied  in  substance, 
“I  have  no  authority  to  treat  on  the  subject  of  peace.  ...  I will 
state,  however,  General,  that  I am  equally  anxious  for  peace  with 
yourself,  and  the  whole  North  entertain  the  same  feeling.  ...  By 
the  South  laying  down  their  arms,  they  will  hasten  that  most  desir- 
able event.” 

Before  Lee  received  this  letter,  Sheridan  had  arrived  at  Appo- 
mattox Station  on  the  Lynchburg  Railroad,  and  there  captured  four 
trains  of  cars,  loaded  with  supplies  for  Lee’s  starving  veterans.  He 
then  encountered  and  drove  back  the  Confederate  vanguard, . and 
planted  himself  squarely  across  the  outlet  of  Lee’s  only  path  for 
escape. 

Thus  pressed,  a thin  line  of  wearied  Confederates,  under  Gordon 
and  Longstreet,  began  the  attempt  to  cut  its  way  through  Sheridan’s 
lines.  All  that  now  remained  of  Lee’s  army  was  about  eight  thou- 
sand men,  and  these,  though  hungry  and  despairing,  began  the  fight 
with  all  their  old  impetuosity  and  vim.  Sheridan  directed  his  troop- 
ers who  had  dismounted,  the  better  to  carry  on  the  fight,  to  fall  back 
slowly,  in  order  to  give  the  Fifth  Corps  time  to  get  up. 

When  at  last  the  Confederate  army  caught  sight  of  the  gleaming 
bayonets  and  blue  masses  of  the  Union  infantry  advancing,  they 
knew  that  all  was  over. 

Sheridan  had  ordered  a charge  upon  the  Confederates,  when  an 
officer  bearing  a white  flag,  with  a letter  from  Lee,  asking  for  a sus- 


35° 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


pension  of  hostilities  with  a view  to  surrendering  his  army,  rode  to 
our  lines. 

The  surrender  took  place  at  a dwelling  at  Appomattox  Court- 

House.  All  officers 
and  men  gave  their 
paroles  not  to  take  up 
arms  against  the 
United  States  until 
properly  exchanged. 
Officers  were  allowed 
their  private  baggage 
and  side  arms,  and 
soldiers  who  owned 
horses  were  allowed 
to  take  them  home  to 
till  their  little  farms. 
More  generous 
terms  were  never 
given  to  a con- 


The  Flag  of  Truce. 

quered  foe,  — terms  in  keeping  with  the  generosity  of  brave  soldiers, 
to  those  who  were  no  longer  enemies  but  countrymen. 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  ArMV  OF  VIRGINIA.  1‘tlg'C  ij 


LAYING  DOWN  THEIR  ARMS. 


351 


“ LAYING  DOWN  THEIR  ARMS.” 

My  comrade  of  the  Fifth  Corps  says,  “After  the  battle  of  Five 
Forks,  we  used  our  legs  more  than  we  did  our  arms.  The  foraging 
was  good,  and  our  captures  of  that  nature  consisted  of  chickens, 
ducks,  bacon,  sheep,  molasses,  and  tobacco,  to  which  we  helped  our- 
selves, after  the  usual  manner  of  soldiers. 

“The  roads  over  which  we  passed  were  crowded  with  artillery, 
baggage  wagons,  and  cavalry,  all  hurrying  and  crowding,  each  claim- 
ing the  right  of  way  over  its  competitors.  We  were  not  very  good- 
natured,  and  did  not  scruple  to  beat  with  the  butt  of  our  muskets 
anything  that  disputed  our  right  of  way,  including  cavalry. 

“On  the  8th  of  April  we  had  a march  of  thirty-five  miles,  and  that 
distance,  when  travelled  over  Virginia  roads,  was,  I believe,  equal  at 
least  to  forty  miles  of  marching  over  any  other  roads  of  any  other 
country  in  the  world. 

“ Though  foraging  was  good,  but  little  opportunity  was  given  us 
for  cooking.  As  night  came,  regiments  became  separated  from 
brigades,  and  companies  broke  up  into  squads,  so  obstructed  were 
the  roads.  At  three  o’clock  in  the  morning  I had  got  up  with  my 
division,  from  which  I had  for  some  time  been  separated.  It  was 
just  starting  out. 

“ Sheridan  had  just  sent  back  word  that  Lee  was  at  bay,  and  that 
we  must  hurry  up  and  finish  him.  Linder  this  incentive  we  marched 
all  night  with  great  rapidity.  The  morning  of  the  gth  of  April 
dawned,  bright  and  balmy. 

“ Our  wearied  men  had  halted,  and  we  were  engaged  in  gathering 
rails  and  other  fuel  to  cook  our  rations,  when  the  bugle  again  sounded, 

‘ Fall  in  ! fall  in  ! ’ 

“ Heavy  firing  was  heard  not  a mile  distant,  and  in  spite  of  hunger 
and  fatigue  we  hurried  forward.  We  had  not  gone  far  when  we  met 

o o 

broken  squads  of  cavalry,  who  told  us  they  had  been  fighting  all 
night,  and  said  one,  to  emphasize  the  fact,  ‘We’ve  had  a regular 
nightmare,  though  we’ve  not  had  any  sleep.’ 

“As  we  marched  on  we  came  to  a hill,  where  we  saw  Sheridan 
surrounded  by  his  officers.  Then  our  men,  who  had  been  in  hopes 
that  they  had  only  a skirmish  before  them,  and  that  they  would  soon 
get  a chance  to  cook  their  food,  on  seeing  Sheridan,  exclaimed : 


352 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A ERL  FATE. 


‘The  devil’s  to  pay!  There  are  no  rations,  nothing  but  fighting 
where  he  is  ! ’ That  was  the  common  opinion,  and  was  probably  the 
one  at  that  time  entertained  by  the  enemy. 

“ The  enemy’s  artillery  opened  on  us  as  we  advanced,  and  a shell 
struck  and  burst  in  a barn  on  the  line  of  our  advance.  A cackling 
of  hens  showed  us  its  occupants.  So  we  took  them  in  as  we  went 
along  ; and  such  a ridiculous  squawking  and  fluttering  of  hens  (as  the 
men,  in  spite  of  orders,  gathered  them  in)  was,  I think,  never  before 
seen  on  a line  of  battle. 

“ This  charge  meant,  apparently,  death  to  many  in  our  ranks,  and  a 
soldier  is  not  anxious  to  die  when  he  is  hungry,  or  at  any  other  time  ; 
bosh,  to  the  contrary,  notwithstanding.  That  was  our  excuse  for 


Feeding  the  Rebs. 


taking  in  these  hens,  on  such  a serious  occasion.  We  descended  the 
hill  to  attack  the  Confederates  on  the  hill  opposite,  and  notwith- 
standing the  episode  narrated,  many  of  us  looked  serious. 

“As  we  advanced,  we  saw  the  flutter  of  something  white  on  the 
enemy’s  lines.  We  soon  saw  that  it  was  a flag,  but  little  did  we  then 
comprehend  its  meaning.  Some  in  our  ranks  were  even  heard  to 
growl,  ‘ It’s  a signal  to  attack ! ’ At  a brisk  gallop  a mounted  officer, 


LAYING  DOWN  THEIR  ARMS. 


353 


bearing  the  flag,  rode  forward  to  within  a few  rods  of  our  lines,  and 
turned  to  the  right,  where  Sheridan  had  gone  an  instant  before. 
Still  we  went  forward  down  the  hill,  to  attack,  when  one  of  Sheri- 
dan’s staff  came  from  the  wood,  swinging  his  hat,  and  yelling  at  the 
top  of  his  voice,  ‘ Halt,  men  ! Halt  ! Lee  has  surrendered  ! ’ 

“ At  first  we  did  not  believe  it  (for  old  veterans  do  not  believe 
everything  they  hear,  like  recruits),  but  at  last,  when  convinced  of 
its  truth,  we  shouted,  threw  up  our  hats,  hurrahed  and  hurrahed,  and 
even  cried  for  joy. 

“ Our  long  marches  and  battles  and  hardships  were  over.  During 
the  advance,  the  line  of  our  late  enemies  was  withdrawn,  and  later  a 
large  number  of  Confederates  came  over  to  see  us.  We  gave  them 
rations,  and  even  divided  with  them  our  eggs  and  captured  hens, 
which  had  been  cooked.  One  would  not  have  thought,  to  have  seen 
us,  that  we  had  ever  been  enemies.  We  made  coffee  for  them,  and 
drank  from  the  same  tin  cups,  if  not  ‘ from  the  same  canteens.’ 
Some  of  us  gave  them  all  the  rations  we  had  and  went  hungry  our- 
selves. They  were  most  of  them  wearied,  earnest-looking  men, 
wearing  butternut-colored  and  gray  clothing  and  broad-brimmed 
soft  hats. 

“For  two  or  three  days,  while  preparations  were  being  made  for 
the  formal  surrender,  we  camped  on  the  hill-side.  To  our  brigade, 
commanded  by  General  Chamberlain,  the  honor  was  given  of  receiv- 
ing the  formal  surrender  of  all  that  remained  of  Lee’s  veterans. 

“ Our  blue  line  of  nine  battered  regiments  was  drawn  up.  and 
stood  at  order  arms,  motionless  as  a blue  wall  tipped  with  steel. 

“The  Confederates  were  soon  seen  advancing;  they  approached 
until  there  was  only  a few  yards’  space  between  us,  and  then  there 
came  the  order  from  their  ranks  : ‘ Halt ! right  dress  ! front  ! ’ and 
the  hitherto  hostile  lines  confronted  each  other  for  the  last  time. 
Then  the  order  came  from  our  general  to  salute  : ‘ Shoulder  arms  ! 
Present  arms  ! ’ The  gray  line  returned  the  salute,  and  the  last  of 
the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  stacked  their  arms,  laid  on  them 
their  battered  equipments  and  bullet-riddled,  weather-stained  colors, 
and  then  breaking  ranks,  sadly  turned  away  to  seek  their  homes. 

“ Many  of  them  tore  little  bits  from  their  loved  flag,  now  laid  away 
forever,  to  keep  as  mementoes,  and  we  sympathized  in  this  expres- 
sion and  did  not  hinder  them.” 


354 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A PRIVATE. 


These  war-worn  men  went  their  way,  never  to  take  up  arms  again 
for  the  mistaken  cause  they  had  defended  so  bravely,  but  to  become 
citizens,  with  us,  of  one  common  republic. 

It  speaks  volumes  for  the  simplicity  of  Grant’s  greatness  that  he 
never  visited  the  lines  of  the  men  he  had  beaten,  or  the  capital  they 
had  defended. 

Thus  ends  our  story  of  war,  of  patriotism,  and  the  surrender  of 
those  who  had  fought  against  the  Union  of  States. 


✓ 


